An Institutional Capacity Model for Municipalities in South Africa
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Multilingualism in the Fet Band Schools of Polokwane Area, a Myth Or a Reality
MULTILINGUALISM IN THE FET BAND SCHOOLS OF POLOKWANE AREA, A MYTH OR A REALITY BY MOGODI NTSOANE (2002O8445) SUBMITTED IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE; MASTER OF EDUCATION IN LANGUAGE EDUCATION AT THE UNIVERSITY OF LIMPOPO, SCHOOL OF EDUCATION, FACULTY OF HUMANITIES SUPERVISOR: MONA M.J (MR.) UNIVERSITY OF LIMPOPO PRIVATE BAG X 1106 SOVENGA 0727 LIMPOPO PROVINCE SOUTH AFRICA CHAPTER ONE 1.1 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE LANGUAGE PROBLEM IN SOUTH AFRICA Extract Language prejudice is of two types: positive and negative. Negative prejudice is image effacing. It is characterized by negative evaluation of one’s own language or speech patterns and a preference for someone else’s. An example of this kind of self- -denigration is the case of David Christiaan, the Nama Chief in Namibia, who, in response to the Dutch missionaries’ attempt to open schools that would conduct their teaching using Nama as a medium of instruction, is reported to have shouted, “Only Dutch, Dutch only! I despise myself and I want to hide in the bush when I am talking my Hottentot language” (Vedder, 1981: 275 as quoted in Ohly, 1992:65. In Ambrose, et al (eds.) undated: 15). 1.1.1 Introduction The South African Constitution (1996) and the Language-in-Education Policy (1997) have declared the eleven languages spoken in the country as official. Despite this directive, it remains questionable when it comes to the issue of the language of instruction and indigenous languages in schools. In most cases, the language of instruction becomes an issue with new governments that come into offices in countries that are multilingual. -
A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. -
A Word of Welcome from the Conference Organizer
A word of welcome from the conference organizer Dear conference delegates, Welcome to the Nordic Africa Days 2014 in Uppsala! The Nordic Africa Days (NAD) is the biennial conference which for the past six years has been organized rotatively in each of the Nordic countries. Already since 1969 the Nordic Africa Institute has organised this regular gathering of Nordic scholars studying African issues, and the event has for the past 15 years been formalized under the name of the Nordic Africa Days. The theme of this year’s conference is Misbehaving States and Behaving Citizens? Questions of Governance in African States. We are proud to host two distinguished keynote speakers, Dr Mo Ibrahim and Associate Professor Morten Jerven, addressing the theme from different angles in their speeches entitled “Why Governance Matters” and “Africa by Numbers: Knowledge & Governance”. The conference is funded by long-standing and committed support from the Swedish, Finnish, Norwegian and Icelandic governments. This year, we are also particularly pleased to be able to facilitate participation of about 25 researchers based on the African continent through a generous contribution from Sida (The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency). Providing a platform for Nordic and African researchers to meet and cooperate at NAD is becoming ever more important, in addition to creating a prime meeting place for researchers on Africa within the Nordic region. The main conference venue is Blåsenhus, one of the newest campuses within Uppsala University, situated opposite the Uppsala Castle and surrounded by the Uppsala Botanical Gardens. This particular area of Uppsala has a historical past that goes back 350 years in time and offers many interesting places to visit. -
South Africa
<*x>&&<>Q&$>ee$>Q4><><>&&i<>4><><i^^ South Africa UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA HE political tension of the previous three years in the Union of South TAfrica (see articles on South Africa in the AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, Vols. 51, 52 and 53) broke, during the period under review, into a major constitutional crisis. A struggle began between the legislature and the judi- ciary over the "entrenched clauses" of the South Africa Act, which estab- lished the Union, and over the validity of a law passed last year by Daniel Francois Malan's Nationalist Government to restrict the franchise of "Col- ored" voters in Cape Province in contravention of these provisions. Simul- taneously, non-European (nonwhite) representative bodies started a passive resistance campaign against racially discriminatory legislation enacted by the present and previous South African governments. Resulting unsettled condi- tions in the country combined with world-wide economic trends to produce signs of economic contraction in the Union. The developing political and racial crisis brought foreign correspondents to report at first hand upon conditions in South Africa. Not all their reports were objective: some were characterized by exaggeration and distortion, and some by incorrect data. This applied particularly to charges of Nationalist anti-Semitism made in some reports. E. J. Horwitz, chairman of the South African Jewish Board of Deputies (central representative body of South Afri- can Jewry) in an interview published in Die Transvaler of May 16, 1952, specifically refuted as "devoid of all truth" allegations of such anti-Semitism, made on May 5, 1952, in the American news magazine Time. -
