OHIO ALLEY EDITORIAL BOARD

HIS'/ORY · STAFF Compton Allyn Christine 1..Heyrman joseph R Reidy Cincimiati Museum Center Editors University of Delaware Howard University History Advisory Board Wayne K. Durrill J. Blaine Hudson Steven J. Ross Christopher Phillips Stephen Aron University of 1 ouisuille University of ilitbern Department of History University of Califoynia Califwma R. Douglas Hurt University of Cincinnati al Los Angeles Iowa State University Harry N. Scheiber Joan E. Cashin University of Calif,) Managing Editors James C. Klotter rnia Obio State Umversity Berkeley Jennifer Reiss Georgetown College at The Filson Historical Society Andrew R. L. Cayton Steven M. S[o,ve Bruce I.evine Mioinj University indiana Uliwer:ity Ruby Rogers University of California Cincinnati Museum Center R. David Edmunds at Santa Ci·Hz Roger D. Tate University of Texas at Dallas Somerset Commitility Editon'at Assistant Zane L. Miller College Kelly Wright Ellen T. Eslinger Ultiversit,of Cincinnati DePatil Uiliversity Joe W.Trotter,Jr. Department of History Elizabeth A. Perkins University of Cilicilinati Caniegie Mellon University Craig T Friend Centre College University of Central Florida Altina Waller A. Ramage James University of Connecticut Northern Kentucky U,iiversity

C]NCINNATI MUSEUM CENTER THE F[i.SON HIS7'ORICAL

BOARD OF TRUSTEES SOC[ETY BOAR!)01: DIRECTORS

Cbair Helen Black Robert E Kistinger President H. C. Buck Niehoff David Bohi Laura Long Dr. R. Ted Steinbock Ronald D. Brown Steven R. Love Past Chair Vice-President Otto M. Budig,Jr. Craig Maier Valerie L. Newell Emily S. Bingham Brian Carley Shenan R Murphy Chairs Vice Richard 0. Coleman Robert Olson Secretary-Treasurer Ken Lowe Bob Coughlin Scott Robertson Henry Ormsby Greg Kenny Diane L. 1)ewbrey Elizabeth York Schiff Director Ronald Tysoe Mai·tint R. Dunn Steve C. Steinman Mark V. Wetherington Jane Garvey Jane Garvey Merrie Stewart Stillpass Turney R Berry Treasurer Charles H. Gerhardt, 111 John T. Taylor Sandra A. Frazier Dee Gettler James L. Turner William C. Port:nan, ll[ Michael N. Harreld Leslie Hardy George H. Vincent Secirtaiy J. Blaine Hudson R. Keith Harrison Charles Westheimer Jennifer R Mooney Daniel H. Jones John W. Hauck Margaret Barr Kulp President and CEO Mark J. H auser Thomas T. Noland,Jr. Douglass W.McDonald Timothy E. Hoberg Barbara Rodes Robinson

Vice President of Museums Nicholas X. Simon John E. Fleming j. Walker Suites, Ill Dace Brown Stubbs

David Y.Wood Ronald R. Van Stockum,Jr.

Ohio Valley History SSN([ Societ>·,1310 S. Third Street, Department oi History, subscripnon to Ohio Valley 746-3472) is published in Louisville, Kenrucky,40208. University of Cincinnati. 1 Iistory. Back issues are $8.00. Cincinnati, Ohio,and Editorial Offices located at Cincinnati Museum Center and For more inforni.ltion on Cincinnati Museum Center, Louisville, Kennucky,by the University of Cincinnari, The Filson Historical Sociay are Cincinnati Museum Center and Circinnari, Ohio,45221 0373.- private non-proh[organizations ncluding membership,visir The Filson Historical Society. Contact the cdiroria[offices ar supported almost encirely by www.:incyniuseum,org or call 513-287-7000 1-SOO-733-2077. Periodical postage paid at [email protected] or gifts,grants, sponsorships, or durrilwk@email. edu. For information The Cincinnati, Ohio, with an iic. admission and membership fees. more on Filson Historical Society, addirionwl entry a[ Louisville, Ohio Valley Hstory is a Memberships oi Cincinnati Kentucky collabora[ion of The Filson History Museum ar Cincinnati including membership,visit The Filson Postinaster send address Historical Society, Cincinnati Museum Center or www.filsonhistorical.org or call 502-635-5083. changes zo The Fitson Hisrorical Museum Cenrer,and the Historical Society include a

0 C.inci„„a[i Muctim Center and 7-be Filso„HistoricnI Society 2003.

OHIO VALLEY HISTORY OHIO VALLEY HISTORY

Volume 3, Number 3, Fa]12003

A Journal of the History and Culture of the Ohio Valley and the Upper South,published in Cincinnati, Ohio, and Louisville, Kentucky,by Cincinnati Museum Center and The Filson Historical Society, Inc.

Contents

mischief which the Indians It is the cause of all suffer':Native Americans and Alcohol Abuse

in the Old Northwest Randy Mills 3

Religion in the Classroom: The Great Bible Wars in Nineteenth Century Cincinnati 17 Margaret DePal*na

It Was North of Tennessee':African

American Migration to Louisville and the Meaning of the South Luther Adams 37

Transylvania University President Horace

Holley's Carriage Journey from Connecticut to Kentucky in 1822 I. B. Holley 53

Reviews 73

Cover:View of 84 Cincinnati from the Upcoming Events Kentucky shore. Tbe Filson Historical Society

1 FALL 2003 Contributors

RANDY Mn.I.S is Professor of History at Oakland City University in Oakland City,Indiana. This is his second published article in

0bio Valley Histc,ry.

MARGARET DEPALMA is an independent scholar living in Washington,D.C. She received her Ph.D. in history from Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. Her article derives from her book,

Dialogue on tbe Frontier:Catholic and Protestant Relations, 1793-1883, forthcoming from Kent State University Press.

LUTHER ADAMS is Assistant Professor of History at the University of Washington at Tacoma. This article is derived from a paper presented at the Filson Institute for the Advanced Study of Kentucky,the Ohio Vglley, and the Upper South,Constructing "

and Reconstructing a Region: 21st Century Approaches to the Ohio Valley's History,"held May 16-17,2003, at the Filson Historical Society.

I.B. HoLi»Ey,JR.,is Professor of History,Emeritus, at Duke

University. He is a descendant of Horace Holley.

2 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY of all mischief It is the cause which the Indians suffer": Native Americans and Alcohol Abuse in tbe Old Northwest.

RANDY MIll.S

rtier accounts vary as to whether excessive drinking on the part of many Native American groups stemmed from biological or cultural factors or resulted from the influence of both forces. Recent research, however,has tended to focus on the latter viewpoint: Historical accounts do indicate that the tendency of tribal groups to drink to excess in the area of the Old Northwest became an especially troubling problem as tribes came into closer contact with newly arriving white settlers. Both white officials such

as Indiana Territorial Governor William Henry Harrison,and Native Am (3 ri- can leaders such as Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet, wrestled wit]1 this dilemma. Unfortunately,much of this

1,1, 21 sad and important story has been for- But early often aA- gotten. reports YO=: 4- - - brimmed with lengthy and concerned

accounts regarding excessive drinking

on the part of many Native Americans. And although early witnesses to the problem did not understand the bio- logical and cultural dimensions of 7 many Native Americans'apparent dis- position to addiction, they certainly observed its devastating effects. records show fiE# . As early as 1777, a 1, - F///iSCK.'«.4„ _- 111 Cahokia chief named Patoka explain- 2--* 1_ _-101* -

ing to white authorities at a court of inquiry at Kaskaskia in the Illinois 1' W,. 11'!i,1...'.C'" 4(' 1, I i '.' t'" I i('(il 1' i .1'/.. country how our young men never wish to see [alcoholl when they are in winter quarters, because they drink up Illustraticm of a Frencli babitation iii tbe country f{) all their peltries and then their women and children go all naked."3 Two Illitiois,pi,blisbed in A years later at the Court" of the District of Kaskaskia in the County of Illi- Journey iii North America in 1 816. Tbe Filso,1 nois,"the civil issued hurried proclamation in to the governor a response Historical Society growing problem of excessive drinking among Indians. The decree prohib- ited the sale of "any intoxicating liquors or drinks under any pretext whatso-

FALL 2003 IT IS THE CAUSE OF ALL MISCHIEF WHICH THE INDIANS SUFFER"

and howsoever ever in small quantities"to any tribal groups or individuals: Meanwhile,Father Pierre Gibault at the old French trading post of Vincennes complained to his superior,the Bishop of Quebec, in 1786 of the accursed" trade alcohol] in [ which I cannot succeed in uprooting and which obliges me to refuse the sacraments in general, for the Indians commit horrible disorder when liquor, in especially those of these nations here."5 As more Americans trickled into the region, the problem seemed to worsen. Joseph Buell,also at offered Vincennes, one especially vivid observation while serving as an or- derly Colonel sergeant in Harmar's regiment in 1787. The " Indians came again to our camp. A band of warriors marched in front painted for battle... and commenced a dance round our flag staff....After performing...they went to the Colonel's marque, and danced in the hot sun, drinking whisky at the same time, until all were as drunk as they could be and stand on their feet. They then staggered into town, where I saw them fighting and dragging each other through the mud and dirt of the streets."6 Roughly a decade later a French visitor,Constantin Volney,passed through the same community and offered his observations regarding the destructive effects of excessive drink- The ing. " men and women roamed all day about the town,merely to get rum, for which they eagerly exchanged their peitry,their toys, their clothes,and at length, when they had parted with their all, they offered their prayers and entreaties,never ceasing to drink till they had lost their senses....We found them in the streets by dozens in the morning, wallowing in the filth with the pigs."Volney also noted how binge drinking without restraint often led to deadly encounters. It "was rare for a day to pass without a deadly quarrel,by which about ten men lose their lives yearly. A savage once stabbed his wife,in four places with a knife, a few paces from me. A similar event took place a fortnight before, and five such the preceding year."7 The Frenchman's ac- is made sadder count when placed alongside his earlier description of a proud band of Native American warriors arriving at Vincennes the day before they acquired alcohol. Then Volney had observed regal warriors with Conceived"

bodies...embrowned by exposure to the sun and air. . a. head uncovered;hair course, black,sleek, straight,and smooth; a face disgusted with black, blue, and red paint,in round,square,and rhomboidal patches."8

growing American population. This increasing populace heightened the problemn 1800theofNorthwestIndian alcoholTerritoryabuse.wasAdivideddesperateinorderletter towrittenbetteringovern1801 theby newly appointed governor to the Indiana Territory William Henry Harrison, to the U.S. Secretary of War,Henry Dearborn, underscores the escalating prob- lem of Indian intoxication. In the letter,Harrison tells of the constant com- plaints of the" chiefs of most of the Indian natives which inhabit this part of the territory."These leaders, Harrison reported, strongly protested their"

young men made drunk [by whites] and cheated of the peltries which for-

4 OH10 VALLEY HISTORY merly procured them necessary ar- ticles ot clothing,arms, and ammuni- tion to hunt with."Tribal leaders clearly blamed white traders for the increasing problem. Harrison agreed

in part, noting that traders had car- ried extraordinary amounts of alak hol into the area. I"do not believe there than hundred are more six war-

riors upon the 1Wabash], Harrison stated,and " yet the quantity of whis- key brought here [by whitesl annu- ally for their use is said to amount to at least six thousand gallons..9

secretary of war of the de- arrisonbiii ratingalsoeffectsinformedof alcoholthe on Indians. This" poisonous liquor not only incapacitates them from ob- raining a living by hunting,but it leads to the most atrocious crimes. Killing each other has become so customary amongst them that it is no longer a crime to murder those whom they have been most accustomed to esteem and regard. Their Chiefs,"

Harrison further related, and their nearest relations fall under the strokes of William He,try Harrison 177.1-1841) served as their TomialhawksKnives. & This has been so much the case with the three secretary of tbe Northwest Tribes nearest us-the Peankashaws, Weas,Eel & River Miamis that there is Territory from 1798 to 1799 and tben goverm) of scarcely a Chief to be found amongst them. More specifically Harrison re- r tbe hidiaita Territory froni counted the story of two local chiefs,one murdered by his own soii, the other 1800 to 1812. C.inciti,iati Mitscumenter, (' incin,! (: ati murdered by one of his own natives. Both murders came as a result of alcohol Histc,rical Sc,ciety Library intoxication. Summing up the problem Harrison asserted,I "can at once tell by looking at an Indian whom I chance to meet whether he belong to a Neigh- boring or more distant Tribe. The latter is generally well clothed healthy and vigorous the former half naked, filthy and enfeebled with Intoxication, and

many of them without arms except a Knife which they carry for the most 1{) villainous purposes. The cultural damage to Native Americans as a result of alcohol addiction was not the only problem Harrison faced. Intoxicated Indians often roamed the streets of the territorial capital threatening white settlers and their prop- erty. Harrison reported how warriors are" frequently intoxicated to the num-

FALL 2003 5 IT IS THE CAUSE.OF ALL MISCHIEF WHICH THE IN DIANS SUFFER"

ber ot thirty 01 toity at once they then commit the gleatest disorders drawing theit knives and stabbing ever>one they meet with bieaking open the Houses of the Citizens killing their Hogs and cattle and bieaking down their fences "

Inone extremeinstance Hartisonielited howawairiot killed" withoutprovo-

cation two of the citizens in one of the trading houses "Tile occutrence al- most caued a riot, and Hailison found it impos- sible to capture the suspect alive Fellow Indians respoiided quickly to the killing ot one of theit own 1=:Al without legal proceedings The beleaguet ed goper- 2 4*... reported how al ttlbesmen " OF nor sevei young actu- 41/ ally assembled iii the bordet s of the town with a TECUMSEH, design to seize some favorable oppoitunity ot doing called the militia end misc.hiet ""Hal i iSOn out to F :ar &

AD OF MIS BROJHER the crisis

T. II,«E R OP H ET;

ploblem alcohol abuse by I rII the largei W A to of P'«| proilamation forbidding trad- heissuinggovet anorattemptedto,tespondquickly L; , 1' , HISTORICAL SKE'f' CH h selling liquot to Indians in and around TY ers om

OF THE 0 Vincennes "Acknowledging,however,that such 9#.'8„**9*'61* ex- ' '»*«changes bound result, white traders 7.4 were to were HWANO S44* still allowed to" deliver [whiskeyl to them at the f»%59 E INDIA N t> village the 4 distance of at least a mile fi om the or on i . I .4 other side of the Wabash River Harrison clearly understood that tiaders used alcohol take 4 . f.3 many to h ·r*' ' 1* - Y BENJAMIN DRAKE, advantage of intoxicated Indians when barte,ing 1/LES kROM IHE' @An HOR OP rIP LIFF or BLACK 11 kWK, sr In this the de- EEN CITY,"C & &. t esponse to unju5t practice govel nor's cree furthet pronounced,And " whereas certain evil disposed persons have made a practice of pure»has- CINCINNATI: ing from the Indians (and giving them Whiskey in 11 M RL LISON, QUEEN CITY PEBLISIIING HOLSE, 1153, MAIN Sf such PHILADELPHIA s exchange) aiticles of lothing,(. Cooking, and 1 iblIC* 4 3*' < 1*\PUBL[IING HObSE, 32 S,JUill THIR})91 othet articles used hunting, 1850 4. as are in viz,c,uns pow- dei, Ball &c IGovernor Hartison] h.15 thought

I propet to publish iii Fxtract from the Laws of the United States,that the pet sons offending against the Drake' Bemanitn b Lite of Law may know the penalties to which they are subject "The proclamation Teiumseh, and of His also suggested that alcohol abuse was not only a problem with Native Ameri- Bieither the Piophet,with a Hitorical Sketch of the cans Harrison additionally instructed all" magistrates and other civil officers Shawanoe Indiat15, vigilantly to discharge their duties by punifhing,as the law directs, all persons pit[)lisbed 1,118<6 The hls<) focteti di Link the and all those who 31 j-/isto;ic,7/ who are tound in streetq to inform against 12 violate the Sabbath by selling or batter ing spititc,us liquors Not wanting clitics to accuse him of giving tribal leaders alcohol at ti eaty their land, conferences iii order to better cheat the Indians out ot Hart ison

6 OHIO VA[ 1 EY HISTORY also took special precautions to control its availability at such gatherings. He wrote the secretary of war shortly after an 1802 treaty conference explaining, Whenever the Indians have assembled for any public purpose the use of ardent spirits has been strictly interdicted until the object for which they were convened was accomplished and if in spite of my vigilance it had been pro- cured a stop was immediately put to all business until it was consumed and its effects completely oven"13

0 Native Americans wrestled with, even when living far from white influence.ther accountsInfrom1801thistwotimeMoravianalso demonstrateMissionaries,the alcoholAbrahamabuse Luckenbach and John Kluge, along with Kluge's wife Anna,journeyed to the White River country of Northeast Indiana to establish a mission effort there among several tribes. As they passed through the Ohio Territory,they experi- enced their first encounter with an intoxicated Indian. The" drinking began at once. This Indian drank up everything he had. He continued till late at night, painting himself quite black and bellowing like a wild animal in the woods....The Indian sister fled with fear to our tent."A few days later,while still moving through Ohio toward the White River settlements, they crossed paths with a larger group of drinking Indians. Rev. Luckenbach recorded how this group screamed" all night in the woods and acted like madmen. No one who has not seen an Indian drunk can possibly have any conception of it. It is as if they had all been changed into evil spirits."14 Once established at Munceytown"in the Indiana Territory, the missionaries witnessed the in-

credibly devastating effects of alcohol use among the people. Of the many dozens of accounts found in the missionaries' records concerning the ongoing problem, one vividly related,An " Indian accompanied by drunken Indians of both sexes,passed through our place with 5 barrels of whiskey....In the after- noon more Indians from the upper towns passed through here,on foot and on horseback, many of them being in such haste that they had stripped them- selves naked, carrying their shirts, so that they might overtake the whisky soonen Others came running breathlessly, calling to one another that they were very thirsty for whiskey....So that [one Indian]might get this whisky for himself,the Indian gave the dealer a fine mare and her foal. This he did that he might drink his fill. It is indescribable how these Indians are given over to drink." 15 The abuse of alcohol further led to destruction of property such as livestock and in many instances, murder. Rev. Luckenbach reported several of the latter examples in great detail, including this early 1802 account of the brutal killings of two Shawnees: We heard that the Shawnees had murdered, in pitiful fashion,in their town, an Indian of their own nation,while drinking whisky. they First chopped three holes in his head with their tomahawk or Indian hatchet, and as he did not fall dead at once, one of them

