Not Yet Uhuru” - the Usurpation of the Liberation

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Not Yet Uhuru” - the Usurpation of the Liberation “Not Yet Uhuru” - The Usurpation of the Liberation Aspirations of South Africa’s Masses by a Commitment to Liberal Constitutional Democracy By Sanele Sibanda A thesis submitted to the School of Law, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the supervision of Professor Heinz Klug and Professor Stuart Woolman. 21 November 2018 Declaration I declare that this thesis is my own unaided work. It is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. It has not been submitted before for any other degree or examination at any other university. ___________________________________ Signature __________________________________ Student number 21 November 2018 ii Abstract At the heart of this study is the idea of constitutionalism; its promise, conception and deployment in South Africa’s post-apartheid constitutional discourse; and ultimately the need for its re-imagination if it is to be part of advancing a truly decolonising liberatory project. A core premise of this study is that there exists, in post-apartheid South Africa, a stark discursive disjuncture between what has emerged as a hegemonic liberal democratic constitutional discourse and the discourse of liberation that served as the ideological pivot of the anti- colonial struggles. Animated by this premise, this study asks why it is that liberation as a framing set of ideas has either played no part or exerted so little obvious influence on how post-apartheid South Africa self-comprehends and organises itself in constitutive terms? Recognising that the formal end of colonial-apartheid as a system in 1994 inaugurated a seismic shift in the country’s constitutional discourse as the notion of constitutionalism took centre stage, this study seeks to problematize this idea by examining its underlying assumptions, connotations and import as deployed in mainstream South African academic and public discourses. In doing this the study aspires to offer a novel perspective that shifts the fixity of the conceptualisation of constitutionalism by amplifying the point that how one chooses to conceptualise constitutionalism has profound implications for what one understands to be the function, scope, ambition and possibility of a constitution. Crucially, the study seeks to advance a historicised, yet non-ideological understanding of the emergence of modern constitutionalism. This, the study argues, is necessary if the real constitutive work and worth of constitutions of different types and thrusts is to remain open to critical engagement as well as fostering the possibility of constitutional imaginings of new, different forms of society or social ordering. As the study works towards responding to the core question it poses, it embarks upon a critical historiography of South African constitutionalism from the 1910 Union constitution to the present one. It does this in an attempt to demonstrate that some of the challenges faced by the current constitution are, profoundly influenced, if not directly produced, by legal, structural, cultural and economic continuities rooted in the past, with race being a central axis around which South African constitutionalism has been imagined, enacted, opposed and resisted. In so doing, the study seeks to demonstrate that despite the indisputable paradigmatic shift ushered in by the fall of colonial-apartheid, on current evidence that shift has been unable to displace nor disrupt iii the many continuities that remain stubbornly etched into the South Africa’s constitutive DNA inherited from earlier racially exclusive and exploitative constitutional expressions. Engaging South African constitutionalism from a critical historical perspective, the study turns its attention to the emergence and eventual ascendance of transformative constitutionalism as arguably the mainstream conception of contemporary South African constitutionalism. The study argues that transformative constitutionalism, whilst claiming radical far reaching means and ends, has established limited intellectual and programmatic horizons focused on litigation. From within this discourse, it is argued, there is little or no evidence of other work directed at inculcating institutional or structural power shifts or innovations beyond the courts and lawyering. Ultimately, the study argues that transformative constitutionalism is an inadequate framework through which we can begin reimagining South African constitutionalism and its attendant political, social and cultural dynamics in a more emancipatory and inclusive ways. Finally, in light of the discursive disjuncture identified earlier, the study concludes by turning its attention to the notion of liberation. It does this in an attempt to reveal liberation thought’s constitutive potentialities through its political, social, economic, and cultural dimensions that exist as the epistemic underpinnings of the visions of liberated societies and states as imagined and put forward by the like of Steve Biko, Amilcar Cabral and Frantz Fanon amongst others. Keywords Constitutionalism, transformation, liberation, critical historicism, imagination, emancipation, culture, transformative constitutionalism, liberal democracy iv Dedication I dedicate this work to: Leonora Nomampondo and Siwanda Kennedy Mbuso Sibanda, my parents without whose nurturing love, sacrifice and unending support none of this would have been possible. If I have managed to be only half of what you have meant to me then I will have been a worthy son! Sandiso ‘Lord Kozras’ Sibanda, my brother you may have long departed this earth but your spirit and love accompanies me always! Bethuel Setai, daddy, you were and always will be an inspiration, you remain sorely missed. v Acknowledgements The dissertation or the ‘D’ project has been a long time in its formulation and it seems even longer in its writing. There were times when it felt like it might never be completed, let alone hang together as a coherent and, hopefully, thought-provoking whole of which I am immensely proud. To