The Current State of the Struggle
The Current State of the Struggle The African National Congress (ANC) and the United Democratic Front (UDF), along with the in dependent black labor unions, are currently leading the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. The ANC, which has spearheaded the liberation struggle in South Africa ever since its inception in 1912 has been banned or outlawed since 1960 and now operates as an exile organization with headqu<h'"ters in Lusaka, Zambia. Despite the ANC's outlawed status,_ due to which it cannot even be legally quoted inside South Africa, the recent upsurge bas witnessed a massive increase in its support. Polls show that it is easily the most popular liberation organization in the country. The UDF, a coalition of over 600 organizations, has emerged over the last two years as the major legal force of internal resistance_ to apartheid inside South Africa. Most of the current protests in South Africa were organized by the UDF. Finally, the growing black labor unions, often working in collaboration with the UDF, have shown through strikes and work stoppages that they now have the power to cripple the ap4rlheid economy. The ANC was formed in 1912 and its program of demands is contained in the Freedom Charter which was adopted in 1955 by the ANC, the South African Congress of Trade Unions, the South African Indian Congress, the Coloured People's Congress, and the Congress of Democrats. The Charter basically calls for the creation of a non-racial democratic South Africa in which the land and the wealth of the country is controlled by the people. -
The Perpetual Motion Machine: National Co-Ordinating Structures and Strategies Addressing Gender-Based Violence in South Africa
THE PERPETUAL MOTION MACHINE: NATIONAL CO-ORDINATING STRUCTURES AND STRATEGIES ADDRESSING GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE IN SOUTH AFRICA A MISTRA WORKING PAPER 11 August 2021 Lisa Vetten Lisa Vetten is a research/project consultant in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Johannesburg and a research associate of the Southern Centre for Inequality Studies based at the University of the Witwatersrand. Her work on gendered forms of violence has ranged across the NGO sector, academia and the bureaucracy, and has encompassed counselling, research and policy development. Abstract Violence, and the ways it is gendered, have long constituted a serious problem in South Africa. In 2000, Cabinet set up the first coordinating structure tasked with developing a plan to combat this violence, and, since 2011, there has been an expanding apparatus of structures, institutions and processes around GBV. They have, however, been founded in a set of generic – even formulaic – prescriptions that ignore the current state of the South African state. As such, the many plans and structures that constitute the machinery to address GBV are characterised by hasty, ad hoc institutional design, unaccountability and wasted endeavour. Contrasting with these managerial processes, are the anger and grief experienced by the many individuals whose lives are affected by GBV. While this has manifested in the proliferation of popular protest by women’s organisations and other formations demanding action from the state, it has not resulted in a disruption to the myriad processes and institutions that constitute the governance machinery surrounding GBV. Struggles between women within the sector have instead resulted in a politics of bad blood which, while not the sum total of the sector’s politics, works in ways that are powerfully divisive. -
22 Terrorism and Governance in South Africa and Eastern Africa