FALL 2003 7 IT IS THE CAUSE OF ALL MISCHIEF WHICH THE INDIANS SUFFER"

jumped on him with a knife and ran it into his body,while another cut his stomach open. This happened 15 miles from here, where the Shawnees live. Thus also lately a Delaware Indian murdered a Shawnee woman. A drunken bout never takes place among the Indians] without one or the other losing his life or being at least terribly maltreated. Many of them drink themselves to death, of which we have seen and heard pitiful cases, since we are here. The guzzling of whisky among these IIndians] is so dreadful that no one can imagine it. One hundred or more gallons of whisky are brought to such an Indian toWn by the heathen,and then they do not stop drinking till there is not a drop left:6

en were not the only casualties of excessive drinking. Lukenbach wrote,We " heard to our great sorrow that Martha, an Indian of woman baptized by the Brethren in former times,had sold all her 11 bushels of corn and all her belongings to buy whisky. She then sat down and drank so long that, during her drinking,she gave up the ghost and fell over dead."17 In one episode, excessive drinking among several tribesmen threatened the lives of the band of missionaries. Rev. Kluge wrote of this narrow escape in the summer of 1806, noting how he and his family were" compelled to leave our house and to flee with our children to the woods for safety. Bn Luckenbach,who remained behind for the purpose of locking the doors, was discovered by one of the savages,who immediately began to make all sorts of demands on him,among other things wanting him to go along to the drinking place. When Bn Luekenbach refused,the Indian took the hatchet trouble he and threatened to hit him on the head with it. After a great deal of managed to get away from the savage, whereupon he came Into the woods, white traders where we were."18 Unlike Harrison,Luci

eral Assembly on the emergency,calling upon them to" prevent the sale of ardent spirits to these unhappy people. Harrison further asserted to territo-

8 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY rial leaders,You " have seen our towns crowded with furious and drunken clothing bar- savages, our streets flowing with their blood. Their arms and tered for the liquor that destroys them, and their miserable women and chil- dren enduring all the extremities of cold and hunger."He also reminded territorial leaders how whole" villages have been swept away by the practice of excessive drinking. A" miserable remnant is all that remains to mark the names and situation of many numerous and warlike tribes."11 At first, legislative response to Harrison's request seemed positive. Among other efforts,this body stated their commitment to" prevent the sale of ardent spirits among the Indians. This stood as an object of" utmost importance. -- A harsh economic reality,however,came to impede Harrison and the assem- bly from carrying out this critical effort. The governor explained the compli- cation in a letter to Secretary of War Dearborn in 1805: The reason assigned by the legislature for passing the law with the condition of its not taking effect of little until a similar one was passed by our neighbors, was that it would be benefit to the Indians to prohibit their getting liquor here if they could obtain it by going into a neighboring state or Territory and by returning with it into this Territory.23 " Harrison complained the citizens would" suffer the incon- veniences of their drunkenness without the advantage of their trade."24

round 1805 a new situation appeared. A Shawnee religious leader, called the Prophet by Americans, traveled among the tribes in the 1 region calling for spiritual reform among all Native Americans. The Prophet was certainly not the first Native American spiritual leader to call for the banning of al- cohol. In the mid 1700s, Conrad Weiser ob- served, starving" Shawnees and Onondaga Iroquois at the Susquehanna River town of Otseningo discussing the recent visions of'one of their seers:In 'a vision of God,'the seer learned that God had 'driven the wild ani- mals out of the country' in punishment for the crime of killing game for trade in alcohol. for Ceremonial pipe attributed The seer convinced his listeners that if they did not stop trading skins to Tecumseb. Tbe Filson from the earth:'25 that English rum, God would wipe them' Later same year, Historical Society farther down the river,a missionary by the name of David Brainerd discov- ered another set of Native American spiritual leaders among the Delawares and Shawnees. One seer in particular denounced alcohol and argued that its Dowd use was the cause of tribal sufferings.26 But as historian Gregory as- serted,among the greatest leaders of such reform movements stood Tenskwata, the Prophet. The Prophet's initial spiritual distress came while working among the Delaware and Shawnee tribes on the White River near Muncytown close

FALL 2003 9 IT IS THE CAUSE OF Al.L MISCHIEF WHICH THE INDIANS SUFFER"

to the Moravian Mission. Seeing the suffering of his people caused the Prophet to collapse with" a deep and awful sense of his sins."27 Out of this break- down came a great vision of reform including prohibition.

P' the Great Spirit,and began an effort to lead all tribes to a higher level ofhe livingProphetby representedstressing thehimselfabominationsasthe mediumof violence,ofWaathaalcohol,Moretoo,and the contaminating influences of whites.28 Later the Prophet and his brother,

Tecumseh, would lead a sharp anti-American movement within the Indian nation. In the beginning,however,Harrison noted to the Secretary of War the potential usefulness of the Prophet's work, especially regarding the Sty, CHAPTER XXIV. »« Prophet's emphasis on abstinence among Indians. The Prophet] is shortly to visit me and I shall take the opportunity to endeavor to develop his IN the 1809, Governor Harrison purchased year character and intentions nor do I think it at all from the Delawares, Miamis, and Pottawatomies, a impossible make him useful instrument in large tract of land on both sides of the Wabash to an snid river river, and extending up the about sixty effecting a radical and salutary change in the miles above Vineennes. Tecumseh absen was t at and habits of the has manners Indians. He al- the time, and his brother, the Prophet, macie no ob- ready gained important points towards jections to the treaty, but when Tecumseh returned, two very he manifested great dissatisfaction, and threatened the accomplishment of this desirable object. His some of the chiefs with death, who had made this followers drink no whiskey and are no longer treaty. Harrison hearing of his dissatisfaction, sent 29 ashamed to cultivate the earth. an invitation to him to repair to Vincennes to see August the Prophet addressed him, and assured him,·that any claims he might have In 1808, to the lands ce(led by that treaty, were not affected Harrison regarding his religious plans.It " is three by the treaty at all-that-he might come on and pre- years since I first began with that system of reli- sent his claims, and if they were found to be valid, gion which I practice. The white people and the lands would be given up,-or an ample compensa- now tion made for it. some of the Indians were against me; but I had Accordingly, the 1*th of August, Tecumseh on no other intention but to introduce among the arrived at Vincennes, accompanied by alarge number Indians those good principles of religion which of his warriors. When the council convened, Te- the white people profess."The Prophet further cumseh arose and said, Brothers," I have made my- self, what I am ; I would that I could make the red explained to Harrison his position regarding al- people as great as the coneeptions of my own mind cohol use among Indians. We " ought to consider ourselves as one man, but we ought to live agree- able to our several customs, the red people after History of the Shawnee their mode and the white people after theirs;particularly,that [Indians] should Indians,From the Year not drink whiskey,that it not made for them,but the white people, who 1681 to 1854, Inclusive by was Henry Harvey,published alone know how to use it; and that it is the cause of all the mischief which the Tbe Filson 0 in 1855. Indians suffer. Historical Society In early July 1808,the Shawnee religious teacher came to Vincennes for a brief visit. Here Harrison observed the Prophet preaching vigorously to his people and reported the event to the Secretary of Wan He noted that the Prophet was rather" possessed of considerable talents and the art and address

10 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY able with which he manages the Indians is really astonishing. I was not to ascertain whether he is, as I first supposed, a tool of the British or not. His denial of being under any such influence was strong and apparently candid. He says that his sole purpose is to reclaim the Indians from the bad habits they have contracted and to cause them to live in Peace and friendship with al] mankind and declares that he is particularly instructed to that effect by the Great Spirit."Most of all, Harrison found himself swayed by the Prophet's strong stand against alcohol consumption among the Indians. He" frequently harangued his followers in my presence and the evils attendant upon war and the use of ardent spirit was his constant theme. I cannot say how successful he may be in persuading them to lay aside their passion for war but the ex- periment made to determine whether their refusal to drink whiskey proceeded from principle or was only empty profession, established the former beyond all doubt."31 Despite the efforts of both the Prophet and Governor Harrison, alcohol abuse among the tribes continued at an alarming rate. In late 1808, President Jefferson addressed one particularly pressing issue with Harrison. While access to alcohol had supposedly been limited by pro- hibiting white traders from selling it to Indians, tribes themselves were run- ning to white settlements and purchasing it there in great quantities. I-am informed, Jefferson wrote Harrison, that" latterly the Indians have got into the practice of purchasing such liquors themselves, in the neighboring settle- ments of whites,and of carrying them into their towns,and that,in this way, therefore, our regulations, so salutary to them, are now defeated. I must, request your Excellency to submit this matter to your legislature."2 'That same year Jefferson had called Indian leaders from the Northwest Territory to Washington. To the Miamis, Jefferson declared,I "have looked upon you with the same good will as my own fellow citizens, have considered your interests as our interests,and peace and friendship as a blessing to all. Seeing, with sincere regret,that your people were wasting away,believing that this proceeded from your frequent wars, and the destructive use of spiritous li- quors, and the scanty supplies of food,I have inculcated peace with all your neighbors, have endeavored to prevent the introduction of spiritous liquors of among you, and have pressed on you to rely for food on the culture the earth more than on hunting."33 Ultimately because of the larger context of issues between whites and Native Americans,Jefferson's efforts were doomed to fail and so were the Prophet's.

observed the Prophet's work and its final failure in fighting alco- heholMoravianabuse. Thisgroupparticularlaboringbandat ofthewhitesWhiteclearlyRiver possessedMission closelymixed feelings about the Prophet's efforts. One positive report noted,The " best of all[ his] teachings is that hel[ prohibits the drinking of whiskey. If only the Indians would follow this injunction.',34 Despite his preaching of abstinence,

FALL 2003 11 IT IS THE CAUSE OF ALI MISCHIEF WHICH THE INDIANS SUFFER"

the white missionaries legarded the Prophet's endeavors to be in conflict with their own A" large number of Delawares and Shawnees had come together in Woapicamikunk to hear what this heathen teacher had to say As usual his teaching consists of all sorts of ancient heathenism In addition, he forbids all coarse sins,and linsists] that parents should not strike their children He also urges most strongly that the Indians should sacrifice, that they should do away with their cattle and keep horses only, that the heathen should shave their heads and live as did the Indians in olden days ss" Over time,the mis- sionaries witnessed how the Prophet's efforts to stem the grow ing tide of alco- hol abuse were rarely successful For example, an 1806 diary account de- scribed how a group of Indians had flocked" through our village on their way to the appointed house of sacrifice,and spoke with the greatest wonder and respect about these lies They also promised to drink no more whiskey This last thing would be well,but they promised the same thing at last year's sacri- 36 fices,but unfortunately tailed to keep their word,and drank more than ever

hile whites and Indians alike struggled to do something about the excessive use of alcohol amongst tribes, another growing prob- W lem would override all of these efforts At the soon come to

heart of the problem lay an inscrutable ambivalence Perhaps a key to under- standing Governor Harrison's own conflicting views regarding 3 8/

k Native Americans and their 3 8 . r I « hi '. uggle with alcohol abuse It st

3 stands the fact that Harrison 1 d.*,I 4 served as Superintendent of In- 1$2$*L 4 d Affairs the Indiana an in Ter-

1 tory and such obtained h r as ISA 2 f '"%1: . L Pts e- i twelve with tribal 1 al p E treaties 1 4, ,7A r - 94 that opened than 4 c groups more

I. 1 five million of land 2 4, 4 nety- 7 8, 4,1,= n acres

4 #.. to white settlers Thus, despite 3.. L his for the occasional concern

li j L. 5 4. well-being of Native Americans, Ef , 4 1 Eli he still had to face the political 2 . realities of pleasing the domi- 14 f,

cans In this respect, Harrison Map of Tippecanoe Battle was likely product of his heavily influenced by Jeffersonian philoso- Ground Tbe Filson a time, phy, admiring the Native American of life, but the Historical 8()ciety ie, way at same time regarding them as an obstacle to national progress Unable to reconcile his caring views of Native Americans with the complexities of frontier life and

12 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY public policy and goals, Harrison often retreated to his political and military instincts in resolving Indian policy problems.17 Thus, while the dominant

white culture strived to humanely address the drinking problem among tribal groups, it also moved forward in its agenda to eliminate Natjve American cultures in the region of the Old Northwest.

In a confidential letter written in early 1803 by President Jefferson to Gov- ernor Harrison,Jefferson explained his thinking regarding the inevitable fate of the Native Americans in the region. Jefferson hoped the Indians would

take up farming, an endeavor which required much less land than hunting, but in reality envisioned another more likely scenario:Our " settlements will gradually circumscribe and approach the Indians,and they will either incor-

porate with us...or remove beyond the Mississippi. The former is certainly the termination of their history."International events seemed to play some role in what Jefferson desired. After explaining his views regarding what was likely to happen to the Indians, Jefferson then instructed Harrison to pur- chase land from the tribal groups as quickly and peacefully as possible but to do so without letting the Indians understand the final outcome. I have given you this view of this system which we suppose will best promote the interests of the Indians and of ourselves, and finally consolidate our whole country into one nation only,that you may be enabled the better to adapt your means to the object. For this purpose we have given you a general commission for treat- ing. The crisis is pressing. Whatever can now be obtained must be obtained quickly. The occupation of New Orleans, hourly ex- pected, by the French,is already felt like a light breeze by the Indi- ans. You know the sentiments they entertain of that nation. Un- der the hope of their protection,they will immediately stiffen against

cessions of land to us. We had better therefore do at once what

can now be done. I must repeat that this letter is to be considered as private and friendly,and not to control any particular instruc- tions which you may receive through an official channel. You will also perceive how sacredly it must be kept within your own breast, and especially how improper to be understood by the Indians. For][ their interests and their tranquility it is best they should see only the present [stat]e of their history.18

ecumseh, the Shawnee leader, along with his brother the Prophet,

came rather quickly to understand this secret agenda. The two broth- ers hurriedly united in forging an Indian homeland effort. In the process, the Prophet began to de-emphasize the alcohol problem. Harrison soon noted this change, for he reported to the Secretary of War in the summer of 1810 that the" Prophet is organizing a most extensive combination against the United States."39 Gone now from the governor's correspondence was any

FALL 2003 13 IT IS THE CAUS] OF All MISC'.HIEF WHICH THF INDIANS SUFFER"

positive refei ence to the Prophet's work Of greatei concet n to Hartison loomed Tecumseh who,Harrison noted ill the summer of 1811, was in" con- stant motion"in his efforts to bring the many different bands of tlibal groups together to oppose any niore white encroachments You" see him today on the Wabash and 111 a short time you hear of him on the shores of Lake Eric or Michigan,or on the banks of the Mississippi and wheiever he goes he makes an impression favorable to his pur- poses He is now upon the last round 4/ to put a finishing stroke to his work

30 That same year Tecumseh traveled I e» southwaid other Indian r r. £ to encourage 21, groups to ]0111 in an Indian homeland U effort The Prophet was left to main- L ". Id» - the the north 3* / tain movement in legion 0" r fl of the Ohio River Harrison sensed the

L sudden vulnerability of this group and it Novembet marched the iii 1811 on In-

P St headquarters Plophet 1, 5 dian at Town

3-. r r he ensuing battle of Tippe- A canoe was the beginning of T the end fc, Native American S 1 t The end- 1* empowernient peace treaty b I. ing the War of 1812 resolved long- standing issues between England and the United States and deprived the In- I =3

dians of the Northwest of a major ally Moreovei,Tecumseh,whose leadership

stood at the very heart of tribal resis- tance, died in combat in 1813 at the

U '* of Battle of the Thames on the shores Tecumseh' avowed adket- Lake Eric s

saty, William Henry Harrison, com- Geneyal Williant H manded the Northwestern Army there Given the white cu]ture's malor mili- Hary,son,at tbe Battle of tary victory, overriding for the problem ot Native Ametican addie- Tippecanoe m 1811 N concern CrirrLei Litbograpb,1 840 tion quickly dwindled fiom this time forward Now American policy toward Cincinnati Museum Ceittei, Native American the of the Old Northwest would focus Cincinnati Hist(,rical groups in region Society Library almost exclusively on treaty-making which would garner more ti ibal lands Total removal of tribal gi oups became the logical consequence of these ongo- ing treaties But even during these final, dat k days, the problem of alcohol abuse among Native Americans still cropped up as a major problem in writ- ten accounts John Tipton, Indian agent at the treaty negotiations in 1826, made the pioblem a center piece of his argument to the Indians regarding

14 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY their possible removal:

Above all,your young men are ruining themselves with whiskey. Even within the recollection of many of you, your numbers have dimin- ished one half, and unless you take some decisive step to check this evil, there will soon not be a red man remaining on this Island. We have tried all we could to prevent you from having this poison,but we cannot. Your bad men will buy,and our bad men will sell. Old and young among you will drink. You sacrifice your property,you aban- don your women and children,and you destroy one anothen There is but one safety for you,and that is to fly from this mad water. Your Father owns a large country west of the Mississippi. He is anxious that all his red children should remove there and set down in peace togethen Then you can hunt,and provide well for their women and children,and once more become a happy people. We are authorized to offer you a residence there, equal in extent to your land here, and to pay you an annuity,which will make you comfortable, and to pro- vide the means of your removal. You will then have a country abound- ing in game,and you will also have the value of the country you leave. You will be beyond the reach of whiskey, for it cannot reach you there. Your Great Father will never suffer any of his white children to reside there, for it is reserved for the red people. It will be yours, as long as the sun shines, and the rain falls:1

uring the final removal of the Potawatomies to Kansas in 1838, alco hol abuse still plagued the broken, departing Indians. In a letter from Chauncy Carter to agent John Tipton in 1838, Carter reported from 42 Carter Missouri we" are almost constantly annoyed by...drunken Indians. further observed that the whiskey had been made available to the Indians by one of the white leaders. In the end, one prominent white settler in Indiana astutely noted of the Indians' final demise and of the role white culture played in it, their" disappearance has been hastened by the vices, the cupidity,the injustice,the in-

humanity of a people claiming to be Christians."43 By 1855, the Native American plight regarding alcohol usage had not im- proved, in spite of attempts to move tribal groups away from white influence. In that year the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, George Manypenny, lamented, The appetite of the Indian for ardent spirits seems to be entirely uncontrollable, and at all periods of our intercourse with him the evil effects and injurious conse- quences arising from the indulgence of the habit are unmistakably seen. It has been the greatest barrier to his improvement in the past,and will continue to be in the future, if some means cannot be adopted to inhibit its use."44 More re- cently writer Fergus Bordewich has observed,The " cumulative effect of alcohol- ism on Indians is staggering. According to the Indian Health Service,Indians are three and a half times more likely than other Americans to die from cirrhosis of

FALL 2003 15 IT IS THE CAUSE OF ALL MISCHIEF WHICH THE INDIANS SUFFER"

the liver,a benchmark of addiction."45 Bordewich's observations suggest that the problem of alcoholism among Native American groups still haunts us today. 4

1. See Laurence French, Addictions and Native Americans 23. Harrison to Secretary ot War,September 16, 1805, ibid., Westport, Conn.:Praeger,2000);also Peter C. Mancall, 166. Deadly Medicine.Indians and Alcohol Early in America 24. Ibid. lthaca: Cornell University Press, 1995),and Fergus M. 25. In Dowd,A Spiritual Resistance,29. Bordewich, Killing the Wbite Man's Indian (New York: Anchor Books, 1997).Mancall takes the odd position of 26. Ibid. arguing that alcoholism has biological no component. 27. Ibid.,126. 2. Several works have looked the earlier of at story alcohol Indiana 28. See John Sugden Tecumseh'" s Travels Revised," abuse among Native Americans. However, of them none Magazine of History 96 (June 2000):151-68. take an in depth look at how the problem played out in the 29. Harrison Secretary of War,July ed., Old Northwest Territory. For some other examinations of to 12, 1808, in Esarey, and of the problem, see Mancall,Deadly Medicine,passim, and Messages Letters Harrison,196. Gregory Evans Dowd, A Sphited Resistance:The North 30. Prophet to Harrison, August 1, 1808, ibid.,299-300. American indian Struggle for Unity.1745-1815 Baltimore: 31. Harrison to Secretary of War,September 1, 1808, ibid.,302. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992). 32. Jefferson Harrison, December 31, 1808, ibid.,328. 3. Clarence W. Alvord, ed.,Kaskaskia Records 1778-1790 to Springfield,Ill.:Illinois State Historical Library, 1909),39. 33. Jefferson to Miamis, December 1808, ibid.,29.

4. Ibid.,536. 34. Gipson, Moravian indian Mission on White River,p.401. 5. Ibid. 35. Ibid.,392.

6. In Shirley S. McCord,ed.,Travel Accounts of indiana 36. Ibid;403. 1679-1961 (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 37. See Gary Wayne Pond, William Henry Harrison and 1970),33. United States Indian Policy in the Northwest and Indiana Territories, 1783-1813" M.( A. thesis, Central Missouri 7. In Harlow Lindley,ed.,Indiana as Seen by harly Travelers Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Commission, 1916),23. State University, 1995) and Christian B. Keller,Philan- " thropy Betrayed: Thomas Jefferson, the Louisiana Purchase, 8. I have used slightly different version of the second Volney a and the Origins of Federal Indian Removal Policy," quote found in Logan Esarey,ed.,Messages and Letters of Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 44 \ William Henry Harrison Indianapolis: Indiana Historical 2000):39-66. Commission, 1922),155. 38. Jefferson to Harrison, February 27, 1803, in Es.irey,ed., 9. Letters from Harrison to the Secretary of War,July 15, Messages and Letters of Harrison,71,73. 1801, ibid.,25, 29. 39. Harrison Secretary of War,June 14, 1810, ibid.,423. 10. Ibid.,29. to 40. Harrison Secretary of War,August 7, 1811, ibid.,549. 11. Ibid.,28. to 41. In Nellie Armstrong Robertson and Dorothy Riker,eds., 12. Proclamation:" Forbidding Traders from Selling Liquor to Tbe John Tipton Papers Indianapolis: The Indiana Indians In and Around Vincennes,"July 20, 1801, ibid.,31. Historical Bureau, 1942),v. 2, 579-80. 13. Harrison to Secretary of War,March 3, 1803, ibid, 83. 42. Chauncy Carter to John Tipton, October 14,1838, ibid.,v. 14. In Lawrence H. Gipson,ed.,Moravian indian Mission on 2, 744. White River Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 43. In James Madison, The indiana Way Bloomington and 1938),93, 96. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1986),126. 15. Ibid.,374-75. 246-47. 44. In Bordewich, Killing tbe White Man's Indian. 16. 1bid.,164-65. 45. Ibid.,248. 17. Ibid.,212.

18. Ibid.,566.

19. 1bid.,610.

20. License to an Indiana Trader,July 10, 1804, in Esarey, Messages and Letters of Harrison,103.

21. Address to the General Assembly,July 29, 1805, ibid.,154.

22. House of Representatives to Governor,July 30, 1805, ibid.,16.

16 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Religion in the Classroom: Tbe Great Bible Wars in Nineteentb Century Cincinnati*

MARGARF.-1' DEPAI. MA

hroughout his long episcopacy, Archbishop John B. Purcell took the

cause of education as his great concern. The subject,he said in 1836, was second" only to that of pure religion, it enlists my sympathies, imperiously demands my humble co-operation,and receives my willing horn- age."'Of particular importance to the priest was the question of how the Bible could be used as a textbook in the classroom. For manv vears, Purcell worked privately with various school boards to find a way to accommodate the needs of Catholic chil- dren,including their access to the Bible in the public schools. In 1852,however,the reading of scripture in

the classroom became a public issue when a resolu- tion was presented to the Cincinnati school board re- questing that Catholic children be allowed to use their preferred Bible. When the board denied that request, it subsequently removed the Bible and all religious activities from local classrooms. The result fractured

the local political party system and also broke down relations between Catholics and Protestants in Cin-

called of cinnati in what was the Bible War 1869. It

also dashed subsequent attempts at accommodation between local Catholics and Protestants. Indeed,when

the Ohio Supreme Court upheld the school board's decision, two separate and increasingly well-defined

educational systems arose in the Queen City as Catho- lies and Protestants agreed to go their separate ways of education.2 on matters

The importance of the Cincinnati Bible War can be seen in the headlines of today's newspapers. For instance,after a New Jersey lobn Baptist Purcell 1800-( 1883)becante tbe second first-grader recently chose selection from his Catholic Beginners" Bible" a to bishop of Cincinnati in read as a favorite story,the teacher refused to allow him to do so because it 1833. Cincinnati Museum Center,Cincinnati religious."And throughout the the ACLU has filed was " country, numerous Historical Society Library lawsuits seeking to remove from classrooms and courthouses all plaques en-

This article will appear in a different form in Dialogue on tbe Frontier: Catholic and Protestant Relations.1793-1883 forthcoming from Kent State University Press and is published with permission.

FALL 2003 17 RELIGIONIN THE CLASSROOM

graved with the Ten Command- :'

ments And while the U S Su- 31, Court has declared vouch- 144 preme REPORT 3"%- 1'-'148 used by the Cleveland public * 3 ers 4,0)" c COMVITTEE i r L , or T]IE school system to be neutral"" to- p 7 wards religion, opponents have r* BOARD OF TRUSTEES AND VISITORS

0. vowed the fight, to continue argu- E; T.E X. T. BOO I{** W ing that vouchers are a means of P, channeling public tax monies into id INTBODUCTIONIF DIEFERENTINTO THE17*YONSCOMMONOF BaBOON, ,» parochial schools Finally,in Feb- 4,=. 1] , ' 44 ruary 2003, the U S Department 2, RaD*RED I of Education issued guidelines for THE, MAJORITY AND THE MINoliTTY. AUGUST 4 1852 conducting prayers in public m·: '

of * schools and warned that failure to 14. 0rintch ba ®rber of the Boarb stets ,A, 41

funding for errant districts 1 Such U,: * ,'151* ]4,# ix*/. WATA,ls , ' recent controversies raise questions 15 'I tf» that have been with the 9 us since 2, fav C-7 .:f* 1" E i4<, reasonsnineteenthforcenturythe removalWhat areof the 521WiL.'*U 194 , Sh Bible, and displays of the g·,ft« prayer, t, fit F 8> Ten Commandments from the 00% I

444' * such vehement positions on the iS- » < of school vouchers and how sue iS

this issue connected to religion)The follow ng essay will provide some historical context with which to think about these questions

ohn Reilv opened the first schoolhouse in Cincinnati in 1792 By 1826 there were approximately fifty classical academics,female seminaries,evening J and technical schools, and music and art academics,as well as other kinds of private educational institutions in the city 4 By 1829, Ohio law man- dated the establishment of publicly funded common schools Among the founders of those schools were many Protestant ministers who hoped by becoming in- volved in common schooling to spread a Protestant ideology to the next genera- tion That ideology,the ministers believed, could make the nation more godly through the shaping and control of key social institutions Local Protestant min- isters also feared incipient Catholic power,a fact that can be seen in their special concern about what they considered to be the threat of Popish domination of the Mississippi Valley To counter this threat, Protestants called for a shift fiom decentralized common schools to a state school system with schoo]s that Protes- tants would almost certainly dominate The greatest single influence in shaping the early educational policies of Cin-

18 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY i- U 1 65*' 1

T Tf E ' THI:1111}Ll; IN TIIE Pl BI,Ie SCHOOLS 1'120(.YEEI)INGS AN[)Al)1)1{ESSES

ditiS %41*PERI,OR COURT OF ('INCINNATI AT TJ]8 - 4*1 RM". # =-TE=X,mauARY,70 MASS MEETI\l, PIKE"S Mt;81(3 11A1,1„

INCTNNA' 11*ar d 15'

1'(trditit Ei,etiin:,Septe,„ber 28, 1809, 4§157*Ard of*#®luc,11toll 4 the ©ty el A ( rimi,„ it,rt als

1

A %ikETCH 01, 1'111 NI'\ l-B! Ill k W,\Is,!F' 1'

OPINION OF ALPHONZO TAFT J

i.:'. »

PUBLIBABD BY THI:COMi[ITTEB IN MARGE OF THE MEETING

t

r, , A CINCINNAl 1

ROBERT CLARKI &CO C IN< 1%.NA'it 870 2 1101 F< t/ 17/Trl hTHM 11¢)rik1869A*l, JOB Ill'TTin 5£A fi *tt € AL,Pr.F 1,2'2%8

cinnati and the Ohio Valley was the Western Literary Institute and College of Pamphlet covers Cincinnati Mliseum Professional Teachers (hereafter the College of Teachers) Membership this in Center,Cincinnati society,organized in 1831, included teachers,ministers,businessmen,writers Historical Society Ltbrary and public officials from fifteen western states A piimaiy topic of discussion at the annual meetings was the purpose of education Members of the College of Teachers generally agreed that schools should train good citizens because without knowledge universal suffrage might destroy rather than preserve de- mocracy ' This subject became especially urgent in Cincinnati as waves of immigrants began pouring into the Queen City during the 1830s In the opin- ion of Calvin Stowe,a prominent local educator and member of the College of Teachers, the first priority tor local public schools must be to educate the Germans in Cincinnati, seven to eight thousand of whom were Catholic, be- cause, if this group were properly trained, they would not be disposed to set" at defiance or undervalue existing institutions,or engage in popular commo- 6 tions,

The development of the Catholic school system in Cincinnati began imme- diately after the arrival o f Bishop Edward Fenwick in 1822 Fenwick's initial problem was a lack of money and qualified teachers, a problem he shared

FALL 2003 19 RELIGION IN THE CLASSROOM

with local public schools. To solve these twin difficulties,he persuaded Sister

St. Paul of the Sisters of Mercy and the Colletine Poor Clares during a fund raising trip to Europe in 1824 to come to Cincinnati to oversee the education of young girls there. In 1829,the Sisters of Charity established the first per- manent girls school in the city. The diocese's own first venture into secondary and higher education came with the foundation of the Athenaeum in 1831, which served both Protestant and Catholic boys. After 1840, the growth of Catholic schools in the city reflected the influx of Irish and German immi-

grants. By 1848, nine parishes in Cincinnati each had a school, altogether instructing slightly over 2,000 children: The increasing number of Catholic schools in Cincinnati did not go unno- ticed among local Protestants,although opinions varied among Protestants as to the value of Catholics and their institutions to the local community. A

letter to the editor of the Cincinnati Journal in 1835,for example,expressed

concern about the" alarming progress of popish institutions throughout the United States."Another citizen more favorably inclined toward the develop- ment of Catholic schools, however,wrote to the Daily Gazette in 1836 saying that the Athenaeum certainly was destined" to occupy a distinguished rank for the literary and moral capacities of its Teachers and the superior advan-

tages afforded the alumni."He also reported that many of the city's leading citizens, including General William H. Harrison, Judge James Hall, and Gen-

eral William Lytle,attended a recent commencement and afterward sat down to dinner with the students.8

ith the installation in 1833 of John Baptist Purcell, the second

bishop of Cincinnati, a new era of Catholic school development began. In general,Purcell did not attempt to set his church apart from the larger community,but sought to integrate it into local society. Fol- lowing this principle, he joined the College of Teachers and took part in many discussions regarding the nature of education. Father Stephen Montgomery, President of the Athenaeum, also took part in the deliberations of the College, and when he and Purcell attended their first meeting of the College of Teach-

ers in October 1836, they did not like what they heard. Purcell especially took exception to the Reverend Joshua Lacy Wilson's lecture on the use of the recommenda- Bible as a textbook, and he objected to Dn Benjamin Aydelott's used tion that no selections from the Bible,but the Bible itself,should be as a schools. class book in the common College It was,however,Father Montgomery's lecture delivered before the attracted of Teachers and titled Introduction" of the Bible as a Textbook"that the notice of the religious press. It also set the tone of debate between the Protestant and Catholic communities in Cincinnati for the next half century." According to Montgomery,Catholics objected to the use of the Bible in the such classroom for a number of reasons. First, they thought that a practice

20 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY would render it too common and thereby abuse the book. Secondly,the Church maintained there things were in the Bible that were not fit for the eyes and ears of children. And that raised questions about which parts should be taught, and who would make the selections. Montgomery also argued that allowing teachers to undertake the task of teaching the Bible in their classrooms would injure rather than benefit the schools,and consequently the children and com- munity at large. He concluded, however, by conceding that, if concise and judicious selections could be made from the Bible that embraced all" that is most necessary for instructions on the principles of Christianity and morals," the Catholic Church would concur with its use in public schools. In the he meantime, suggested that this subject be laid on the table for further dis- cussion.10

he College of Teachers accepted the challenge. Its members appointed T Bishop Purcell and Dr. Benjamin Aydelott to report at its next meeting On" the Expediency of introducing selections from the Bible, instead of the Bible itself,into our schools. While they agreed that selections from the Bible should not be substituted for the Bible itself,the priest and the doctor disagreed on whose Bible should be used. Therefore, each submitted his own report. The Bishop urged that Protestant Bibles not be placed in the hands of the Catholic youth in public schools, and that teachers" be strictly forbidden to give any sectarian bias to the minds of their pupils."11 Dr. Aydelott, for his part, had no problem with teaching the Bible in public school classrooms as long as every- one agreed on the definition of the word Bible."" We " understand,"he said,by " the word Bible,the common English version, Or that effected by public authority in the of reign James the First." This " was how the term always was employed,"he continued,both " in conver- sation and writing and to attach any other meaning to the word was to do violence to the ordinary use of lan- guage."12 After presentation of these reports at a meet- of the ing College in October 1837,a motion was made to grant teachers the privilege of making selections from the Bible. But Purcell objected strongly. He felt the plan would make" reli- Dr.Benjamin Aydelott. gion football and a expose the youth to change their religion as often as their Cincinnati Museum Center, Cincinnati Historical teacher changed."An animated discussion ensued that resulted in the unani- Society Library adoption mous of a resolution that deftly avoided any decision on the issues just raised. The members of the College agreed that it was the deliberate" of this conviction College that the Bible may be so introduced in perfect con- sistency with religious freedom, and without offense to the peculiar tenets of

FALL 2003 21 RELIGION IN THE CLASSROOM

any Christian sect."13 In the spring of 1838, Bishop Purcell left Cincinnati to conduct a fund raising trip in Europe,and by the time he returned eighteen months later the College of Teachers was all" but defunct."14 Purcell, however,remained hopeful about cooperation with the public school authorities. In late October 1839, the Catholic Telegraph (published in Cincinnati and authorized by the Bishop)

commended the trustees and visitors of the common schools for the progress" of education and their policy of leaving nothing undone to advance the inter- est of the schools."15

take aggressive et Purcell's own words and actions began to a more Y position on the connection between religion and education, particu larly on the issue of public versus parochial schools. This change is reiterated the apparent in a series of lectures he delivered in 1840 in which he position taken by Father Montgomery four years earlier in his remarks before the College of Teachers. Does " the Church approve the use of the Bible as a schoolbook?"Purcell asked,and following Montgomery's lead, he continued, For our part,we never did, shall like it we never to see r -- = Sf #%298. V abused. Let 1& 44= children read it, eA e- A at home,under the eyes and 52* 27---»», 3 21-6 . - L 2.T direction of their parents, i:«