achieve this I must at the outset express my deep and heartfelt gratitude to my supervisors Professors Heinz Klug and Stuart ‘Stu’ Woolman. First, Stu, I remain enormously grateful for recognizing and encouraging my project early on all those years ago at Constitution Hill. Then it was little more than a set of theoretically unmoored critical musings about South African constitutionalism at a time when it was near taboo to think let alone utter such thoughts. Thank you for the, ‘cawfees,’ the rich conversations, and ultimately the belief and freedom you gave me to explore my ideas on my own terms. I remain thankful for the many years of friendship and unwavering support, I often wonder where I would be without it. Second, Heinz, from your invitation to me to spend time in Madison working on the ‘D’ to your coming on board as a co-supervisor later in my project, your immense generosity with your time, experience and wisdom has characterized our interactions. Your belief, encouragement and guidance, particularly in the final stages of writing have been invaluable, enriching and overall inspiring. Words cannot quite convey my appreciation for your coming on board formally when you did as days looked dark! A project that from conception through gestation to birth that takes shape over many years and gets executed across 3 continents accumulates a lot of debts of various kinds along the way; of course, equally one has the opportunity to make and grow enriching life-long connections and friendships. The scale and ambition of my project was such that the thinking work that it necessitated could not have been done without the help of some of the most generous, brilliant and critical of interlocutors, sparring partners and sounding boards along the way. In this respect I take time to thank some of them. My most faithful, long standing sparring partner, my brother Tshepo Madlingozi, we have been through a lot together and on this journey you were ever true, too too many things to mention. I have learnt so much from you over the years, you are an inspiration and your brother’s keeper! Bhuti wam’, Chaka Uzondu, from a distance you kept me focused as you listened, read and critiqued carefully; most crucially our talks helped me to crystallise many a messy or vi inchoate thought. My sister Bernadette Atuahene aka the ‘queen of bonanza’, the Chicago trips, the hard work before the salsa parties, the conversations and the insights you shared kept me going even when I doubted myself. Cynthia Farid, I really don’t think you know exactly how much our conversations, the sharing of ideas and struggling through the writing together influenced my approach to my D. Gay Seidman, you kept me intellectually stimulated, as well as emotionally and physically nourished; your generosity, kindness and the incredible conversations over dinners at yours and Heinz’s meant so much to me, I can never say thank you enough. Sue Stanton, my dear friend and writing partner, the coffee and toil at Barriques has finally paid off, you and Cady helped me to feel connected to family and grounded in Madison. Jonathan Klaaren, I do not take your support, encouragement and engagement over the years for granted, your generous and insightful comments were so timely. Charmika Samaradiwakera-Wijesundara, your friendship, courage as thinker and belief in my project have propped me up in ways you cannot imagine, you’ve been my ultimate ‘wingman’ on much of this journey. Joel Modiri, somehow it feels like you were always there (even when you weren’t), thinking, debating, probing, offering new insights and readings; your generosity of spirit is only matched by your brilliance as a thinker. Sabelo Sibanda, my sage of a brother, I think if I am honest none of this would have come to me had you not taken me deep into Pan-Afrikan ideas and taught me think critically about the debilitating work of cultural domination and its corollary of cultural sovereignty all those years ago. Silindiwe Sibanda, my sister and outstanding editor, you were literally my rock when the editing looked set to drive me over the edge.
Recommended publications
  • Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
    Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
    FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews.
    [Show full text]
  • A Word of Welcome from the Conference Organizer
    A word of welcome from the conference organizer Dear conference delegates, Welcome to the Nordic Africa Days 2014 in Uppsala! The Nordic Africa Days (NAD) is the biennial conference which for the past six years has been organized rotatively in each of the Nordic countries. Already since 1969 the Nordic Africa Institute has organised this regular gathering of Nordic scholars studying African issues, and the event has for the past 15 years been formalized under the name of the Nordic Africa Days. The theme of this year’s conference is Misbehaving States and Behaving Citizens? Questions of Governance in African States. We are proud to host two distinguished keynote speakers, Dr Mo Ibrahim and Associate Professor Morten Jerven, addressing the theme from different angles in their speeches entitled “Why Governance Matters” and “Africa by Numbers: Knowledge & Governance”. The conference is funded by long-standing and committed support from the Swedish, Finnish, Norwegian and Icelandic governments. This year, we are also particularly pleased to be able to facilitate participation of about 25 researchers based on the African continent through a generous contribution from Sida (The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency). Providing a platform for Nordic and African researchers to meet and cooperate at NAD is becoming ever more important, in addition to creating a prime meeting place for researchers on Africa within the Nordic region. The main conference venue is Blåsenhus, one of the newest campuses within Uppsala University, situated opposite the Uppsala Castle and surrounded by the Uppsala Botanical Gardens. This particular area of Uppsala has a historical past that goes back 350 years in time and offers many interesting places to visit.