22 Terrorism and governance in South Africa and Eastern Africa Chris Oxtoby and C. H. Powell 1. Introduction Because of its sheer scale, terrorism is seen as the kind of crime which states should prevent rather than prosecute. Many therefore accord the state special leeway against it. Anti-terrorism legislation accordingly cur- tails individual rights, allowing action against terrorist suspects before their guilt is proven. It may also relax the requirements for proving guilt if the suspect gets to court. Proponents of this view argue that any harsh treatment which may result is the price which society has to pay to protect the general public. H e r e w e f nd a paradox of the anti-terrorism debate, because a second argument sees, in this same legislation, protection for the terrorist sus- pects . T is argument accepts that additional powers, beyond those in ordinary criminal and procedural law, may be needed in order to com- bat terrorism. However, it then demands that the government articulate exactly when these powers will arise and what their extent will be. Under such an argument, legislation must def ne clearly what terrorism is and establish the limits of executive action against it. In this way, the govern- ment will be constrained by the anti-terrorism legislation, rather than acting extra-legally, and its exercise of power will be subject to review. In this chapter, we explore this debate in the context of the anti- terrorism programme of four African states: South Africa and the East T e authors would like to thank Anton du -
(IPADA) Conference Proceedings 2017
Conference Proceedings Published by the INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND DEVELOPMENT ALTERNATIVES (IPADA) The 2nd Annual Conference on ‛‛ The Independence of African States in the Age of Globalisation” ISBN: 978-620-73782-1 (Print) ISBN: 978-0-620-73783-8 (e-book) EDITORS Prof MP Sebola, University of Limpopo Prof JP Tsheola, University of Limpopo Tlotlo Hotel and Conference Centre, Gaborone, Botswana July 26-28, 2017 Editorial Committee Prof MP Sebola, University of Limpopo Dr RM Mukonza, Tshwane University of Technology Dr KB Dipholo, University of Botswana Dr YF April, Human Sciences Research Council Dr KN Motubatse, Tshwane University of Technology Editorial Board Prof SR Malefane, University of South Africa Dr B Mothusi, University of Botswana Dr MDJ Matshabaphala, University of Witwatersrand Prof CC Ngwakwe, University of Limpopo Prof O Mtapuri, University of KwaZulu-Natal Dr LB Mzini, North West University Prof L de W Fourie, Unitech of New Zealand Prof M Marobela, University of Botswana Prof BC Basheka, Uganda Technology and Management University Dr RB Namara, Uganda Management Institute Dr M. Maleka, Tshwane University of Technology Prof KO Odeku, University of Limpopo Prof RS Masango, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University Prof O Fatoki, University of Limpopo Dr S Kyohairwe, Uganda Management Institute Dr A Asha, University of Limpopo Dr J Coetzee, Polytechnic of Namibia Dr MT Makhura, Land Bank of South Africa Prof Jumbo, University of Venda Dr E Bwalya, University of Botswana Prof EK, Botlhale, University -
Deadly Delay: South Africa's Efforts to Prevent HIV in Survivors of Sexual Violence
Human Rights Watch March 2004, Vol. 16, No. 3 (A) Deadly Delay: South Africa's Efforts to Prevent HIV in Survivors of Sexual Violence I. Summary ..................................................................................................................................... 1 II. Recommendations ................................................................................................................... 3 To the Government of South Africa..................................................................................... 3 Institutional and Programmatic Measures ........................................................................ 3 Legal and Policy Measures .................................................................................................. 5 To Donors and Regional and International Organizations ........................................... 7 III. Methods................................................................................................................................... 7 IV. Background: HIV/AIDS and Sexual Violence in South Africa...................................... 8 HIV/AIDS in South Africa .................................................................................................... 8 Sexual Violence Against Women and Girls in South Africa.............................................. 9 The Role of Gender-Specific Violence in HIV Transmission.........................................11 Preventing HIV After Sexual Violence Through HIV Post-Exposure Prophylaxis....13 Antiretroviral Drug -
Shaping the Future of Africa with the People 1 Declarations and Resolutions