S pastors, or circumspect tu-

l here Bishop t» tors."16 But

21 h: o» *. 34"' - Purcell went step further r a y€ 25- in the debate what stu- 1 over dents in public schools ought

to read, this time challeng- ing books that he deet»ned objectionable. Before 1870,

i£k textbooks used in public St- $ schools frequently depicted

511] 1, 1, li\/ 1,,[1\\I,(41 k Catholicism as a false reli- gion and a positive danger Catholic religion Xavier University was to the state. Indeed, these textbooks often argued that the founded in 1831 as tbe morals,and education itself. In 1839 in College of the Atbenaeum subverted good government,sound 840 Purcell announced the of Cincinnati. in 1 order to counter the use and influence of such texts, Jesuits took over tbe school formation of the Roman Catholic Society for the Di ffusion of Knowledge, the and re-named it St. Xavier Illustrated schoolbooks for College. From main purpose of which was to prepare a suitable series of Cincinnati by D. 1. Kenny, Catholic youth whether educated in public schools parochial schools. 17 1875. Cincinnati Museum or offensive the public Center,Cincinnati In June 1842,as part of his campaign against texts in Library Historical Society schools, Bishop Purcell sent a private letter to Cincinnati school board presi- dent James H. Perkins. In the letter he complained that Catholic children

HISTORY 22 OHIO VALLEY were required to read the King James version of the Bible, and he voiced concern about continued use of textbooks that included obnoxious passages about the Church. Purcell also pointed out that these same Catholic children, without approval of their parents, had aCCeSS to public school libraries that included books he deemed objectionable.18 At its meeting on August 29, 1842, the board noted Purcell's concerns and invited him to examine the books used in Cincinnati's English and German common schools,and to point out all passages he found objectionable. In addition, the board adopted a resolution stating that no pupil could be required to read the Bible when their parents or guardians requested they be excused from that exercise. The reso- lution also stipulated that no child be allowed to take books from the school district's libraries without a written request from a parent or guardian.19 In spite of the school board's willingness to accommodate Bishop Purcell, by 1850 a climate of distrust had developed,at least among some Protestants. For Protestants,Purcell's position on textbooks together with his strong sup- port of Catholic schools seemed an example of a «true sectarian spirit aimed at retarding the progress and usefulness of common schools."20 Another contributing factor lay in local evangelical concern for Protestant youths be- ing educated in local Catholic schools. St. Xavier College drew particularly heavy criticism. According to the Western Christian Advocate,the Jesuits planned to establish a free primary school in Cincinnati in which they would have an opportunity" to pervert the minds of the poor,as they now do the children of the wealthy in their higher seminaries."2' Not all Protestants in

the city,however,shared this view. More than half the students at St. Xavier, Purcell reported in 1843, belonged to Protestant families. And indeed, many Protestants considered St. Xavier a good school, wrote one commentator, because it was organized with a sufficient" number of teachers to attend closely to all pupils, both in their hours of study and recreation.'22

t this same time, the Catholic Church attempted to make local pub- A lic schools more acceptable to Catholic children. In the autumn of 1852,Dr.Jerome Mudd,a Catholic school board member,consulted with the diocesan hierarchy and then offered a series of resolutions to the school board. First, he wanted the rule requiring the American Bible Society edition of the Bible be read classrooms altered to in so that the Bible preferred

by Catholics and Jews could be introduced as well in the classroom. Second, he asked that all children be permitted to take an edition of the Bible selected by their parents or guardians to school with them and to be allowed to read it there. Finally,Mudd proposed that professors and teachers be entitled to read the Bible before their classes, without reciting any notes or comments corresponding with their religious views. But after studying Dr.Mudd's pro- posal,the school board committee on textbooks recommended that local public schools continue to use the King James version of the Bible exclusively. The

FALL 2003 23 RELIGION IN THE CLASSROOM

board's final report supported this position by arguing that the purpose of the public schools was to educate the youth in" such a manner as to prepare them to protect and defend the laws and institutions. Our country is republican, morally, politically, and religiously."2; Evidently,a Catholic version of the Bible would not contribute to that goal.

fter reminding the board that a large portion of Protestants rejected the King James version of the Bible, Dn Mudd then proposed a se- ries of resolutions that bolstered his initial ones,and he admonished the board to strictly observe those that it had passed in 1842. 14 Finally,after a debate of nearly three hours,the entire board voted again to retain the King James version of the Bible in the public schools. The matter was not settled, however. On November 8, Dn Charles Boyd suggested that children be per- mitted to use whatever version of the Bible their parents wished, as long as it Hughes Higb School was did not contain notes and comments. Again Dr.Mudd strenuously objected built in 1853 Fifth 011 conditions. Street. From Illustrated pointing out that no Catholic edition could meet these As a com- incinnati by D. /.Kenny, of promise,a resolution was offered that allowed pupils to read a version the 1 87£. lincinitati Museunt had been Center.Cincinnati scripture preferred by their parents, provided these wishes commu- be allowed Historical Society Library nicated to the child's teacher. Furthermore,teachers would not to read notes or coninients n(,the text of any vcr- sion of the Bible. The board adopted this pro- posal.li did the The board's resolution not arouse in-

terest of the secular press,but the religious press raised numerous questions about the new policy. The Western Christian Advocate demanded to

know whether the Catholic Church would fur-

nish Douay Bibles without notes for children to take school, whether jt would allow them t-A to or to receive such editions from Protestant sources. The Catbolic Telegraph praised the board for

its decision and expressed its gratitude that a respectable majority of the school board had passed the resolution despite the most" unscru- pulous efforts made by malicious and ignorant

26 men to poison the public niitid. 1 While the question of how and whether to schools use the Bible in Cincinnati's common E had been settled aniicably, the related question for the of how and whether to use tax funds support of parochial schools was not so easily resolved. The matter came to a head during an electioncampaigninthespring of 1853. At that

24 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY time,Dr. Mudd and eight hundred other Catholics addressed a petition to the school law that Ohio legislature requesting an amendment to the state's basic would establish a right for parents to educate their own children. This move, coming in conjunction with similar efforts in other dioceses about that time, Gazette, Dr. looked like a plot to local Protestants. In the view of the Daily Mudd's petition simply constituted an attempt to strengthen the weakening hold of the clergy on local politics. The Commercial offered a less conspirato- rial opinion, arguing that religious controversies such as might be provoked by this petition could not be productive" of any good, either to the cause of Enquirer vital piety,or the moral tranquility of the community."And the argued against an allocation of a portion of the school fund to parochial edu- cation, since that action would ultimately harm the common school system that had been conceived" in wisdom which far transcends the scope of nar- minded and intolerant 27 row sectarianism.' But the strongest anti-Catholic statements again came from the Protestant Western Christian Advocate evangelical press. The was particularly vivid in its language:Nothing " but an entire and utter control of the schools of the country will satisfy [the Church's] longings. How would it look for a gang of Americans to go to some foreign country and pledge themselves as good citi- zens,but set up a claim against the government,and give out threats that they would have that claim satisfied? So act the minions of the Pope, and they are ready to wade in blood knee deep, provided their ends are accomplished. In this city, they have commenced canvassing the wards, and are prepared to open the war,the first fire of which is to be heard in the coming spring city elections."28

he climax of this controversy came with Archbishop Purcell's pasto- T ral letter of March 26, 1853. Catholics,wrote Purcell who by now had been elevated to the position of Archbishop, were not opposed to public common schools. Moreover,he argued that Catholics would pay taxes willingly to support such schools if the schools were open to Catholic children on the same terms as they were to other children. In conclusion, Purcell suggested that members of his congregation exercise their privilege as American citizens to vote for candidates in the upcoming election who would fairly represent the wishes and requirements of their constituents and redress 29 The local the grievances of which they so justly complain. press was en- Western Christian raged at Purcell's overt intervention in local politics. The Advocate reported that the" Archbishop is not only angry,but in a rage," the because he saw that light" and knowledge are doing their efficient work in Popish church,in alienating multitudes of her children from her."The Daily Gazette took him to task for his lack of coherent argument and appeal to Commercial prejudice. The called his effort an attempt to" promote, not 30 religious knowledge in any general sense, but the interest of a sect.

FALL 2003 25 RELIGION IN THE CLASSROOM

into competing parties from which the Democrats emerged victorious by na thenarrowend,margin.theschoolHowever,funding theissueclosefracturedvote allowedCincinnati'bothspoliticalCatholicssystemand evangelicals to claim victory. The Catholic Telegraph professed satisfaction that local Whigs,who had fielded the most anti-Catholic candidates, had been defeated. But the Western Christian Advocate warned of a well-organized foreign religious and political power in our midst."The " archbishops, bishops, inquisitors and clergy in the United States,"the evangelical journal continued,are " the sworn officers of the papal crown. Let them be narrowly watched and guarded,so then they may not overturn our liberties."31 Subse- quently,accommodations that had been attempted in earlier disputes no longer seemed possible as the fires of nativism,fueled by economic and political ri- valries, burned more brightly. The Catholic community fast became a belea- guered minority in the city. In" a real sense,"writes historian Michael Perko, everyone lost the election. A community which had thus far avoided overt public religious controversy was now plunged into sectarian rivalry of the most strident variety.'32 In the late 1850s, relations between Catholics and Protestants remained strained each side became as more defensive and withdrawn. This shift is

especially evident in Bishop Purcell's Pastoral Letters of 1858 and 1859 in which his earlier tone of optimism regarding Protestants faded,and he began to attack Protestant school policies vigorously. In a speech delivered on June 23, 1859, he especially attacked those who were attempting to tax the prop- erty of the church. During the next several years, the Catholic Telegraph printed editorials that reiterated the Archbishop's demand for part of the school fund, his condemnation of co-education, and his complaints about worldly Protestant influences in the public schools.33 And his diocesan clergy in the first three Provincial Councils of Cincinnati confirmed these positions. Like the earlier such meetings in Baltimore,these councils initially confirmed policy

pronouncements that encouraged the support of Catholic schools in the face of Protestant intransigence. In time,however,they became progressively more insistent on the obligation of parents to educate their children as Catholics and of pastors to build schools, citing the uncooperativeness of civil authori- ties as a major motivation.34 These controversies over religion and education in general,and use of the Bible in schools in particular,lapsed during the Civil War. However,conflict

was never far below the surface,and afterward it emerged again in the Bible War of 1869,the greatest" school-related religious fight of the Victorian era," which pitted two irreconcilable ideological positions against each other and brought Protestants and Catholics into bitter conflict. The stakes were high. The winner would prevail in the formation of common school policy for all students in Cincinnati, and ultimately, in the salvation of the souls of the

rising generation.35 But the immediate cause of the Bible War lay in a pro-

26 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY posal to consolidate public and parochial schools into one public system. The idea of consolidating the public and parochial systems had been dis- cussed among Catholic and Protestant members of the school board as early as June 1840,when an outgoing Cincinnati school board suggested the possi- bility of incorporating a Catholic school into the common school system and supplying it with a teacher. In midsummer 1869, EW.Rauch, a newly elected Catholic member of the board who was anxious to dispel popular suspicion that Catholics were enemies of a free school system, consulted with Father Edward Purcell, brother of the Archbishop, as to whether a consolidation might be possible. Heartened by the priest's personal disposition toward the idea, Rauch and nine fellow Catholic board members drew up a six-point program calling for the incorporation of church schools into the public edu- cational system. Specifically, they advocated the purchase by the Cincinnati school board of all Catholic schools in the city, and consolidation of those schools with the public schools,provided that no religious teaching,or read- ing or circulation of any religious books,papers or documents were permitted in them. In late August, a proposal to that effect signed by twenty-seven school board members was formally presented to Father Edward Purcell for his consideration.36 Acting on behalf of his brother who was absent from the city,Father Purcell tentatively agreed to the proposal but sought two minor concessions. First, the schools would not be used tor religious instruction during the school day. Second,Catholic teachers would be employed to teach Catholic children. After the board explained the impossibility of granting the second condition,the priest withdrew it and indicated that the Church would agree to the plan provided that public school buildings could be used for catechism weekends. instruction on

onsidering Catholic opposition to consolidation in 1852 and the vari OUS decrees of the Archdiocesan Provincial Councils during the en- suing seventeen years, why did the Church hierarchy seem amenable to this idea? Perhaps because immigration had far outrun the Catholic Church's ability to meet the demands for a school attached to every parish. But another factor may have been support for consolidation among the Irish Catholics who generally favored putting their children into the public schools. To this group,parochial schools seemed a heavy financial burden indeed, and besides they believed that the Church had little chance of bringing Cincinnati's paro- chial schools up to the same standards as the city's public schools. But while some Catholics may have looked with favor on these consolida- tion proposals,many Protestants in Cincinnati were not so agreeably inclined. The Daily Gazette called the attempted merger nothing less than a"Jesuitica] scheme"calculated to either ruin the common schools or accomplish a divi- sion of the school fund between sectarian and public institutions. The Daily

Times declared that if this proposal were adopted,Catholics would gain com-

FALL 2003 27 RELIGION IN THE CLASSROOM

plete mastery of all they want in respect to the exclusive education of their own children, and all the expenses now paid by the Church are to come out of the school fund. What do they surrender? Nothing at all, but gain every- thing."The Western Christian Advocate reiterated its long-standing opinion

that there was no possibility of arranging an educational system in which Catholics and Protestants could harmonize. On the other hand, the editor of

the Cincinnati Commercial,Murat Halstead,considered the merger proposal reasonable because it would return to the public schools fifteen thousand Catho- lic children whose rudimentary" education has hitherto been provided for by the Church itself. 3,37

t a Cincinnati school board meeting on September 6, 1869, F.W. A Rauch called for the creation of a committee to formally explore the idea of consolidating the city's public and parochial schools. After this resolution was seconded, Samuel A. Miller offered an amendment that would have prohibited religious instruction and the reading of religious books,

including the Bible, in the common schools of Cincinnati in order to allow" the children of parents of all sects and opinions in matters of faith to enjoy alike the benefits of the common school fund."38 Although these proposals for consolidation of public and parochial schools and for removal of the Bible from public schools had been made entirely independently of each other,they

appeared before the public as a whole. And that created an impression among many Cincinnatians that use of the Bible in schools had become an obstacle to the entrance of Catholic children into local public schools. This fusion of issues doomed the consolidation plan and divided Cincinnati's Protestant and Catholic communities.

The most vehement reaction to these proposals came from the city's Protes- tant pulpits. On September 11, the Daily Times printed a lengthy list of min- isters who intended to address the subject in their Sunday sermons. A high point in opposition to consolidation came on September 12, when six local ministers preached on the Bible question at the Wigwam in the Seventeenth Ward,a well-known gathering place for public meetings of all kinds. Com- bining an insistence on the Protestant character of American life with dia- tribes against Romish oppression, they asserted that the Bible must remain in the schools if morality were to be preserved. Evangelist Granville Moody also called for members of the audience to sign a petition to be presented to the school board opposing the proposals,and he urged them to stage a rally at the Catholic cathedral the next day.39 When the Cincinnati school board met on September 13, a letter from Arch- bishop Purcell was read in which he signaled his willingness to confer with a committee regarding the consolidation of the schools. However,the prelate

made it clear he was perfectly satisfied with the Catholic schools as they now existed, and he thought it was unjust to impose restrictions on the rights of

28 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Catholic children for the benefit of the public schools. Following some dis- board voted establish work cussion of this letter,the to a committee to out a plan of settlement between the Catholic Church and the public schools. The board did not consider the controversial resolution offered by Samuel Miller.41} On September 20, after the committee had met with Purcell, another letter from the Archbishop was read to the school board in which he stated his terms for continued negotiations. First.Purcell wanted it clearly understood that the entire" government of Public Schools in which Christian Youth is educated could not be given over to the civil powen Second, Catholics could not approve a system o f education disconnected from instruction in the Catholic faith and teachings of the Church: therefore, instruction in this religion must be admitted to the schoolroom. Third, he wanted no teacher employed to whom the Catholic authorities could reasonably object. And finally,all text- books used in the schools should contain nothing offensive to Catholic faith or sentiment:'Later in the same meeting, however,all hope for consolida- tion of the public and parochial schools were dashed when Joseph Carberry, leader of the liberal Catholics, informed the board that Purcell had stated he would need to seek the opinion of the Pope on this matter. The board inetil- bers were outraged. Abner Fraser spoke for many when he said it seemed strange that an Ohio" School Board should be made to await the action of a representative of a church, who,without authority to act here it. home, must go across the ocean and consult a foreign prince. Frank Mack agreed that the idea" of asking the committee to wait another six months was ridicu- lous."41

hy did Archbishop Purcell backpedal on the issue of consolida tion? There are three possible reasons for this change of heart. First,in light of his imminent departure for the Vatican Council in Rome, Purcell might have been reluctant to engage in still another contro- versy with the city's Protestant elite. Second, the Miller amendment had cast an entirely new light on the issue. The Catholic Church had always main- tained that religion could not be separated from education, thus if the Bible was removed from the public schools, these institutions would become truly godless. Finally,Purcell's own ciergy objected. In late August,a letter written by twenty-four local German priests appeared in the city papers that rejected the consolidation plan because they feared that their schools would lose their unique Catholic character and that valuable school property would be given away without adequate compensation.48 The focus of debate then shifted to the Miller resolution. On September 26, 1869, a meeting of two hundred persons opposed to the use of the Bible in the public schools was held at Greenwood Hall. One speaker attributed the great public stir and agitation to "misrepresentations and falsifications of the worst kind"in the press that stirred up conflict between Catholics and Protes-

FALL 2003 29 RFLIGION IN TH E CLASSROOM

1{ tants The meeting ended with the adoption of a resolu- M#*t.*..F«**SE.-Ig**$%SA- 0 tion demanding the lemoval of the Bible from public 11' , schools as a means" of making the several people that reside in the United States a homogeneous nation 44"