    [Show full text]
  • The Current State of the Struggle
    The Current State of the Struggle The African National Congress (ANC) and the United Democratic Front (UDF), along with the in­ dependent black labor unions, are currently leading the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. The ANC, which has spearheaded the liberation struggle in South Africa ever since its inception in 1912 has been banned or outlawed since 1960 and now operates as an exile organization with headqu<h'"ters in Lusaka, Zambia. Despite the ANC's outlawed status,_ due to which it cannot even be legally quoted inside South Africa, the recent upsurge bas witnessed a massive increase in its support. Polls show that it is easily the most popular liberation organization in the country. The UDF, a coalition of over 600 organizations, has emerged over the last two years as the major legal force of internal resistance_ to apartheid inside South Africa. Most of the current protests in South Africa were organized by the UDF. Finally, the growing black labor unions, often working in collaboration with the UDF, have shown through strikes and work stoppages that they now have the power to cripple the ap4rlheid economy. The ANC was formed in 1912 and its program of demands is contained in the Freedom Charter which was adopted in 1955 by the ANC, the South African Congress of Trade Unions, the South African Indian Congress, the Coloured People's Congress, and the Congress of Democrats. The Charter basically calls for the creation of a non-racial democratic South Africa in which the land and the wealth of the country is controlled by the people.
    [Show full text]
  • 31 May 1995 CONSTITUTIONAL ASSEMBLY NATIONAL
    31 May 1995 CONSTITUTIONAL ASSEMBLY NATIONAL WORKSHOP AND PUBLIC HEARING FOR WOMEN - 2-4 JUNE 1995 The Council's representative at the abovementioned hearing will be Mrs Eva Mahlangu, a teacher at the Filadelfia Secondary School for children with disabilities, Eva has a disability herself. We thank you for the opportunity to comment. It is Council's opinion that many women are disabled because of neglect, abuse and violence and should be protected. Further more Women with Disabilities are one of the most marginalised groups and need to be empowered to take their rightful place in society. According to the United Nations World Programme of Action Concerning Disable Persons: "The consequences of deficiencies and disablement are particularly serious for women. There are a great many countries where women are subjected to social, cultural and economic disadvantages which impede their access to, for example, health care, education, vocational training and employment. If, in addition, they are physically or mentally disabled their chances of overcoming their disablement are diminished, which makes it all the more difficult for them to take part in community life. In families, the responsibility for caring for a disabled parent often lies with women, which considerably limits their freedom and their possibilities of taking part in other activities". The Nairobi Plan of Action for the 1990's also states: Disabled women all over the world are subject to dual discrimination: first, their gender assigns them second-class citizenship; then they are further devalued because of the negative and limited ways the world perceives people with disabilities. Legislation shall guarantee the rights of disabled women to be educated and make decisions about pregnancy, motherhood, adoption, and any medical procedure which affects their ability to reproduce.
    [Show full text]
  • Feesmustfall and Student Protests in Post-Apartheid South Africa Dillon Bergin University of Pennsylvania
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Penn Humanities Forum Undergraduate Research Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2018-2019: Stuff Fellows 5-2019 Writing, Righting, and Rioting: #FeesMustFall and Student Protests in Post-Apartheid South Africa Dillon Bergin University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2019 Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Bergin, Dillon, "Writing, Righting, and Rioting: #FeesMustFall and Student Protests in Post-Apartheid South Africa" (2019). Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2018-2019: Stuff. 8. https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2019/8 This paper was part of the 2018-2019 Penn Humanities Forum on Stuff. Find out more at http://wolfhumanities.upenn.edu/annual-topics/stuff. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2019/8 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Writing, Righting, and Rioting: #FeesMustFall and Student Protests in Post-Apartheid South Africa Disciplines Arts and Humanities Comments This paper was part of the 2018-2019 Penn Humanities Forum on Stuff. Find out more at http://wolfhumanities.upenn.edu/annual-topics/stuff. This thesis or dissertation is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2019/8 University of Pennsylvania Spring 2019 Department of Comparative Literature and Literary Theory Honors Thesis Thesis Adviser: Rita Barnard Writing, Righting, and Rioting: #FeesMustFall and Student Protests in Post-Apartheid South Africa Submitted by: Dillon Bergin 4043 Iriving St. 19104 Philadelphia, PA [email protected] 2018–2019 Wolf Humanities Center Undergraduate Research Fellow If the university does not take seriously and rigorously its role as a guardian of wider civic freedoms, as interrogator of more and more complex ethical problems, as servant and preserver of deeper democratic practices, then some other regime or ménage of regimes will do it for us, in spite of us, without us.
