Recent Constitutional Developments in Egypt
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New Tahrir Square (Planting Democracy)
Hochshule Anhalt (FH) Anhalt University of Applied Sciences Master of Landscape Architecture Anhalt University of Applied Sciences (October, 2013) New Tahrir Square (Planting Democracy) 3URI$OH[DQGHU0.DGHU¿UVWH[DPLQHU%\,VVDP$EG(OODWLI 3URI(LQDU.UHW]OHUVHFRQGH[DPLQHU Master of Landscape Architecture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uthor: Issam Abd Ellatif !esis Title: New Tahrir Square (( PLANTING DEMOCRACY)) Keywords: Cairo, Tahrir, Planting democracy, revolution, February 2011. Abstract: Cairo give its tourists an unbelievable selection of attractions; it is a mixture of old and new as it include many former cities and their monuments.In fact the area of the city can be return to 4225 BC. cairo limited by the desert to the west and east,and the Nile delta to the north, the city is located on both banks and along 40km south to north of the river Nile. !e city centre is full of universities, governmental o#ces, institutions, commercial establishments, and countless hotels, creating a intensive pattern of constant activity. !e ever-busy Tahrir square is one of the major and largest public squares; the centre of the city. It's really di#cult task to come up with a proposal for Tahrir Square, the icon of the Egyptian revolution, which has not $nished yet. I develop proposals and for the tahrir square. Finally, I will present the design for the Egyptian Government, providing ideas, concepts and %at planes. I also propose solutions to current problems, by identifying potentials and taking advantages from them and by creating methods to pursuing these solutions. -
CBC Nir Mar 11.Indd
EGYPT AND THE DAYS OF ANGER Introduction A wind of revolutionary change began communication technologies of social Focus to stir in the small North African media to spread information and rally This News in Review country of Tunisia in December 2010. new supporters to their cause. Mubarak’s story focuses on After enduring years of corruption and government had dealt with protests the revolution that repression at the hands of President before, never hesitating to deploy its occurred in Egypt Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, huge crowds widely feared internal security apparatus in January and took to the streets demanding he step to crush them. But this time, the sheer February 2011. The revolution led to the down. On January 14, 2011, much to size and scope of the demonstrations, and fall of an entrenched their surprise and delight, the protestors their resolutely peaceful tactics, seemed dictatorship and were successful, driving Ben Ali and his to disable the regime. helped to perpetuate family from the country and ushering in For 18 days Egypt, and the world, change across the a new era of democracy. watched as the drama unfolded in Tahrir Middle East and Inspired by the Tunisian example, Square. After a failed attempt by pro- beyond. masses of Egyptians began to congregate Mubarak gangs to drive the protestors in Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo away by force, and after being advised on January 26, 2011. Protesters voiced by the army that it would not fire on its similar demands for democracy and the own people, Mubarak’s position was no resignation of the country’s president, longer tenable. -
Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference After the 25Th of January Revolution)
UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO INTERNACIONAL PÚBLICO Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES TESIS DOCTORAL Egyptian foreign policy (special reference after The 25th of January Revolution) MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTORA PRESENTADA POR Rania Ahmed Hemaid DIRECTOR Najib Abu-Warda Madrid, 2018 © Rania Ahmed Hemaid, 2017 UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID Facultad de Ciencias Políticas Y Socioligía Departamento de Derecho Internacional Público y Relaciones Internacionales Doctoral Program Political Sciences PHD dissertation Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference after The 25th of January Revolution) POLÍTICA EXTERIOR EGIPCIA (ESPECIAL REFERENCIA DESPUÉS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN DEL 25 DE ENERO) Elaborated by Rania Ahmed Hemaid Under the Supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations in the Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid Madrid, 2017 Ph.D. Dissertation Presented to the Complutense University of Madrid for obtaining the doctoral degree in Political Science by Ms. Rania Ahmed Hemaid, under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid. University: Complutense University of Madrid. Department: International Public Law and International Relations (International Studies). Program: Doctorate in Political Science. Director: Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda. Academic Year: 2017 Madrid, 2017 DEDICATION Dedication To my dearest parents may god rest their souls in peace and to my only family my sister whom without her support and love I would not have conducted this piece of work ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgments I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda for the continuous support of my Ph.D. -