1 * n overflow crowd that attended a pro-Bible A meeting at Pike's Music Hall on September 28, 1869,however,reflected the sentiments of 4 most Cincinnati lesidents For the most pait, they strongly favored the teaching of religion public schools For example, local lawyer Rufus in argued that L. King it was 2 of whether the Bible should be taught 1 I.'- nota question m rp S fi' · the schools, but whether the school system should be maintained at all if religion cannot be taught there He thought lt better there be no public schools at all rather that allowing them to become the godless" institutions" 1 that would suiely result tf the Miller amendment were

0j(*{*8***S**5**4..&*Sti2*1***!*i=*k appi oved But the pro-Bible forces also squabbled among themselves over how religion should be taught in the schools and who was responsible for raising the divisive issue in the first place Another lawyer,William Ramsey pointed out that the Catholic Church could not be held responsible for holding up the consolidation plan be- cause the Church could not recognize" any system of education of which religious instruction is not a part George R. Sage then took exception to Ramsey's exon- eration of the Catholic Church He thought it entirely proper to assign to the authorities of the Catholic Church their share of the responsibility in the matter Clearly, differences of opinion remained among those 45 who favored lellgion in Cincinnati's public schools During the next month, the local citizenry continued to vigorously debate the question of removing the Bible from classrooms Ministers expounded on the issue from their pulpits, editors expressed their opinions in print, Mhw i ,4.*., and numerous meetings were held throughout the city The anti-Bible forces, now led by Johann B Stallo and Thomas Vickers, gathered at Pike's Hall m mid-Octo- ber Judge Stallo expressed amazement at the conten- tion of Dr Amory Dwight Mayo, pastor of the city's conservative Unitalian church,that the United States was a Christian land because Christianity was the prevailing

11< 43, creed of the population Has" America ceased to be a

30 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY free republican country?Or has it ceased to be true that all freedom begins where the rights of the minority begins?"On the other hand, the address of the Rev- erend Vickers, pastor of the city's lib- eral Unitarian church, was more mili- tant. If" there is any fighting to be done,"he declared, there" are young men and old men in this country who are ready to shoulder the musket and the knapsack and fight for their religious freedom."46

The school board took up the ques- tion of retaining the Bible again on Oc- tober 18, but no definite conclusion was reached. Finally,after considerable pres- sure to resolve the issue,the board voted at midnight on November 1, 1869, in favor of excluding Bible reading from x-1,*241-- final the common schools. The count was twenty-two to fifteen. As the Com- number of Catholic school board members voted In February 1870, mercial had predicted, a Hamilton County Superior against removal of the Bible. Yet there were some Catholic members who Court Judges Marcelus voted for the Miller amendment,and the Archbishop was not pleased. The Hagans 1827-( 1899), preceeding and Telegraph specifically castigated Joseph Carberry for his admission of page top, open Bellamy Storer 1796-( the superiority of the free schools as opposed to the parochial schools in the 1875),preceeding page bottom,voted in favor of city,and for expressing the desire of Catholic educate their children parents to keeping tbe Bible in public in the best schools-which meant public schools.47 schools wbile Judge Alphonso Taft 1810-( 1891),above,vehemently n November 3, 1869,thirty-seven citizens filed a petition with the dissented. Cincinnati Museum Center,Cincinnati Hamilton County Superior Court requesting an injunction to pre Historical Society Library vent the enforcement of the Miller amendment. They alleged that which mandated the board's action was a violation of the state constitution, the teaching of Christian religion in the schools. On the same day,Judge Bellamy Storer granted the injunction and set a hearing date to determine whether it should be made perpetual. The three judges selected to hear the case were Storer,a former president of the school board; Marcelus Hagans, schools and benefactor of an active worker in the advancement of Sunday a the Cincinnati Wesleyan Female Seminary;and Alphonso Taft,later secretary of war,attorney general,and United States minister to Austria and Russia.48 The opening arguments were presented to the Superior Court on November 29, 1869. Representing the plaintiffs were George Sage, Rufus King and Wil- liam Ramsey. The anti-Bible attorneys were George Hoadley, Stanley

FALL 2003 31 RELIGION IN THE CLASSROOM

Matthews, and Johann Bernard Stallo. Hoadley, a liberal Protestant, was a descendant of the New England divines Jonathan Edwards and Timothy Dwight.49

that since religion was necessary for good government,and Christianity theirthe openingreligion ofpresentationthe United States,the then it followed that schools wasn to court,pro-Bible attorneys assertedmust teach the Bible in order to fulfill the section of the Ohio Bill of Rights that required government to be concerned with the development of morality. On the other hand, defense attorneys argued that the school board had a perfect right to make such regulations, including removal of the Bible from public schools, and any intervention by the court thus would be an illegitimate usur- pation of that body's legal authority. Furthermore, they insisted that neither the United States nor the State of Ohio were constitutionally Christian societ- ies. To compel reading of the Bible in common schools would amount to the promotion of sectarian worship, something that was clearly forbidden by the Ohio constitution. On February 15, 1870, by a two to one majority,the Superior Court made perpetual the initial injunction denying the right of the

school board to remove the Bible from the classroom. Given the religious backgrounds of Storer and Hagans,the result was not surprising. In a force- ful dissent, however,Taft rejected virtually all of the contentions of his col-

leagues. He saw the action of the school board as a logical consequence of the Bill of Rights, seeking only to make the schools religiously neutral, as they were required to be under the law. As might be expected, the city's newspapers were divided in their opinion of the court's decision. The Daily Gazette exulted that for" the present,the Bible is sustained, and our school system has been saved from a damaging,if not destructive,blow."But the Commercial reaffirmed its stance against Bible reading,insisting that it provided Catholics with a legitimate excuse for the establishment and support of a separate school system.so Throughout the controversy the ethnic press had been uniformly hostile to the notion of Bible reading in the schools, seeing it as the most blatant form of sectarianism. Thus the Volksblatt and Volksfreund expressed sorrow at the ruling, seeing it as an indication of the dark" spirit of intoleration."The Courier,an English language paper for Germans, saw the use of the Bible as an artifice" to cover sectarian designs."51 Official Catholic reaction to the decision was disap- pointment. The Telegrapb predicted it would be a" transient, momentary victory of the Evangelicals; a victory of popular prejudice over religious lib- 52 erty.

Following the Superior Court's decision to uphold the injunction to pre- vent removal of the Bible from classrooms, the case was appealed to the Ohio Supreme Court. While this decision was pending, another electoral battle,the spring election of 1870, was waged in Cincinnati with candidates immedi-

32 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY ately labeled pro-or anti-Bible. This campaign was filled with all the bitter- ness that had characterized earlier struggles in Cincinnati over religion and schools. For example, the Reverend Mayo who led the pro-Bible group urged all patriotic Americans to vote for pro-Bible candidates in the coming elec- tion, and he charged the anti-Bible advocates with deliberately trying to un- dermine Cincinnati's common school system. In the municipal election of April 4, 1870, eight anti-Bible members of the school board who had voted

for the Miller resolutions ran for reelection,and five emerged victorious over their Bible" Party"opponents.53 And in June, 1873, the anti-Bible forces received another boost when the Ohio Supreme Court handed down a unani mous verdict maintaining that, because management of the public schools had been delegated to local boards by the state constitution,the courts had no lawful authority to interfere in determining what books should be read or what studies pursued. Therefore it was the prerogative of each board to de- cide the appropriate place of the Bible in the classroom. The opinion also

declared that the use of term religion"" in the Ohio constitution could not be estab- construed to mean Christianity because this would amount to a de jure lishment of religion.54 In general terms, the Cincinnati press concurred with this decision. They also agreed that it was now the duty of the voters to select school board members who would return the Bible to its proper place in edu- cation, although they disagreed on what that might be. And ironically,the city's Catholic hierarchy also applauded the outcome.If " the Constitution does not enjoin religious instruction in the schools,"said the TelegTapb, then follows 55 it that is not a Christian State.

In the spring of 1873, Walker Meredith Yeatman, Hamilton County heauditor,battleandoverJohnreligionGerke,in thelocaltreasurer,schools,placedhowever,the hadpropertynotyetof ended.all pa- rochial schools in the city on the tax roles,on the grounds that these could not properly be called free schools, and were not, as a result, tax exempt under Ohio law. Archbishop Purcell argued that state law provided for the exemp- tion of common schools,and that the Church's schools fell into this category because they were public" and free,and any child, of whatever religious belief is received equally with the children of Catholic parents."In the trial that followed, Yeatman and Gerke attempted to demonstrate the essentially reli- gious nature of the parochial school,but a three-judge panel ruled in Purcell's favor and ordered the Catholic schools perpetually removed from the tax rolls.56 Purcell Gerke vs. represented the last major public clash over paro- chial schooling in nineteenth-century Cincinnati. While the subject still occa- sionally cropped up in local newspapers, attempts at accommodation and consolidation were over: two separate and increasingly well-defined institu- tions, parochial and public, took shape side by side.

The significance of the Cincinnati Bible War is threefold. First, it took on

FALL 2003 33 RELIGION IN THE CLASSROOM

national importance as a landmark test case involving the relationship be- religion and public schooling tween that would be tested in hundreds of cases over the next several decades. For instance, in the late 18805, Catholics in Edgerton, Wisconsin, sued the local school district in order to have public school teachers discontinue reading selections from the Bible each day. Dur- ing the next century many similar cases came before the courts, the most famous among them being Engel v.Vitale that outlawed public school prayer in 1962 and Abington School District v.Schempp that proscribed Bible read- ing, the next year.57 Second, it provided a clear articulation not only of the ideological differences between Catholics and Protestants in nineteenth cen- tury America but also between liberals and conservatives within each reli-

gious community. At the same time, it furthered the alienation of those un- able or unwilling to subscribe to either religion, that is to say those who fa- vored a strictly civil society and government.SH In" bringing this civil view into sharp conflict with the more prevalent one which favored common reli- historian gion," Robert Michaelson has written, the" Cincinnati case marked an important point in the developing relationships between religion and the public school, and, more generally,between church and state in the United States."59 Finally,this struggle resulted in recognition of the implications of

religious pluralism in the United States, if not an actual agreement on the part of all concerned about how conflicts over religion in America should be re- solved. The ensuing change in public attitude led to a decline in the religious bigotry that had pervaded earlier generations in antebellum America. On this particular issue at least, Protestants and Catholics learned to live in quiet accommodation with each other. 4

11. John B. Purcell,On " the Philosophy of the Human Mind," Obic,State Arcbaeological and Historical Quarterly 60 Transactions of the Sixth Annual Meeting of tbe Western 1951):369-86; Bernard Mandel, Religion" and the Public Literary Institute and College of Professional Teachers, Schools of Ohio,"Tbe Obio State Arcbaeological and October 1836, D.I Talbott,ed. (Cincinnati: Published by Historical Quarterly 58 (1949):1 85-206; Robert the Executive Committee, 1837),67. Michaelson,Joinmon "( Schools,ommon (' Religion?A Case Study in Church-State Relations, Cincinnati, 1869-1870, 2. The historiography of the debate over the use of the Bible iii the classroom includes: Vincent R Lannie. Public Money Church History 38 (1969):201-17;and E Michael Perko in Tbe of and Parochial Education:Bishop Hughes,GovernoT Senuard A Time to Pavor ZATI: Ecc,log) Religion Dek·< alb, Ill.:Educational Studies Press, Northern Illinois Press, and tbe New York School Controversy Clevelatid: Press of Case Western Reserve, 1968);Robert Michaelson, Piety iii 1988).Also central to understanding the Cincinnati struggle Tbe Bible tbe Public Schools. before tbe tbe Public School:Trends and Issues in tbe Relationship are in Arguments of the of Board between Religion and the Public Schools in tbe United Superior Court Cincinnati in case Minor v. States of Education of Cincinnati,1870,witb tbe Opinions of tbe New York: Macmillan,1970);R. I.auretice Moore, and tbe Appeal of tbe Bible Reading and Nonsectarian Schoolings: lhe' Failure of Court 01)i,iic)11wi ( Supreme Court of Obk, York: and the Transac- Religious Instruction in Nineteenth Century Public New DaC::ipo Press, 1967); of tbe of tbe and Education,"Journal of American History 86 2000):1581- tions Meetings Western iterary ], Institute College of Professioilal Teacheis Published by 99,and What" Children Did Not Learn in School: The K.incinnati: the Executive C(,inmittee, 1835-1838). Intellectual Quickening of Young Americans in the Nineteenth Century,"Church History 68 (1999):42-61; 3. Roy Maynard,Ruling " Coming on Dispute Over Child's and David B. Tyack, Onward" Christian Soldiers: Religion Bible Story,"Our Sunday Visitor,August 1, 1999;ACI. " U in the American Common School,"History and Education: Challenges Posting of Ten Commandments in Kentucky Tbe Educational Uses of tbe Past,ed.Paul Nash (New Schools and Courthouses, November 18, 1999, Press York: Random House, 1970):212-55. The nature of the Release;ACLU " of Ohio Seeksompliance (' from School controversy iii Cincinnati was examined by Harold M. Districts to Remove Teri Commandmoits from Four High Helfman in The" Cincinnati 'Bible War,'1869-1870,"The Schools,"April 3, 2003, Press Release; Russell Shaw,

34 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Voucher Battle Now Shifts to State I.egislatures: U.S. 10. Western Christian Advocate,October 27, 1852. Supreme Court Finds Cleveland Neutral' Towards Program ' 21. Ibid.,February 18, 1848. Religion, But Opponents Won't Give Up the Fight,"Om Sunday Visitor,July 14, 2003; E. J. Dionne,Beyond " 22. John B. Purcell to Pr(,pagation of the Faith, Februar>·10. Vouchers,"Washington Post,july 25,2003; Bell Teller, 1843, University of Notre Dame Archives, Society for the of the Guidelines for School Prayer: Resistance Could Jeopardize Propagation Faith. Lyons (NIPFL) 6. John P. Foote. Cincinnati: Federal Funds,Education Department Says,"Associateci Tbe bc,)()(,ts 1(, Ii,( icin?i,iti.:11!d Its Vici?irti' C C:.F.Bradley & (: Press,February 9,2003. o..1855).122-23. 23. Weste, Cl,ristian Advocate.October 4. Henry A. and Kate B.Ford,History of Cincinnati,Obio 71 27, 1852. Cleveland: L.A. Williams Company,& 1881),172-202. See 14. Ibid. also Daniel Aaron,Cincinnati:Queen City of the West. 25. Daily Gazette,October 22, 1852; Conimercial.Novem- 1819-1838 Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1992). ber 2, 1852; Catholic Telegraph. November 13, 1852. 5. Cincinnati Chronicle,September 1, 1838. Colimierchil, November 9. 1852. Daily Gazette, November 9, 1852. 6. Calvin E. Stowe,On " the Education of Emigrants," Western Transactions of tbe Fift])Alinual Meeting of tbe 26. Western Cbristi,in Adl,ocate, November 24. 1852. Literary Institute and College of Professional Teachers, C.,itbolic Telegraph.November 13, 1852. October 1835 (Cincinnati: Published by the Executive 17. Daily Gazette,March 16. 1853: Commercial,Alarch 15, Committee, 1836),74. 1853; Enquirer, Nlarch 22, 1853. 7. John H. I.amott,History of tbe Arcbdiocese of Cincinnati. 28. Western Christian Adi,ocate. J·larch 2, 1853. 1821-1921 (New York: Pustet, 1921);Edward A. Connaughton,A History of Educational 1.egislation and 29. Catholic Telegraph, March 26. 1853. Administration iii tbe Arcbdiocese of Ci,icinnati CWashing- 30. Vestern\ Christian Adi,ocate.March 30, 1853; Daily ton, D. C.:The Catholic University of America Press. 1946); G.i:ette, March 26, 1853;April 2, 1853; Commercial. Roger A. Fortin, Faith and Action: A History of the M arch 26, 1853. Catholic Arcbdiocese of Cincinnati, 1821-1996 (Columbus: 31. Catbolic Telegrapb, April 9, 1853; Western Christian Ohio State University Press, 2002). Advocate,April 13, 1853. 8. Cincinnati Journal, March 27, 183.5, Daily Gazette,Jiily 4, 31. Perko.A Tillie to Favor Zion.53. \ 1836. 33. Pitbolic( 72'legraph.July 9, 1859; August 13, 1859. 9. Stephen H. Montgomery,Introduction " of the Bible as a September 17. 1859. December 3. 17,22, 1860. Textbook,"Transactions of tbe Sixth A,inual Meetilig of the 34. Past<,ral 1- of the First Provincial Council of Western Lite}ary· institute and College of P,ofessio,tal etter Cincin,lati, Teachers.October 1836 (Cincinnati: Published by the Cincinnati: John R Walsh. 1855),8; Executive Committee, 1837),67-79. Connaughton, History of Educational Legislation,51. See also Urban J. Statig,A "History of Conciliar 10. Ibid.,158. Legislation in the Province of Cincinnati, 1852-1861" 11. John B. Purcell, On" the Expediency of Introducing M.A. thesis,Catholic University of America, 1940). Selections from the Bible, Instead of the Bible Itself,Into 35. Perko, A Time to Favor Zion.154. Our Schools,"Transactions of tbe Seventh Annital Meeting of tbe Western Literary Institute and College of Professional 36. Council of Cincinnati.for tbe School Year Ending June 30, 1840 Teachers,October 1837 (Cincinnati: James R. Allbach. Cincinnati, 1840),4. Accounts of the carly 1838),118-20. deliberations and negotiations are given in the Commer cial August 27,September 23, 1869; Daily Gazette, 12. Benjamin R Aydelott, Report" the Expediency of on August 27, 28, 29, September 1, 1869. Introducing Selections from the Bible,Instead of the Bible Daily August Daily Times, Itself,...Into Our Schools,"Tralisactions of tbe Sevelitb 37. Gazette, 27, 1869; August 27, Annual Meeting, 121. 1869; Western Christian Advocate,June 30, 1869; Commercial,August 27, 1869. 13. Catholic Telegraph,October 12, 1837;Transactions of tbe 38. Commercial,September Seventh Annital Meeting,13,Anthony Deye,Arcbbisbop 7, 1869; Daily Gazette, September 7, 1869. joi)n Baptist Purcell of Cincinnati,Pre-Civil War Years Notre Datiie, Indiana: University of Notre Daine Press, 39. Daily jillles,' S eptember 11, 1869, Commercial, 1956),195. September 13, 1869.