    [Show full text]
  • Relocation, Relocation, Marginalisation: Development, and Grassroots Struggles to Transform Politics in Urban South Africa
    Photos from: Abahlali baseMjondolo website: www.abahlali.org and Fifa website: Relocation,http://www.fifa.com/worldcup/organisation/ticketing/stadiums/stadium=5018127/ relocation, marginalisation: development, and grassroots struggles to transform politics in urban south africa. 1 Dan Wilcockson. An independent study dissertation, submitted to the university of derby in partial fulfilment of requirements for the degree of bachelor of science. Single honours in third world development. Course code: L9L3. March 2010 Relocation, relocation, marginalisation: development, and grassroots struggles to transform politics in urban south africa. Abstract 2 Society in post-apartheid South Africa is highly polarised. Although racial apartheid ended in 1994, this paper shows that an economic and spatial apartheid is still in place. The country has been neoliberalised, and this paper concludes that a virtual democracy is in place, where the poor are excluded from decision-making. Urban shack-dwellers are constantly under threat of being evicted (often illegally) and relocated to peri-urban areas, where they become further marginalised. The further away from city centres they live, the less employment and education opportunities are available to them. The African National Congress (ANC) government claims to be moving the shack-dwellers to decent housing with better facilities, although there have been claims that these houses are of poor quality, and that they are in marginal areas where transport is far too expensive for residents to commute to the city for employment. The ANC is promoting ‘World Class Cities’, trying to facilitate economic growth by encouraging investment. They are spending much on the 2010 World Cup, and have been using the language of ‘slum elimination’.
    [Show full text]
  • 22 Terrorism and Governance in South Africa and Eastern Africa
    22 Terrorism and governance in South Africa and Eastern Africa Chris Oxtoby and C. H. Powell 1. Introduction Because of its sheer scale, terrorism is seen as the kind of crime which states should prevent rather than prosecute. Many therefore accord the state special leeway against it. Anti-terrorism legislation accordingly cur- tails individual rights, allowing action against terrorist suspects before their guilt is proven. It may also relax the requirements for proving guilt if the suspect gets to court. Proponents of this view argue that any harsh treatment which may result is the price which society has to pay to protect the general public. H e r e w e f nd a paradox of the anti-terrorism debate, because a second argument sees, in this same legislation, protection for the terrorist sus- pects . T is argument accepts that additional powers, beyond those in ordinary criminal and procedural law, may be needed in order to com- bat terrorism. However, it then demands that the government articulate exactly when these powers will arise and what their extent will be. Under such an argument, legislation must def ne clearly what terrorism is and establish the limits of executive action against it. In this way, the govern- ment will be constrained by the anti-terrorism legislation, rather than acting extra-legally, and its exercise of power will be subject to review. In this chapter, we explore this debate in the context of the anti- terrorism programme of four African states: South Africa and the East T e authors would like to thank Anton du
    [Show full text]
  • 4 Chapter Four: the African Ubuntu Philosophy
    4 CHAPTER FOUR: THE AFRICAN UBUNTU PHILOSOPHY A person is a person through other persons. None of us comes into the world fully formed. We would not know how to think, or walk, or speak, or behave as human beings unless we learned it from other human beings. We need other human beings in order to be human. (Tutu, 2004:25). 4.1 INTRODUCTION Management practices and policies are not an entirely internal organisational matter, as various factors beyond the formal boundary of an organisation may be at least equally influential in an organisation’s survival. In this study, society, which includes the local community and its socio-cultural elements, is recognised as one of the main external stakeholders of an organisation (see the conceptual framework in Figure 1, on p. 7). Aside from society, organisations are linked to ecological systems that provide natural resources as another form of capital. As Section 3.5.13 shows, one of the most important limitations of the Balanced Scorecard model is that it does not integrate socio-cultural dimensions into its conceptual framework (Voelpel et al., 2006:51). The model’s perspectives do not explicitly address issues such as the society or the community within which an organisation operates. In an African framework, taking into account the local socio-cultural dimensions is critical for organisational performance and the ultimate success of an organisation. Hence, it is necessary to review this component of corporate performance critically before effecting any measures, such as redesigning the generic Balanced Scorecard model. This chapter examines the first set of humanist performance systems, as shown in Figure 11, overleaf.