Archiving a Revolution in the Digital Age, Archiving As an Act of Resistance
ESSAYS Archiving a Revolution in the Digital Age, Archiving as an Act of Resistance Lara Baladi 010_03 / 28 July 2016 Click the image above to enter Vox Populi: Tahrir Archives, a project by Lara Baladi * Archiving a Revolution in the Digital Age, Archiving as an Act of Resistance From the very first day of the 2011 uprisings in Egypt that toppled president Mubarak, archiving played a central role. During the 18 days of the revolution in Tahrir square, photographing was an act of seeing and recording. Almost simultaneously, because a photograph is intrinsically an archival document, this act of resistance turned into act of archiving history as it unfolded. In the square, revolting was archiving. From the media tent, at the centre of the square, protesters continuously uploaded footage and testimonies, thus reaching out to the rest of the world for solidarity. Artist and activist 1 of 17 h'p://www.ibraaz.org/essays/163 Tarek Hefny[1] created the website Thawra Media,[2] one of the first to host and disseminate as it happened documentation of the uprising. A media revolution also took place in Tahrir when the physical and the virtual space collapsed into one. Tahrir revealed the reality of the streets but also the reality of the virtual world. Friday of Victory, Tahrir Square, Cairo, Egypt, February 2011. Photo Lara Baladi. It was another normal day in September 1996 – a symphony of honking cars, people everywhere, dusty and hot. In the mid-1990s, at the height of the 'Made in China' invasion, I was searching for props in the Mouski, a vast open-air market in the heart of medieval Cairo. -
President Sisi's Delegative Authoritarianism
President Sisi’s Delegative Authoritarianism © 2015 IAI by Robert Springborg ABSTRACT The “coup-volution” of 2011 removed President Mubarak but not his authoritarian regime, which is now guided by his successor, President Abd al Fattah al Sisi. Both autocrats, there are nevertheless important ISSN 2280-4341 | ISBN 978-88-98650-50-7 differences between these two presidents and their respective regimes. Sisi’s tougher authoritarianism is analogous to the Latin American prototype of “delegative democracy,” a stalled phase of democratic institution building in which voters delegate their authority to the president, who rules unconstrained by balance of institutional powers. The primary feature of what in the Egyptian case might better be termed “delegative authoritarianism,” is the decision-making autonomy of the president, who perceives himself as the “embodiment of the nation and the main custodian and definer of its interests.” This results in erratic, inconsistent and ineffective policymaking, which isolates the president yet more from institutions and political forces, while causing the entire polity to be suffused with a deep cynicism. Although the most probable scenario is that Sisi will continue for the foreseeable future as Egypt’s delegative dictator, as a one-man band his regime is inherently unstable and prone to coups, coup-volutions and outright revolutions. Sisi’s Egypt provides an ideal model for the country’s foreign supporters of how civilian control of armed forces can render government more effective in the discharge of -
The Anti-Sexual Harassment Movement in Egypt
Arab Women, Red Lines: The Anti-Sexual Harassment Movement in Egypt by Sophia Sepulveda April 2015 Undergraduate Thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in Middle East Studies at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island Thesis Advisor: Dr. Sa’ed Atshan, Post-doctoral Fellow in International Studies, Brown University Second Reader: Dr. Sherine Hamdy, Faculty Fellow and Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Brown University Contents Acknowledgements 3 Abstract 4 Introduction: 5 Historicizing the Phenomenon in Egypt 7 Chronology 8 Manifestation of Harassment in Egypt 18 Chapter Overviews 23 A Note on Theories 25 Methods and Positionality 25 Chapter One: Tracing the Rise of the Anti-Sexual Harassment Movement in Egypt 30 The International Approach 31 The Contextual Approach Legal Definition of Sexual Harassment in Egypt 34 The National Reaction 37 Chapter Two: Theorizing the Anti-Sexual Harassment Movement in Egypt 49 Problems with RMT 51 New Social Movement Theory and the Egyptian Context 52 Collective Identity of the A-SH Movement 55 The State’s Inevitable Involvement 57 Understanding Movement Impact on Society 60 The Role of Mass Media 61 Innovations in Local Artistic Expression 65 Challenges Within the Authoritarian Context 68 Conclusion: Threats of Foreign Involvement Inappropriate Solutions 76 Perceptions and Risks of Foreign Involvement 79 Sources of Funding 81 Funding of the A-SH Movement 82 Concluding Thoughts 85 References: 88 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank the friends, family, colleagues and advisors who have provided me with tremendous support throughout the thesis-writing process. First, I would like to acknowledge my advisor Sa’ed Atshan, without whom this project would have been impossible. -
Master Thesis