14. John B. Purcell to John Hughes, October 13, 1840, 40. Commercial, September 14, 1869; Daily Gazette, Archdiocesc of New York Archives. September 14,1869. 15. Catholic Telegraph,October 31, 1839. 41. Meeting of the Catholic Clergy on the School Question, 16. Ibid.,March 7, 1840. September 16, 1869, Archdiocese of Cincinnati Archives.

17. Ruth Miller Elson, Guardians of Tradition:American 42. Commercial, September 21, 1869. SCI)oolbooks of the Lincoln: University Nineteentb Century 43. Meeting of the Catholic Clergy on the School Question, of Nebraska Press, 1964);Marie I.eonore Fell, The September 16, 1869, Archdiocese of Cincinnati Archives. Foundations of Nativism in American Textbooks,1 783- 44. Commercial,September 27, 1869. 1860 Washington,D.C.:The Catholic University of America Press, 1941). 45· Commercial,September 29, 1869; Daily Times, September 29, 1869. 18. Edward A. Connaughton,A History of Educational 46, Commercial,October Several months after his Legislation, 39-41. See also Twenty-Fifth Annual Report of 17, 1869. tbe Board of School Trustees and VisitoTs Cincinnati, 1853),11-12.

19. Catholic Telegraph,April 15, 1847.

FALL 2003 35 RELIGION IN THE CLASSROOM

arrival in the city in 1867,Vickers became engaged in a debate with Archbishop Purcell in the newspapers. This Roman Catholic Cburcb controversy was published as The and Free Thought:A Contioumsy between Arcbbisbop Purcell and Tbomas Vickers together with an appendix containing the Encyclical Letter and Syllabus of Pope Pius IX,dated December 8, 1864 (Cincinnati: Published by the First Congregational Church,1868).His views on religion Tbe Bible Tbe and public schooling are contained in m Public Schools, 107-211. For an account of Vicker's later life, see Reginald C. McGrane, The University of Cincinnati New York: Harper and Row,1963),81. 47. Catholic Telegraph, September 15, 22, 1869.

Bible in 48. A complete record of this case is contained in The the Public Schools,Arguments in tbe Case of Jobn D. Minor et.al.Versus the Board of Education of the City of Cincinnati et.al. Cincinnati: Robert Clarke, 1870).

49. For the personal and public toll the decision to represent the school board took on these lawyers, particularly Matthews, see William R. Wantland,Jurist " and Advocate: The Political Career of Stanley Matthews, 1840-1889"Ph. ( D. diss.,Miami University,1994):117-23.

50. Enquirer, February 16, 1870; Daily Gazette,February 16, 1870; Daily Times, February 16, 1870; Commercial, February 16, 1870.

The 51. Volksblatt and Volksfreund for February 16, 1870,are quoted in the Daily Gazette, February 17, 1870. The tbat Courier's statement is found in Some of the Arguments Have been Made in Favor of Abolisbing Religious Inst™c- tion in tie Public Schools Cincinnati,1870),13.

51. Catholic Telegraph,February 17,1870.

53. Amory Dwight Mayo to the Daily Gazette, March 30, 1870; Commercial,March 28, 1870.

54. The Board of Education of the City of Cincinnati v John D. Minor et al.13 Ohio State Reports 211. Although this is December listed on the calendar of the 1872, Supreme Court term, the decision was not formally announced until June 24, 1873.

55. Daily Gazette,June 25, 1873;Enquirer,June 25, 1873; Commercial,June 25, 1873; Catholic Telegraph, June 26, 1873.

56. Superior Court of Cincinnati,Jobn Baptist Puycell v Jobn Gerke,Treasurer of Hamilton County,Obio Cincinnati: Robert Clarke and Company,1873);Catholic Telegraph, July 10, 1873, Perko,A Time to Favor Lion,222-25. 57. R. Laurence Moore, Bible" Reading and Nonsectarian Schooling: The Failure of Religious Instruction in Nine- teenth-Century Public Education,"journal of American History 86 2000):1581-99.

58. Perko, A Time to Favor Zion, 6. See also Helfman, The" Cincinnati Bible War,"369-86; Mande],Religion " and the Public Schools,"185-206; and Michaelson,Common " Schools,Common Religion,"201-217.

59. Michaelson, Common" Schools, Common Religion, 217.

36 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY It Was North of Tennessee: African American Migration to Louisville and tbe Meaning of tbe South

LUTHER ADAMS

referred to the railway that ran between Nashville and Louisville and then1925,intoClarathe North.Smith Asrecordedshe the followingcalled The"lyrics,Lshe &NsuggestedBlues"that n sanga song one way many African Americans conceived of the South:

I'm a ramblin' woman,I've got a ramblin' mind I'm a ramblin' woman, I've got a ramblin' mind buy ticket and down the line I'm gonna me a ease on Louisville and Nashville Railroad,No. 924. Tbe Cincinnati-bound traill Mason-Dixon line is down where the South begins travels a trestle spanning Mason-Dixon line is down where the South begins Bank Lick Creek in leave Pullman and ride the northern Kentucky. The Gonna a L &N.1 Pilson Historical Society

The Blues"directs L &N our attention to

the need to examine the way African Americans conceived of their own southernness, and es- pecially how the more than 17,000 African American migrants who came to Louisville,Ken- tucky, between 1930 and 1970 defined the South.2 Smith' Blues" Clara s L" &N shows us

that the South was a region defined not so much geographically as it was culturally,or more spe- cifically,by its politics of oppression. For many black southerners like Clara Smith, the South

meant segregation, the enforcement o f Jim Crow

r laws and customs, and her blues shows uS that this boundary began in Kentucky. According to the L" &N Blues,"the South began there not so much because one crossed the Ohio River,but because that was where African American pas- sengers riding on the Louisville and Nashville forced of first class accommodations were out in

Pullman cars and into segregated seating. In the minds of many African Americans, what made

FALL 2003 37 IT WAS NORTH OF TENNESSEE

the South distinctive was the oppression of Jim Crow. African Americans, however,did not conceive of the South as a land of oppression only,but also as a site of resistance and more importantly as home. African American migration to Louisville, Kentucky, raises a number of critical questions concerning our understanding of black migration in twenti- eth century America as a whole.3 First, it brings into question our historical preoccupation with migration to the urban North, and it highlights the im- portance of examining Af- rican American migration within the South. Secondly, African American migra- Louisville offers tion to an

opportunity to explore the multiple ways African Americans conceived of the

South, as a site of oppres- sion,as a site of resistance and as Home. For many black southerners these

were not competing view- points of the South, but

rather views many held concurrently. In short,Af- rican American migration

to Louisville suggests the importance of regional dis- tinctiveness within the

South. Although many A tobacco warehouse in African Americans rightly viewed Louisville as different than the Deep South, Louisville,Kentucky. Tbe time did they view it anything but southern. By examining African Filson Historical Society at no as American migration in Kentucky,I hope specifically to enrich our understanding of black life in Louisville, and generally to improve our grasp of the history of African American migration and civil rights in America as a whole.

tucky was somewhat different from the South they had known before. 1 seceded orUnlikemostmostmigrantsof theinsouthernLouisville,states,theKentuckySouth theyneverencounteredofficially in Ken Feder- from the Union during the Civil War,and it never endured a period of ally-mandated Reconstruction. Kentucky also walked a different path eco- nornically. Whereas cotton reigned as king throughout much of the South, Kentucky's economy remained after the war relatively more diverse. Tobacco, coal mining and commerce and industry, rather than cotton, undergirded Louisville's economy. Kentucky,and Louisville in particular,then held a pe-

38 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY culiar position in the Upper South as a border state, something that Clara Smith's lyrics tend to obscure by drawing a sharp division between North and South at the Ohio River.4

Perhaps the most significant difference between Kentucky and places in the Deep South from which most African Americans migrated iii the twentieth century lay in voting rights. Black Kentuckians, for the most part, had re- tained the vote after Reconstruction, unlike African Americans throughout most of the South who did not regain the right to vote until 1965. It is impor- citizens tant to note, however,that until the mid-1940s many black in Ken- tucky viewed voting as a privilege"" not as a right.i This was no small or insignificant difference. In their calling the right to vote a "privilege."African Americans in Kentucky reflected how tenuous access to that right remained throughout the state. It also reflected how much the civil rights of African

Americans depended upon the willingness of whites to allow them to exercise those rights, no matter how niuch black Kentuckians may have insisted on them.

mained quite unwilling to allow black citizens to exercise their right to ndeed,Duringduring themuch1870s,ofKentucky'for example,historyDemocratsafterthepreparedCivil Warbillwhitesfor the vote. s a re state legislature proposing to strip black Kentuckians of the right to vote alto- gethen The text of the proposed bill read: Be" it enacted by the Legislature of the commonwealth of Kentucky: That no person shall be an elector in this commonwealth who has wool or kinky hair on his scalp. That any person who shaves otherwise or removes the wool or hair from his head, so as to deceive the judges of the election, and shall cast his vote in disregard of this act,may be indicted by a grand jury,and punished as is now provided by law for fraudulent voting."6 Although the bill never speci fically mentioned Afri- can Americans,clearly references to woolly-" headed"citizens targeted black citizens for disfranchisement. Even though this bill never appeared before the state legislature,whites in Paris and Danville,Kentucky,found other equally disingenuous ways to disenfranchise black residents. There they simply stripped African Americans of the vote by reconfiguring town boundaries so that black neighborhoods were no longer within the town. 7 In spite of these early attempts to remove them from the state's electorate, African Americans in Kentucky maintained and consistently exercised their voting privileges."

As a border state Kentucky differed somewhat from the Deep South in many ways, but not much in social relations.8 Segregation in Kentucky was enforced by tradition and custom and especially by racialized violence as well as it ever was by laws and courts in the Deep South.'Indeed, black Kentuck- ians faced more than their fair share of whitecapping and lynching. Historian Edward Ayers has argued that there were more lynchings in Kentucky than anywhere else in the Upper South.'c And historian George C. Wright has

FALL 2003 39 IT WAS NORTH OF TENNESSEE

revealed that between 1890 and 1940 more than 353 documented lynchings took place in Kentucky."Nor could black Kentuckians expect much redress from the legal system. According to Wright,whether in Louisville,Lexington or some small mountain community,racial discrimination often meant that to be black and to be accused of a crime amounted to being guilty. Not until 1938, in fact,did county courts even include African Americans in a pool of potential jurors for a jury trial,and that followed only after a Supreme Court of Kentucky:1 decision in the case Hale v.

hese commonalties in social relations between Kentucky and the rest

of the South led one migrant, Lyman Johnson who arrived in 1930 from Columbia, Tennessee,to say,as " a whole Kentucky was a hell of a place when I came here."13 But interestingly,he continued, break" Ken- tucky into two parts, Louisville and the rest of the state. Louisville is oriented to the North,culturally and commercially. The rest of Kentucky looks to the South."14 Although I would hesitate to go as far as Lyman.Johnson and argue that Louisville looked to the North culturally,his comments were indicative of Louisville's peculiar position in the South. Louisville has been called one of the most liberal"" or "progressive"cities on race relations in the South, as well as a city with southern" racial traditions and a northern class dynamic."IS To some small degree Louisville's progressive"" reputation was accurate when measured by the standard set by the rest of the South. In Dark Journey, an examination of Mississippi during the age of Jim Crow,Neil Mc Millen pointed out that throughout much of the South segregation meant exclusic,n not sepa- l 6 ration.

Black Louisvillians, however,had limited access tc,a small number of seg- regated facilities including Red Cross Hospital, Louisville Municipal College

for Negroes (a branch of the University of Louisville created specifically for African Americans),two small branches of the public library (although they Louisville Public Library), were denied access to at[other branches of the Free and public transportation. Louisville also had more African Americans on the city police force than any other southern city, although black policemen could work only in the city's black neighborhoods. 17 these small, For many whites in Louisville, the access black residents had to mostly second-rate facilities allowed them to maintain their progressive"" view of themselves and their city. But, in fact, the progressive"" self-image that most white Louisville residents assigned to themselves was founded on polite racism."In his groundbreaking study of race relations in Louisville, George Wright has argued that there existed in the city racism" in a polite form"that remained polite" as long as Afro-Americans willingly accepted their place,'which, of course, was at the bottom."IN According to Wright, polite racism often allowed both white and black southerners to believe real the progress was being made in the realm of race relations. At same time,

40 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY however,polite racism served to remind African Americans that race relations could become much harsher should black southerners not accept"" their place. 19

African Americans in Louisville, however,did not always accept"" their place"as Wright's conception of "polite racism would have us believe For instance, whites often pointed as a sign ot the city's progressivism to the fact that black residents were not legally segregated on public transportation, meaning they could ride ill a taxi or a bus. Yet that lack of segregation b>law resulted from African American protests before the turn of the centurv involv- ing the entire black community, and was eventually confirmed district in a court.2() Similarly,whites often

pointed proudly to Louisville Municipal

College for Negroes as their testament to own

progressiveness." The college, however,

i , existed only because jA, African Americans had

flexed their political 3©» #, , 03%*= - muscle In fact, they ' 1 had threatened to SPIMI*. *##*67264 -. SU»*

block of mil- 4 passage a I , '. I , lion dollar bond in-

tended to expand the University of Louisville's campus since no provisions A ftfty-two passenge cay of tbe Louisville and Nashville had been made for black higher education the city. In return for support of in Railroad m Mobile, the bond issue by African Americans, the University of Louisville agreed to Alabama,luly 1937. Tbe hlson Historical Society establish a segregated Louisville Municipal College for Negroes.21 In sum, when white Louisvillians celebrated the progressivism"" of the River" City," they dismissed steps taken bv local African Americans to make it so.

espite this progressive"" reputation, black Louisvillians more often than not found themselves segregated. A 1948 Urban League Sur- vey on African American life discovered that most of the rules gov- erning race relations found in the Deep South also could be seen in action in Louisville.22 1n Louisville, however, whites maintained southern traditions

of racial discrimination and segregation more often by custom than by law. African Americans in Louisville, for example, faced considerable resistance from white civic associations that promoted the inclusion of restrictive clauses in leases,a prohibition on the sale or lease of houses or apartments to uncle-"

FALL 2003 41 IT WAS NORTH OF TENNESSEE

sirable tenants, mutual agreements among property owners to sell only to whites, and occasionally violence.23 And that resulted in limited housing op- portunities for black residents in Louisville. Louisville In 1940, according to a "Real Property Survey"published in the Defender,more than seventy-five percent of African Americans in Louisville lived in substandard housing.24 Black neighborhoods were characterized by a lack of proper sanitation,deteriorated property,and dense population.25 Spe- cifically,the majority of African Americans in Louisville lived in housing stock built before 1900, what the report called the oldest" and most dilapidated" houses in the city.26 In fact,the Urban League described many of the houses in the Parkland neighborhood as little more than shacks."" 27 As a result, African Americans commonly came home to rat-infested houses with broken steps or whole porches missing or plumbing so poor that drinking water could be had only from pipes in an outside toilet. When a toilet existed it was often not fit" for use,"and in some instances as many as eight families shared the only available restroom. These houses also often featured broken plaster that hung from the walls and ceilings, no heat, or leaking gas pipes.28 Unfortu- tlately,the influx of African American migrants to the city only exacerbated the housing pressures black residents faced. As more and more African Ameri- cans crowded into the River" City,"they found less housing available and that housing was often more segregated. In 1940, Louisville's segregation index stood at 70.0,but by 1970 it had risen to 89.2.29

B Americans discovered that it could allow for interaction between black andecausewhitesegregationresidents sometimeswas maintainedbut notbyatcustomothers. inAndLouisville,constantlyAfricanshift- ing patterns of segregation could be unsettling. Black people might be al- towed to eat at a restaurant one day,and be forced to leave the next if whites complained or simply chose not to serve them. During the 1920s, most de- partment stores established a new policy prohibiting African Americans from trying on clothes or shoes they wanted to purchase or from eating at lunch counters where they had previously been served. When black patrons were allowed to attend white theaters,they were forced to use entrances located in dark alleys. At one Louisville theater the black entrance was located in an alley behind the theater nearly half a block from the street and led to a segre- gated balcony on the second floor.30 Into this context stepped thousands of African American migrants,and for the black residents of Louisville that presented a conceptual challenge. For from Missis- some Louisvillians, these African American migrants were not phrase sippi,Alabama or Tennessee,they all came from down" home,"and the Louisvillians was not always meant as a compliment. Although black never viewed migrants from down" home"as harshly as did black residents further north,at times they too held negative views of migrants. They were some-

42 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY 31 times characterized as ignorant"or always making noise" on the streets. One mother in Louisville told her son that people who speak poorly act" like p they are from the South. Perhaps the most common perception held by black residents in Louisville of African American migrants characterized them as going wild" upon arrival. According to some long-time residents, mi- grants simply could not get used to the privileges"" or freedoms African Americans enjoyed in Louisville. One native Louisvillian claimed in a 1938 interview,They " ain't never been free and they can't get used to it. They come up here and go wild. Down Home they can't even walk on the streets with 33 white people. As if for emphasis he reiterated,Down " South they didn't have any privileges,but as soon as they get here they go wild."34

words tell us more about black Louisvillians and their opinions hileof themselvestheremaythanbesometheytruthdo abouttothesemigrants.comments,Theirultimatelycommentsthesere- that the racial discrimi- veal the desire of some African Americans to believe nation that defined the South for many black southerners existed to a lesser extent in Louisville. More generally, black residents in Louisville wanted to believe that their city,the South they inhabited,was freer than other places in the region, and that Louisville could be considered one of the better places for black southerners to live in the South. After returning from a visit to Nash- ville, Tennessee, where he was confronted with segregated street cars, a life- long Louisvillian,exclaimed,I "thought Louisville was pretty bad, but I was really glad to get back from Nashville."35 It is important to stress that black people in Louisville did not believe their City to be free, but that they believed it to be more free,a notion supported by the idea that the further South you went the worse things became for black people.36 Ironically, migrants shared many of these same perceptions and came to Louisville expecting more opportunity and less racial oppression, believing that the closer to the North black migrants came, the better life might be- come.37 According to Lyman Johnson, a migrant from Tennessee: Negroes " used to think it was such a blessing to get out of Alabama and Mississippi. If they couldn't make it all the way North, they'd try to get to Memphis or Nashville or Knoxville. To them even Tennessee was glory land! But I was from Tennessee,and used to think, If' I could only get to Kentucky,it would be heaven.'When I was boy I didn't know much about Kentucky,but I knew 3,38 it was north of Tennessee and that was a good direction. Upon arrival most migrants found Louisville indeed offered more opportu- nity for African Americans than did the Deep South states. For instance, Maria Walter's family migrated from a small town just below Atlanta, Geor- gia,solely because of the better opportunities that existed in Louisville. In her words,Down " South they couldn't make any money and educational facili- ties were bad."39 During World War II especially African Americans from the

FALL 2003 43 IT WAS NORTH OF TENNESSEE.