    [Show full text]
  • Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid
    Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid Governance By Elene Cloete Ó 2017 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Anthropology and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________ Chairperson John M. Janzen, Ph.D. ________________________________ Hannah E. Britton, Ph.D. ________________________________ Donald D. Stull, Ph.D. ________________________________ Elizabeth L. MacGonagle, Ph.D. ________________________________ Byron Caminero-Santangelo, Ph.D. Date Defended: May 17, 2017 The Dissertation Committee for Elene Cloete certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid Governance _______________________________ Chairperson John M. Janzen Date approved: May 17, 2017 ii Abstract South Africa’s heralded democratic transition digressed from its 1994 euphoric optimism to a current state of public discontent. This stems from rising unemployment, persistent structural inequality, and a disappointment in the African National Congress-led government’s inability to bring true social and economic transformation to fruition. While some scholars attribute this socioeconomic and political predicament to the country’s former regimes, others draw close correlations between the country’s post-apartheid predicament, ANC leadership, and the country’s official adoption of neoliberal economic policies in 1996. Central to this post-euphoric moment is the country’s Born-Free generation, particularly Black youth, coming of political age in an era of supposed political freedom, social equality, and economic opportunities. But recent student movements evidence young people’s disillusionment with the country’s democratic transition. Such disillusionment is not unfounded, considering the 35% youth unemployment rate and questionable standards in primary education.
    [Show full text]
  • One Nation, One Beer: the Mythology of the New South Africa in Advertising
    1 ONE NATION, ONE BEER: THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE NEW SOUTH AFRICA IN ADVERTISING A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg Sarah Britten 2 I declare that this is my own unaided work. It is in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. It has not been submitted for any other degree or examination or to any other university. ________________ Sarah Britten 27 October 2005 The University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg 3 Acknowledgements Since I started on this thesis, I have worked at four jobs (one in PR, three in advertising), dated two boyfriends (one of them a professional psychic), published two novels for young adult readers, endured two car accidents (neither of them my fault), rescued two feral cats and married one husband. I ha ve lost count of the nervous breakdowns I was convinced were immanent or the Sunday evenings I spent wracked with guilt over my failure to put in enough work on the thesis over the weekend. When I started on this project in June 1998, I was a full time student wafting about without any apparent purpose in life. Now that I am finally putting this magnum opus to bed, I find that I have turned into a corporate animal saddled with car payments and timesheets and stress over PowerPoint presentations. “Get your PhD out of the way before you get married and have kids,” my elders told me.
    [Show full text]
  • ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I Would
    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to record and extend my indebtedness, sincerest gratitude and thanks to the following people: * Mr G J Bradshaw and Ms A Nel Weldrick for their professional assistance, guidance and patience throughout the course of this study. * My colleagues, Ms M M Khumalo, Mr I M Biyela and Mr L P Mafokoane for their guidance and inspiration which made the completion of this study possible. " Dr A A M Rossouw for the advice he provided during our lengthy interview and to Ms L Snodgrass, the Conflict Management Programme Co-ordinator. " Mrs Sue Jefferys (UPE) for typing and editing this work. " Unibank, Edu-Loan (C J de Swardt) and Vodakom for their financial assistance throughout this work. " My friends and neighbours who were always available when I needed them, and who assisted me through some very frustrating times. " And last and by no means least my wife, Nelisiwe and my three children, Mpendulo, Gabisile and Ntuthuko for their unconditional love, support and encouragement throughout the course of this study. Even though they were not practically involved in what I was doing, their support was always strong and motivating. DEDICATION To my late father, Enock Vumbu and my brother Gcina Esau. We Must always look to the future. Tomorrow is the time that gives a man or a country just one more chance. Tomorrow is the most important think in life. It comes into us very clean (Author unknow) ALPHABETICAL LISTING OF ABBREVIATIONS/ ACRONYMS USED ANC = African National Congress AZAPO = Azanian African Peoples
    [Show full text]