2015 Johannesburg SHAPING THE FUTURE OF AF2015RICA JOHANNESBURG WITH | SHAPING THE THE FUTURE PEOPLE OF AFRICA WITH THE PEOPLE i The 7th edition of the Africities Summit took place at the Sandton Convention Centre, Johannesburg, South Africa from 29 November to 3 December 2015. The Summit was convened by the United Cities and Local Governments of Africa and hosted by the City of Johannesburg, the South African Local Government Association and the South African Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs. This report has been compiled by the South African Cities Network. cooperative governance Department: Cooperative Governance REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA Contents Declarations and Resolutions 2 PART 1 Introduction 3 1.1 The African Context 4 PART 2 Overview of Africities 7 2.1 Theme of Africities 7 Summit 8 2.2 Objectives of Africities 7 9 2.3 Africities 7 Sessions 9 2.4 The 12 Lessons of Africities 10 PART 3 The Speeches 13 PART 4 Achieving the Future of Agenda 2063 42 4.1 Exploration of Possible Futures 43 4.2 The Formulation of Strategies 45 PART 5 The Contribution of African Local Governments to Achieving the Agenda 2063 49 5.1 Challenges and Opportunities 49 5.2 Women’s Voices on the Implementation of the Agenda 2063 53 5.3 Tripartite Discussion 54 5.4 Political Resolutions and Commitments 56 5.5 Concluding Resolutions 57 5.6 Other Declarations 61 PART 6 Experience of Local Government and Partners 65 6.1 The South African Cities Network (SACN) Sessions 65 6.2 UCLG Africa Sessions 80 6.3 Stakeholder Sessions 99 6.4 Partner -
A1132-C270-001-Jpeg.Pdf
faJUtl&fp j y ^ V No. 4 ' Weekly Edition REPU^lC OF SOUTH AFRICA ^ HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY DEBATES (HAN S ARsQ) THIRD SESSION — THIRD PARLIAMENT 26th FEBRUARY to 1st MARCH, 1968 The sign * indicates that the speech was delivered in Afrikaans and then translated. Where both official languages are used in the same ministerial speech, t indicates the original and * the translated version. CONTENTS Stages of Bills taken without debate are not indicated below COL. NO. COL. NO. M onday, 26th February Births, Marriages and Deaths Registra tion Amendment Bill—Second Human Sciences Research Bill—Com Reading ............................................ 1220 mittee ............................................... 1119 Wine and Spirits Control Amendment Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Amend Bill—Second Reading ..................... 1229 ment Bill—Third Reading .............. 1120 Bantu Administration by Local Authori Indians Advanced Technical Education ties—Motion .................................... 1231 Bill—Committee ............................. 1123 South African Indian Council Bill—Sec W ednesday, 28th F ebruary ond Reading.................................... 1124 Report of Commission of Enquiry into Wine. Other Fermented Beverages and Improper Political Interference and Spirits Amendment Bill—Second Political Representation of the Reading............................................ 1156 Various Population Group s— Waterval River (Lydenburg) Bill—Sec Motion ............................................. 1265 ond Reading ................................... -
Africa Uprising? the Protests, the Drivers, the Outcomes by Valerie Arnould, Aleksandra Tor and Alice Vervaeke
33 2016 Themba Hadebe/AP/SIPA Africa uprising? The protests, the drivers, the outcomes by Valerie Arnould, Aleksandra Tor and Alice Vervaeke Political and social protests across the African con- To what extent can this surge challenge sitting gov- tinent have garnered much attention over the past ernments or even be the harbinger of broader so- year. Ethiopia has been rocked by mass street pro- cial and political change on the continent? tests across its Oromia and Amhara regions over grievances about political exclusion, which gained The historical pattern global prominence when an Ethiopian athlete at the Olympic Games in Brazil made a gesture While the recent spike is notable, Africa has a long (wrists crossed above his head) which has come to history of mass street protests. Colonial powers symbolise the demonstrations. Elsewhere, South faced opposition from national liberation move- Africa has witnessed large-scale and persistent stu- ments, as well as strikes by labour unions and dent unrest at campuses across the country over street demonstrations by disenfranchised urban tuition fees and demands to ‘decolonise’ universi- populations. After independence, both political ties, resulting in significant disruption to the aca- protests and economic strikes continued intermit- demic year and damage to property. Meanwhile, tently, driven by discontent over the dominance of highly-contested electoral processes saw protests one-party rule and dictatorships, as well as wors- break out in the Democratic Republic of the Congo ening economic conditions and draconian auster- (DRC), Gabon, and Uganda. Even countries such ity measures. as Chad, Angola and Zimbabwe – which tradition- ally see few protests because of the tightly con- Protests gained particular prominence in the late trolled nature of the public space – experienced 1980s and 1990s, and have been credited with large-scale public unrest.