South took Deep advantage of a laboi shortage created by an increase in production dictated by the war,as well as by large numbers of white men who abandoned their Jobs to serve in the Armed Forces Job opportunities also became available in pait as a result of Franklin D. Roosevelt's Executive Or- der 8802 issued in 1941 that established the Fair Employment Piactices Com- facilitate mission to the full" participation in the defense program by all per- 3340 sons,regardless of race,creed, color or national origin Early in the war,while many African Americans in the Deep South chose to migrate to booming cities such as Detroit, San Francisco and Los Angeles, others chose to seek employment closer to home According to Ira Reid's study of "Special Problems of Negro Migration Duling the War,"more than black 100,000 southerneis moved to industrial centers in the South from ru- ral areas He also estimated that an additional 300,000 black southerners moved from the Deep South to various bordei states 4' Southern cities like Norfolk,Charleston and

Mobile especially drew

black migrants from throughout the South to fill lobs created by the

m*1%=i!11= cated there For in-

stance, between 1940 41.- IA, 4-- -_3»-®a,de*:and 1944, more than '» ' » , ''.-*':" St»L» 22,000 African Ameri- miorated Nor- cans b to 3 4 * folk,Virginia,and more than 6. 000 cime to Charleston County,

South Carolina,in hopes jifti{< 4.,7 fit of finding employment il. in these southern defense

American population in Air view of leffersonville many Deep South cities-including Birmingham,Atlanta,and Mobile-grew Boat and Machine Co and 42 far rapidly than Louisville result of their industitalization Howard Sbip Yards, more as a greater leffei bc)nuille,Iiidialla, Septembe} 12,1920 The however,African Americans from the Deep South had begun Filson Histoilcal Society D y 1941, --)to migrate to the Louisville area to take advantage of numerous war- JLJ telated industrial jobs that became available to them At the Naval Ordnance and the Hoosier Oidnance Works in Charlestown, Indiana, Aft 1- can Americans weie employed as pioduction woikers, machine operatoi s, foremen and first black laborers the assistant chemists For the time in Louis-

ville area also worked as shipbuilders The Howaid Ship Yards in near-by

44 OHIO VAI I FY HISTORY Ieffersonville,Indiana, hired black workers as buffers, painters, and welders in the production of landing craft tc)carry tanks and infantry. I.ouisville's synthetic rubber plants also began to employ African Aniericans iii positions throughout the productic,n process.41 Lafayette Brown was one of the manr migrants who came froin rural regions in Kentucky to secure wartime em- ployment. In 1943, he made his way to I.ouisville and began working at E.I. Dupont Company as a common laborer.44 But it was tiot only African Ameri- can men who were employed. Women like Gladys Bussey, a migrant from Alabama, secured employment as power machine operators. While others such as Mildred Bradley,Rebecca Smith and Annie Ruth I.aid-migrants from Uptc,n &Cumberland County,Kentucky,and Cliles,Tennessee,respectivel> - all found defense related work at the Louisville and Nashville railroad:i

professionals.in part because segregation provided thetii with a secure outhernmarket fc, thesuchservices and goods they sold. In 1940. citiesr as Louisvillealso providedopportunitiesseventy-for sevenblack percent of African Americans in the United States still lived below the Masoii- line, Dixon many of them concentrated in highly segregated cities. Atir num- ber of the southern cities, in fact, had populations that were twenty-tize to fifty percent black. In Louisville-like Memphis, Atlanta and Richmond- the African American community existed almost is a "cit>'within 1. city."a segregated separate" city"served mostly by black businesses and profession- als. As sociologists Silver and Moeser have observed, in spite ot a narrow economic base,African Americans served" their own anumunity in matters such financing, as insurance,jobs,personal services and patronage,as well as offering a social life that rivaled that of the white world in its depth and diversity."46

Similarly, migrants to Louisville found themselves drawn to the city by quality education unavailable elsewhere in the South. Simmons University, for example, had the only theolc,gical seminary available to black people in the therefore state,and it offered the Reverend William G. Marks, a native of Kentucky, he Lexington, training could not get anywhere else. He felt that a chance to attend the seminary on a full-time basis while working to pay his way at something other than hard" labor"was well worth permanently relo- eating in Louisville.47 Similarly,Celia Cox, found the public schools in Lou- isville compared quite favorably with the ones she had known before in Flo- renee,Alabama. In her mind,Louisville Municipal College was the best school in the state and offered everything she desired.48 Migrants like W. L. Holmes who grew up in Orville, Alabama, and attended classes in a school system that went n()further than the sixth grade had as his sole reason for leaving Alabama at the age f()eighteen a desire to go to school. In his words, I"left home because of that, I canie here to Louisville because of that."49 True, black education in Louisville suffered from a number of deficiencies; it was

FAI.L 2003 45 IT WAS NORTH OF TENNESSEE

segregated, under-funded and of a lesser quality than schools and colleges reserved for whites. But compared to the educational institutions available to African Americans in the Deep South, even these second-rate facilities seemed a great imprc,venient to black migrants in Louisville. African American migrants in Louisville quickly discovered that the city's polite racism may have made for better race relations on the surface,but it did not mean whites acted any less racist. Migrants, tor example, soon dis- covered that they could legally shop in department stores or ride street cars with whites; however,according to mie migrant, whites often acted funny," as if they did not want to serve or sit by African Americans.i' Dr. Maurice Rabb, a native of Columbus, Mississippi, encountered similar attitudes at a local drugstore. White pharmacists at Taylor's Drugs willingly filled his pa- tients' prescriptions, but whites in the same store refused to serve his wife, Jewel, a bottle of Coca-Cola."Others such as Earl Dearing, a Virginian, faced the heartache telling his seven year-old son that black patrons were not allowed to enter a theater showing Walt Disney's Bambi."" il The Reverend William G. Marks, who migrated to I.ouisville in 1966,discovered first-hand that African Americans could still be subjected to a hail storm of rocks and eggs in the city's parks, despite the fact that the parks had been legally inte- grated in the 1950s.53 As a result, migrants remained unimpressed by 1-ouisville's "progressive"reputation.

can migrants to Louisville remained connected to the places they G hadivei previouslythesedifficulties,inhabiteditshouldand thebeSouthsurprisingwhole.thatAfricanFor themAmerithe tonot as a South was both a symbolic location and an actual place, a site infused with meaning in a collective memory that remembered it as a sate" place."That collective memory of sights, sounds, smells and history converged tc,form an ethnic identity"for black migrants in Louisville.54 According to the black feminist scholar,Barbara Smith, African Americans conceived of home as fluid and conditional, encompassing conflict and contradiction.55 Similarly,in her

work on the production of home in Asian American theater, Dorinne Kondo asserts that home stands" for a safe place, where there is no need to explain oneself to outsiders; it stands for community."56 African Americans who relocated in Louisville often viewed the South in such terms.

Yet, at the same time, according to Dorinne Kondo, for people" on the margins home can also be a site of violence and oppression that is "rarely,if ever safe. For many migrants the decision to remain in the South was linked to a desire to improve home" by combating the oppression located there.'7 In this light, migration within the South takes on a new meaning,as an act of resistance. Migrants such as E. Deedom Alston,Lyman Johnson,W.L. Holmes, Ruth Bryant, Georgia Davis Powers, and Jewel and Maurice Rabb offer a glimpse of migrants who worked to improve housing, education, and race

46 OH 10 VALI. EY HISTORY relations, seeking to gain equal access in all three throughout the city. In fact, the majority of the African Americans nominated or elected to office in Lou- isville during the 1930s had arrived only recently in the city. Charles W. Anderson, C. Ewbank Tucker and William Beckett had moved to the River City from Frankfort,Kentucky,and Baltimore,Maryland,respectively.58 Later, Felix Anderson,a migrant originally from Wilmington,North Carolina,served as the first African American elected to the state legislature.59

departure from resent a civil rights movements in other cities, or if histo- triansisnothavealtogethersimply neglectedclearwhetherthe issue.theactionsAfter all,ofmigrantswhen MartininLouisvillel uther King,rep- Jr.,became active in the Montgomery Bus Boycott he had lived in the city less than a yean And a number of activists ranging from King to Pauli Murray to Cleveland Sellers all maintained that their involvement in civil rights struggles was intimately linked to their decision to remain in the South. According to Adam Fairclough, King felt a moral obligation to return to the South."60 Similarly, as the young Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee activ- ist, Cleveland Sellers,put it, I"am a black Southerner...I want to remain with my people,where the movement is. I intend to be a part of the movement.""1 In the past,historians have viewed migrants as a "talented tenth"among African Americans who were ideally suited to advance the race. However,the notion of the talented" tenth"does not adequately explain the role of mi- grants in Louisville. First,many native Louisvillians such as R 0. Sweeny and Alfred M. Carroll took an equally active role in civil rights controversies and they had no more or less education than migrants. Secondly,the notion of the talented tenth"overlooks the range of migrants involved in civil rights by suggesting that only an elite group engaged in desegregating the city. Rather, it seems that many migrants came to the city already highly politicized and that their civil rights activism was intimately linked to their decision to re- main in the South. Indeed, the decision to migrate itself demonstrates a pro- found dissatisfaction with the status quo that is evidence itself of politicization. Prior to their arrival in Louisville,for example,migrants like Charles W.Ander- son and Willie Brown participated actively in civil rights organizations. Simi- larly,Dr.Maurice Rabb had fought against residential segregation in Shelbyville,

Kentucky, before he came to Louisville in 1946.62 And it was her life-long commitment to civil rights and fair housing that initially brought Murray Walls in 1935 to Louisville, where she conducted a survey on housing for the WPA. Similarly,Jessie Irvin's work with the Non-Partisan Registration League simply continued the work her father had begun in Hopkinsville,Kentucky, where he served as a precinct captain.63 Nor were they alone. The majority of the presidents of the Louisville branch of the NAACP between 1930 and 1960 had migrated to the city. Charles W. Anderson, Lyman Johnson, James Crumlin, Earl Dearing and the Reverend

FALL 2003 47 IT WAS NORTH OF TENNESSEE

W J Hodge all assumed leadership of the preeminent civil rights oiganization in the city sooIl after they at rived in Louisville Other migrants were no less involved Jewel Rabb actively coordinated student sit-ins with the Youth Coun- cil, and het husband, Maurice Rabb, contributed as vice-president and se- cuted funding for its woik Willie Bell's outlook mirrored that of many mi- grants, whether they wet e on the Executive Boai d of the NAACP or simply held a one-dollar membership When he arrived in Louisville in July 1944 from 1.aGiange, Georgia, he immediately asked for dii ections to the local NAACP saying, I"want to stay in touch with you all because I will always be a member of the NAACP 64" Fol many African American migrants, their political action was linked to their decision to temain ill the South

ere it is inipoi tant to recall the words of the political activist Lyman Johnson who said,I' "m glad I didn't tuck tai] and run like most of H i.65 my kinpeople To them I say 'You ran away from the problem Johnson continued,When " I see the opportunities blacks have now in Ken- tucky and throughout the South, I teel so pleased that I stayed and helped of the barri- remove some

11{lf*tmjk I $1 s t. ers You ran to Detroit,

f 7 sl Philadelphia But when you 4 al rived you opened up your t#i suit case, the first thing that Mr BA»' Niry, wily, Jumped the problem i, »i,*. out was f buwittlp:. thought left be- 2 *.....t '. ' 44 you you r U hind 66 Similarly Ruth Bryant' Louisville el' s activism in Fl A ,/1 r. was intimately linked to her

4 4 S l i* expetiences in the Deep ep*-*4k E I Al.r. South When 41 31 t as a Junior at 2 k. e 9 9. 96 1 91*$- 0 1 Fisk University Nashville 0. in

fs,1»» she participated m d housing

f t survey of the local black com- 1 munity, Bryant fol the first" RE¢ ms p _«,r P Or'4 = r ,-1 j *' tock bottom hous- 1%3 p time saw f k f<,l r A 1,/ g ng I didn't know people lived like that no furniture, Lot{:sville waterfront luttb eating out of t n cansdirtsville - It began to depress me and it changed my a building supporting a mind about social woik,there was always a guilt complex cause I knew what sign reading Tbe" Gateway tc,tbe South -Louisville " was there and hadn't done anything " For Bryant her later work with the Print of pen-and-ink a West End Community Council and the Committee on Open Housing in Lou- dratumg by aitist C. Winston Haberer Tbe isville linked the lives of black residents in the city with those in Nashville P// Nisto,Ical Society son When African Americans migi ated to Louisville they fled not the South,

48 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY but the racism, violence,and lack of opportunity white supremacy had cre- ated there. In and of itself the South was not a had place and for many migrants it remained home:7 However, the nature of segregatic,n and in- equality in 1.(,uisville made it impossible for black residents to elude author- ity or view Louisville as a safe place. The political actions of African Ameri- can migrants then can be viewed as attetiipts to "strategically redefine hollie in terms of their own needs and desires, and in response to those who would bar them from 'home. 68 In staying and fighting to make the South a better place for African Americans,migrants challenged the notion that the South could be considered nothing but a land of oppressic,n. Indeed, their acti Ons demonstrated that defined migrants also the South as a land of resistance.

Moreover,although African Americans defined the South as both a site of oppression and resistance, these were not the only meanings the South held for African Americans. In their work on black extended families, Elmer R Martin and Joanne Mitchell Martin offer insight to the way African Ameri- cans defined the South as home. As one migrant iii the study eloquently explained: When " a brother is asked Ii,here honie is, he is likel> to ansf'et- promptly: Montgomery,' Alabama,'even if he has lived in Cleveland, Ohio, for the past fc,rty-seven years. Home is where the land was, where one's people are. The answer might be further refined with the explanation: Mont-' gomery is my home, but 111: m>people· are in Birmingham:Where my people are is a part ot my essential self,and where I first dug my fingers into soil is a vital part of me. Geography is thus part of the extended identity as is the extended family."69

P than it was in Cleveland;no matter where they lived,African Ameri- canshisconceptionmaintainedoftheirthe connectionSouth as hometo thewasSouth.no lessGeorgiatrue inDavisLouisvillePow- ers, originally from Jim Crow Town, Kentucky, highlights this very issue. After she spent a number of years working in New York while living in New Jersey, she longed to return to the South. On the one hand, she found the pace of life tc,c,fast in the Northeast, and on the other hand she missed the sense of community and hospitality that existed in the South. When she left the North in 1956 and moved to Louisville, Kentucky,she vowed never to leave her home again.7( While Louisville became home to many migrants, they never lost their connection to the places from which they had come. In fact, migrants like the Reverend William G. Marks who continues to visit family in Lexington, Kentucky,even though he has lived in Louisville for the last thirty-three years,are far more common than not.71 Migration held many different meanings for African Americans. Black southerners chose to come to Louisville specifically because it was in the South. As much as the South was defined by oppression or resistance,it was also home defined as the place from which came one's family and friends,

FALL 2003 49 IT WAS NORTH OF TENNESSEE

tradition and culture. It was the place where many African Americans had been born and raised, and therefore it was a place from which many drew their sense of identity. The different ways African Americans have conceived of their own southernness. whether they were down" home"or way up north in Louisville,"in large measure remains unexplored. Yet for many of the more than 17,000 migrants who came to Louisville between 1930 and 1970, the desire to remain in the South was very much linked to their self- identification as southern. In choosing to migrate to Louisville,African Ameri- demonstrated that cans tbey had as much a claim to the South as any white southerner. 4