MEASURES BY THE EGYPTIAN GOVERNMENT TO COUNTER THE EXPLOITATION OF (SOCIAL) MEDIA - FACEBOOK AND AL JAZEERA Master Thesis Name: Rajko Smaak Student number: S1441582 Study: Master Crisis and Security Management Date: January 13, 2016 The Hague, The Netherlands Master Thesis: Measures by the Egyptian government to counter the exploitation of (social) media II Leiden University CAPSTONE PROJECT ‘FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION VERSUS FREEDOM FROM INTIMIDATION MEASURES BY THE EGYPTIAN GOVERNMENT TO COUNTER THE EXPLOITATION OF (SOCIAL) MEDIA - FACEBOOK AND AL JAZEERA BY Rajko Smaak S1441582 MASTER THESIS Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Crisis and Security Management at Leiden University, The Hague Campus. January 13, 2016 Leiden, The Netherlands Adviser: Prof. em. Alex P. Schmid Second reader: Dhr. Prof. dr. Edwin Bakker Master Thesis: Measures by the Egyptian government to counter the exploitation of (social) media III Leiden University Master Thesis: Measures by the Egyptian government to counter the exploitation of (social) media IV Leiden University Abstract During the Arab uprisings in 2011, social media played a key role in ousting various regimes in the Middle East and North Africa region. Particularly, social media channel Facebook and TV broadcast Al Jazeera played a major role in ousting Hosni Mubarak, former president of Egypt. Social media channels eases the ability for people to express, formulate, send and perceive messages on political issues. However, some countries demonstrate to react in various forms of direct and indirect control of these media outlets. Whether initiated through regulations or punitive and repressive measures such as imprisonment and censorship of media channels. -
UCLA Historical Journal
UCLA UCLA Historical Journal Title The Iranian Legacy in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution: Military Endurance and US Foreign Policy Priorities Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1k70q34v Journal UCLA Historical Journal, 24(1) ISSN 0276-864X Author Alimagham, Pouya Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Iranian Legacy in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution: Military Endurance and U.S. Foreign Policy Priorities Pouya Alimagham University of Michigan Introduction In the latter half of the twentieth century, militaries have been a major source for change in the Middle East. In 1952, radical nationalist military officers staged the overthrow of the Egyptian monarchy and proclaimed a republic. A year later, the Iranian military, in collusion with the American CIA and the British MI-6, toppled Iran’s democratically-elected government. In the same decade, Iraqi military officers, following on the heels of their Egyptian counterparts, ousted the monarchy in Iraq and, likewise, established a republic. Militaries were indeed a force for radical change and often became the final arbiters of power. However, they also frequently served as stalwart defenders of the status quo. During the 14-month protest movement that evolved into the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the military tried desperately to fend off the protest movement, to the extent that it established a military government two months before the revolution’s triumph and fought until the military’s virtual collapse on 11 February 1979. The Turkish military has, perhaps, the longest track record of intervening in bids to maintain the prevailing order; it has staged four coups in the last half of the twentieth cen- tury (1960, 1971, 1980, 1997).1 The Algerian military, by far the most dominant institution in the country, feared an imminent Islamist victory and canceled the second round of parliamentary elections in early 1992. -
Egypt's Constitution of 2012
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:26 constituteproject.org Egypt's Constitution of 2012 Historical Translated by International IDEA Prepared for distribution on constituteproject.org with content generously provided by International IDEA. This document has been recompiled and reformatted using texts collected in International IDEA's ConstitutionNet. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:26 Table of contents Preamble . 10 Part I: State and Society . 11 Chapter 1: Political principles . 11 Article 2: Religion, language and source of legislation . 12 Article 3: Christian and Jewish religious affairs . 12 Article 4: Al-Azhar . 12 Article 5: Sovereignty . 12 Article 6: Democratic principles . 12 Article 7: The duty to safeguard national security and conscription . 12 Chapter 2: Social and ethical principles . 13 Article 8: Social justice, equality and freedom . 13 Article 9: Safety, security and equal opportunity for all . 13 Article 10: Family as a basis of society . 13 Article 11: Ethics, public morality and public order . 13 Article 12: Cultural and linguistic characteristics of society . 13 Article 13: Institution of civil titles . 13 Chapter 3: Economic Principles . 13 Article 14: The National economy . 13 Article 15: Agriculture . 14 Article 16: Development of the countryside and of the desert . 14 Article 17: Industry . 14 Article 18: Natural resources and the disposition of state property . 14 Article 19: The Nile River and water resources . 14 Article 20: The protection of coasts, seas and waterways . 14 Article 21: The ownership of property . 15 Article 22: The inviolability of public funds . 15 Article 23: Cooperatives . 15 Article 24: Private property . 15 Article 25: Charitable endowments . -
Constitutional Developments in Egypt in 2011
Strasbourg, 27 February 2012 CDL(2012)004 Engl. only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENTS IN EGYPT IN 2011 by Mr Hanafy GEBALY Secretary General of the Union of Arab Constitutional Courts and Councils (UACCC) Vice President of the Supreme Constitutional Court of Egypt This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL(2012)004 - 2 - Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Let me extend a warm welcome to all of you who are attending this Session. It gives me a great pleasure to attend such a wonderful constitutional forum in Venice, especially after I had been elected as a Secretary General of the Union of Arab Constitutional Courts and Councils in its General Assembly in Beirut , Lebanon, held on 24 -26 October 2011. In order to enhance the role played by UACCC in the field of constitutionality control; it undertakes to activate its aims by several practical steps as follows: • Publishing periodical magazine that include researches, legal constitutional studies and the important judgments and decisions issued by the members of the constitutional courts and councils. • Exchanging judgments and decisions rendered by the institutions assuming the constitutionality control. • Convening conferences and seminars to discuss researches and constitutional studies. • Extending co-operation with similar institutions throughout the world especially with Venice Commission according to the Co-operation Agreement signed between Venice Commission and the (UACCC) in Cairo on 24th of June 2008. In this regard, the Union has endeavuored to do its best to: o Activate contributions to the CODICES database. -
Mobilization Under Authoritarian Rule
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Cadmus, EUI Research Repository Bread, Freedom, Human Dignity The Political Economy of Protest Mobilization in Egypt and Tunisia Jana Warkotsch Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, August, 2014 submission European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences Bread, Freedom, Human Dignity The Political Economy of Protest Mobilization in Egypt and Tunisia Jana Warkotsch Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board Professor Donatella della Porta, (EUI Supervisor) Professor Philippe Schmitter, European University Institute Professor Jeff Goodwin, New York University Professor Emma Murphy, Durham University © Jana Warkotsch, 2014 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who accompanied me on the way to completing this thesis and who deserve my heartfelt gratitude. Institutionally, the EUI and my supervisor Donatella della Porta have provided me with the best environment in which to develop my research that I could have hoped for. Many of its scholars and students have provided valuable feedback along the way and its open academic culture allowed for exploring ideas across disciplinary boundaries. In addition, my jury consisting of Philippe Schmitter, Emma Murphy and Jeff Goodwin, provided insightful and thought provoking comments. Thanks also go to the many people that I have met and interviewed along the way, who have provided their time, insights, and personal stories. -
Why Did Egyptian Democratization Fail? Fourteen Experts Respond
Q&A Why Did Egyptian Democratization Fail? Fourteen Experts Respond Edited by Amy Hawthorne and Andrew Miller January 2020 On January 25, 2011, brave Egyptians began pouring into the streets demanding the resignation of strongman President Hosni Mubarak and “bread, freedom, and social justice.” On February 11, in the face of mass protests, the army forced Mubarak to step down, ending his thirty-year dictatorship. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), composed of the military’s top leadership, immediately assumed control over the government, promising a democratic transition. Seventeen months later it grudgingly ceded some power to a freely elected parliament and president from the Muslim Brotherhood. Between Mubarak’s ouster and the military’s July 3, 2013 coup against President Mohamed Morsi, there were moments when a genuine transition to democracy seemed possible. But after the coup, a new military-backed dictatorship took power, led by coup leader and former Minister of Defense Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. His regime has extinguished all politics and taken repression to levels not seen in Egypt in decades. Egyptians and foreign analysts continue to debate what went wrong after February 2011. To add to these reflections, POMED asked 14 experts to respond concisely to the following question: Looking back nine years later, what in your view was the primary reason for the failure of Egypt’s short democratic experiment? We are pleased to publish their responses here. ZEINAB ABUL-MAGD Professor of History at Oberlin College and author of many works on Egypt, including Militarizing the Nation: The Army, Business, and Revolution in Egypt (2017) Post-Mubarak Egypt became a more brutal security state instead of a democracy primarily because the military succeeded in exploiting the hidden powers it had acquired during his regime.