4. Edward L. Ayers, Southern Crossing: A History of tbe 1. Clara Smith, L" &N Blues,"Columbia 14073-D, March, American South,1877-1960 1925. New York: Oxford University Press,1995),63. 2. Marcus E. Jones,Black Migration iii tbe United States witb 5. Charles Henry Parrish,Jn,Papers,box 10, 11iterview,code Empbasis on Selected Central Cities Saratoga,California: 011, 119,and 048, University of Louisville, Archives and Century Twenty-One Publishing, 1980),71; and Anti Records Center [hereinafter cited as ULARCI. The Parrish Ratner Mt\\Net Intercensal Migration to Large Urban er, stipulate all interviewees remain Areas of tbe United States: 1930-1940,1940-1950,1950- papers anonymous; pseudollyms used throughout this 1960 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1964),99, are paper. Ernest Collins,The " Political Behavior the 161, 220. This figure represents the total net migration to 6. ot Negroes in Louisville. Cincinnati, Ohio and I.ouisville, Kentucky Ph.D. diss. University of Kentucky, 1950),29. 3. For overviews of the scholarship on the national migration 7. Ibid. that had begun in the 19105,see Joe William Trotter,ed., Tbe Great Migration in Historical Perspective:New 8. Omer Carmichael and Weldon Johnson. The Louisville Dimensions of Race,Class.and Gender Bloomington: Story (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1957),12-13. Indiana University Press, 1991);Alferdteen Harrison,ed., 9. George Wright,(:. The" Civil Rights Movement in Black Exodus:Tbe Great Migration from tbe American Kentucky, 1900-1970,"in W.Marvin Dulaney and South Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1991).On Kathleen Underwood, eds.,Essays on tbe American Civil specific case studies Gilbert Osofsky,Harleni: Making see, Rights MovementC (ollege Station: 'rexas A&M Press, of Gbetto, 1890-1930 New York: Harper Row,& 1968); a 1993),47. Allan Spear,Black Chicago:Tbe Making of a Negro Gbetto,1890-1920 Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 10. Ayers,Southern Crossing, 107. 1967);William Tuttle, Race Riot:Chicago in tbe Red 11. George C. Wright, Racia/ Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Summer of 1919 (1970;reprint,New York: Atheneuin, Lynchings, Mob Rule and "Legal Lyncbings" Baton( 1974);Elizabeth H. Pleck, Black Migration and Poverty: Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990),5, and Boston,1865-1900 New York: Academic Press, 1979); George C.Wright,A History of Blacks in Kentucky: Florette Henri, Black Migration: Movement North,1900- Volume 2,1,1 Pursuit of Equality,1890-1980 Lexington: 1920 Garden City: Anchor Press, 1975);James Borchert, The Kentucky Historical Society,1992),79-83. Alley Life in Washington:Family,Community,Religion, 12. Wright.A History of Blacks in Kentucky,41. and Folklife in tbe City, 1850-1970 Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980);Peter Gottlieb Making Tbeir Own 13. Wade Hall,Tbe Rest of the Dream:Tbe Black Odyssey of lyman Johnson of Kentucky, Way:Southern Blacks' Migration to Pittsburgh,1916-30 Lexington: University Press Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987);Joe William 1988),59. Trotter,Jr.,Black Milwaukee:Tbe Making Trouble in of an Industrial 14. Ibid.,59. On exclusion also sce I.eon Litwack, Proletariat,1915-45 Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Mind:Black Soutberners in tbe Age of Jim Crow New 1988);James R. Grossman,1.and of Hope: Chicago,Black York: Vintage, 1998),229,234. Soutberners,and tie Great Migration Chicago:< University 15. Race Relations in Louisville: Southern Racial Traditions of Chicago Press, 1989);Earl I.cwis, In Their Ozell and Northern Class Dynamic Louisville: Policy Paper Interests: Race,Class and Power in Ruentietb-' Century Series,June 1990,Urban Research Institute,University of Norfolk,Vii·ginia Berkeley: University of California Press, Louisville),4-5. 1991);Elizabeth Clark-Lewis, Living ln, Living Out: African-American Domestics and tbe Great Migration 16. Neil McMillen, Dark Journey:Black Mississippians in tbe 1994; reprint,New York: Kodansha International, 1996); Age of Jim Cry(,w 1Jrbana: University of Illinois Press, Farah Griffin, Who" Set You Flowin' f"The African- 1990),10. American Migration Narrative New York: Oxford 17. J. Harvey Kerns. A Survey of tbe Economic and Cultural University Press, 1995);and Gretchen Lemke-Santangelo, Conditions of tbe Negyo Population of I.ouisville,Kentucky Abiding Afticall- and Courage: American Migrant Women and a Review of the Program and Activities of tbe tbe East Bay Community Chapel Hill: University of North Louisville Urban League Louisville: The Louisville Urban Carolina Press, 1996). League, 1948),33,80, 111, 159. Sce Wright,A History of Blacks in Kentucky,54.

50 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY 18.(;eorge C. Wright. Life Bel,i,!d A Veil:Blacks iii Louisville, 33. Charles Henry Parrish,Jr.,Papers, box 10, 1938 interview, Kentucky, 1865-1930 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State code 011, ULARC. University Press, 1985), 4. 34. Ibid. 19. Ibid.,5. Ch,iiles 35. I Iciiry Parrish, h , P,ipers, 1938 hiter\iew.· c(,de 20. Ibid.,53-55. In brief. the case began when three African 003, ULARC. Americans-Horace Pearce and the brothers R<)hert and 36. Charles Henry Parrish,Jr..Papers, 1938 Inter\· code Samuel Fox-bc,arded the Starket Street line iew, a street car on 119. ULARC. after church c,ne Sunday iii 1871. Their actions led to a 37. Charles Henry Parrish. In. disturbance and ultimately to their arrest. The black Papers, 1938 Interview.code 119, ULARC; Interview with Reverend W'illiam G. Nlarks, community united behind them and at a meeting the next by the autlic, November 29. 1997; and liall, Tbe Rest of night at Quititi hapel(: hurch(: decided tc)settle the matter r. iii The brothers tbe Dreain, 38-39, 58. court. 1:ox and licarce won their case iii but that did end problem. Black utherners 38. Hall. cc,urt, not sc, The Rest of the Dreal,1. 58. were often attacked for exercising their right t(,ride street 39. Charles Henry Parrish,.]n 1apers, Interview 048. ULARC. cars at the same time the city c,f Louisville colitinually tried 40. Robert Weaver.Negrci abor: A N,lticj, 11 Problem (Port to pass J i m (.r w(, laws goverli ing street cars well into the 1, liext century. Washingtcm, NY: Kennikat Press, 1946),135; Kerns,A Stirveyf (,the Economic and Cultifril Conditions,11. 21. Ibid. Thestruggle over the University of I.ouisville bond 41. Ira D. A. 1

14. 1.(ittisville Defe,ider.February 17. 1940; E. E. Pruitt Papers, 45. Shirley Jiae Harmon. A" Comparison Study of Black and Bc,x 1, University of Louisville, Archives and Records White Wcmien War Wc,rkers in the Louisville, Kentucky enter. During Wc,rid War 11" M.( A. thesis, University of Louis- ville, 25. 1.ouisville Leader,June 25. 1949; Joseph D. Lohinan, 1999),20-21. Principles of Pc,lice Work witi)Mi,ic,rity Grcnips Louisville, 46. Christopher Silver and hn](,Moeser,Tbe Separate City: Black (. Ky.:Division of 1,lice, Committee on Police Training, c),imtinities iii tbe Urban Joitb.1940-1968 1950),16, 24. Lexingtoii: University Press of Kentucky, 1995),6.

26. h#man, Principles of Police Wi,rk,18-19. According to Silver and Moeser,segregation led to the development of separate" cities"where African Americans 27. of Kerns, A Survey Econontic aitd Cultural Conditions,51. lived in cotiimunities balanced between the denial of access Iii 1948, there 12,030 Africaii American tenant- were the ( hand and (,the other hand full of occupied dwelling on ine n a range units in the city; 11,375 of them were opportunities and a self-reliance that fostered independent characterized as needing ma j(,r repairs. Only 2,174 of the black-owned business. apartment.rei,ted tc,black solitherners had a private bath 47. Interview with Reverend William G. Marks, by the author, and a flush toilet; most tenants were lucky just to have November 29, 1997. running water inside their home. 28. Ibid..53, 60. 48. Charles Henry Parrish,.]r.,Papers,Interview,036, ULARC. 29. 'Ghettoization iii Kentucky lities,"( Housing, 1.ouisville, 49. Interview with W. L. Holmes, by Mary D. Boho, August 15, 1978, l_JIARC]. Kentucky, 1967, NAACP Papers,Part IV,Manuscript 1)ivision, Library of Congress. See also, Scott ummings(] 50. Ibid. aiid Michael Price, Race" Relations and Public Pc,licy in 51. Interview with Dr. Maurice Rabb by Dwayne Cox, August I.ouisville: Historical Developitient of an Urban 15, 1977, Black Oral History Collectic,n, ULARC. Uiiderclass,"c,urnat ./ of Black Stitdies 27 (1997):4-5. 52. Law" Sc,ught Prohibit Racial Bias,"C'.lippings,Louisville According to C.ummings and Price the segregation index to stood at 83. 6 %. 1956-1959, part Ill, C: 50, NAACP Papers, Manuscript Divisioti, Library of Congress, Washingtc)! D.C. herciitaf-[ 30. Wright,A History of Blacks in Kentucky, 62. i, ter cited as LC]. 31. haries('. Henry Parrish,Jr.,Papers, box 10, 1938 Interview, 53. Interview with Reverend William G. Marks, by the author, code 011, L]I.ARC. November 29, 1997. 32. Jharles( Henry Parrish, Jr,,Papers, box 10, 1938 Interview, code 003, ULA]1(:

FALL 2003 51 IT WAS NORTH OF TENNESSEE

54. Dorinne Kondo,The " Narrative Production of' Home,' 63. Interview with John and Murray Walls by Patrick Community and Political Identity in Asian American McE.lhoun,July 31, 1973. and Jessie Irvin by Kenneth Theater,"in Displacement,Diaspora.and Gec)graphics of Chumbley,june 28, 1978, Black Oral History Collection, Identity, Smadar Lavie and Ted Swedenburg,eds. Durham:( ULARC. Ironically, Murray Walls, a migrant from Duke University Press, 1996),106. On Home"" also see Indianapolis, was among a small iiumber of migrants from Biddy Martin and Chandra Talpade Mohanty,Feminist " the North. Politics: What's Home Got to Do With It?"in Teresa de 64. Willie Brown to National NAACP,July 7, 1944, Part 2, Lauretis,ed.,Feminist StudiesiCTitical Studies. Branch Files, 1940-1955,NAACP Papers, Manuscript Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986). Division, LC. 55. Barbara Smith,ed.,Home Girls: A Black Feminist 65. Hall,The Rest oftbe J)reain 183. Anthology (New York: Kitchen Table, Women of Color 66. Ibid. Press, 1983),xxii-xxjii,li. Also see Gayle Wald, Crossing tbe Line:Racial Passing in Twentieth-Century U.S. 67. My articulation of "Hoinc"here draws from Kondo,The " Literature and Culture of ' Durham: Duke University Press, Narrative Production Home, 97, 106. She says of 2000),19, 50-51. Home,"it stands" for a safe place, where there is no need oneself outsiders, for 56. Angela Y.Davis, Blues Legacies and Black Feminism: to exp]3111 to it stands community; problematically it elicit nostalgia for Gertrude Ma"" Rainey,Bessie Smith ali d Billie Holiday more can a a past New York: Pantheon Books, 1998),81. golden age that never was, a nostalgia that elides exclusion. power relations, and difference."She speaks of the 57. Kondo, The" Narrative Production of'Home, 97-98. production of home"" from resonance of the sensory" 58. Louisville Comier-Journal,September 14, 1960; interview memory"iii which foods. sounds, and smells serve as with Goldie Winstead-Beckett by Kenneth Chumbley, symbolic vehicles of ethnic identity."Also see Smith, September 12, 1978, ULARC. On Civil Rights in Louis- Home Girls,xx. ville,Kentucky, George C. Wright,The " Civil Rights see 58. Wald, Crossing the Line, 19, 144. Movement in Kentucky, 1900-1970,"in W. Marvin 69. Elmer 2. Martin and Joanne Mitchell Martin,The Black Dulaney and Kathleen Underwood,eds.,Essays on tbe Extended Family Chicago: University of Chicago Press, American Civil Rights Movement C College Station: Texas 1978),7-8. AMM Press, 1993);Wright,A History of Blacks in Kentucky; George C. Wright,Desegregation " of Public 70. Georgia Davis Powers, Sbared/ tbe Dream:Tbe Pride. Accommodations in Louisville: A Long and Difficult Passio,i and Politics of tbe First Black Womail Seitator Prom Struggle in a Liberal'Border City,"in Elizabeth Jacoway Kentucky Tar I Iills, New Jersey: New Horizon Press, 1995), and David Colburn,eds.,Southern Businessnim and 75. Desegregation Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University 71. Interview with Reverend William G. Marks.by the author, Press, 1982);Patrick S. McE]hone, The" Civil Rights November 29, 1997. Activities of the Louisville Branch of the National Associa- tion for the Advancement of Colored People, 1914-1960," M.A. thesis, University of Louisville, 1976);Catherine Anne Fosl, Once Comes the Moment to Decide':Anne Braden and the Civil Rights Movement"Ph. ( D. diss; Emory University,2000);Richard R. Bernier,White " Activists and Support in the Louisville, Kentucky,Open Housing Movement, 1962-1967" M.( A. thesis, University of Louisville, 1998);and Col. John Benjamin Horton, Not Without Struggle New York: Vantage Press, 1978).

59. Interview with Felix S. Anderson by Kennethhumbley, (] n.d.,ULARC. Anderson served between 1954 and 196(). 60. Adam Fairclough,Martin I.utber King,17 Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995),16; Pauli Murray,ed., States'Laws on Race and CO[07 Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997).Similarly,Carl Carter,one of the first African Americans to desegregate public schools in Drew, Mississippi,eloquently explained his decision to remain in the state: You" just got to stick in there in Mississippi... and try to straighten it out. Mississippi is home for me and I want to stay."See Jonstance( Curry, Silver Rights:7'be Story of tbe Carter Family's Brave Decision to Send Tbeii· Child»rell to an All-White School and Claim Their Civil Rights (New York: Hareourt Brace, 1995),188. 61. Cleveland Sellers,The River of No Return:Tbe Autobiogra- pby of A Black Militant and the Life and Death of SNNC New York: Morrow, 1973),31-32.

62. Interview with Dr.Maurice Rabb by Dwayne Cox,August 15, 1977, Black Oral History Collection, ULARC.

52 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Transylvania University President Horace Holley s Carriage Journey from Connecticut to Kentucky in 1822.

EDITED BY I. B. HOLLEY,JR.

TheArts degree from Yale College in 1803. A gifted student, he was a protdgdsubjectof Yale'ofthispresident,TheodoreHolley,Dwight,receivedwho persuadedhis Bachelorhim of s account,Horace to return after his graduation to prepare for a career in the Congregational min- istry. While studying in New Haven he met and married Mary Phelps Austin, cousin of Stephen Austin, one of the founders of the Republic of Texas. Horace's notable gifts as a preacher and his attractive personality soon brought him a call to the pulpit of the Hollis Street Church iii Boston, where he pros- pered as his theology became increasingly more liberal. Harvard College hon- ored him with an appointment to its Board of Overseers. Holley's fame as an orator and a theological liberal soon brought him a national reputation. In 1816 the trustees of Transylvania University in Lexington,Kentucky,consid- ered inviting Holley to become president of their institution, but some of the trustees were fearful that his Unitarian views were too liberal. In 1818, under pressure from the legislature,they eventually voted for him.' Armed with a letter of introduction by John Adams to Thomas Jefferson to smooth the way for a visit to Monticello, Holley drove out to Lexington. In Washington he called on President Monroe in the White House and visited with his Yale classmate, John C. Calhoun. In Lexington, Henry Clay,the chairman of Transylvania's board of trustees, introduced him to the town and college so winningly that Holley accepted the office of university president. Back in Boston, an admirer,saddened at the thought of losing the much be- loved preacher,commissioned the renowned Gilbert Stuart to paint a portrait of him:

Holley and hjs family moved to Kentucky in 1818 and he began building up the college enrollment along with its law and medical departments. In 1822,after a visit to the East to introduce the Holley children to their Boston friends and to their respective families in Connecticut,they set out by carriage to return to Lexington. Their adventures on this thousand-mile journey are recorded in the letters that Holley wrote to his father,Luther Holley, a suc- cessful iron-master in Salisbury,Connecticut, whose blast furnaces supplied the iron for the anchors and chains for the U.S.S. Constitution and musket

FALL 2003 53 HORACE HOLLEY' S CARRIAGE JOURNEY

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5 '' Map of tbe country f embracing tbe several 9, g b-1 routes examined witb a view of a National Road 1:»F»» Ific»«« from Zanesville to Florence.This undated MA ['laF '1'1114 ('G l' iNTRY, map shows tbe possible t 31-1,14.1,/'71*/?97*311 "'1"MR+11 1#P'f«f'RS ' routes tbat tbe Holley N r,Ii...... 1 * E.xilitni,£1 nith :,ph· w 1,1 a family could have taken A'riONAL It«,All. from Zanesvitte.Ohio to X" 11- Lexington,Kentucky. WMA 1.NAP.»101\.Y,'rn Y\***bl//L Cincinnati Museum I4 3. Center,Cincinnati Historical Society Library

barrels for the Springfield Armory. The trip,begun September 16, 1822,was undertaken in a barouche., a carriage with a folding top and a driver's seat outside, and drawn by two well-matched horses.

he party consisted of Holley,his wife, their two children, Harriette T age 12) and Horace Cage 4),and Holley's twenty-two-year-old sister,Caroline,as well as a coachman named Reuben. Setting out on with a journey of this length,made over many stretches of abominable roads two young children, was itself undoubtedly daunting,but Caroline's health further complicated the expedition. Caroline's persistent cough suggests that with she was suffering from consumption, or tuberculosis, and only great reluctance did her parents consent to allow her to accept her brother's offer to take her to Lexington where, he urged,the warmer climate promised to im- prove her health. Although the letters make almost no reference to baggage, the barouche must have been equipped rvith some kind of chest, aft of the carriage body,to contain the family luggage. With five passengers inside the carriage, little Holley did of the driving, room would have remained for baggage. some seated outside the folding top where one was exposed to sun and inclement weather that the party encountered. Did he have maps or a list of towns

54 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY 1

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showing the route to follow? One can only speculate. Because banknotes, issued by local institutions, would pass only at a deep discount, the Holleys carried only hard cash, gold and silver coins, which Mary prudently sewed into her skirt- waist. Such precautions were not unwarranted. On Holley's first trip to Lexington, a letter he had written to his wife was seized by high- waymen as part of a robbery. Oddly enough, despite the misadventure, the letter eventually reached Mary.3

Chester,Orange County,NY 18 Sept. 1822

Dear Father:

It is Wednesday night,our third day from Salisbury,and we have travelled miles 109 an average of 36 per diem. We arrived at Hudson on Monday evening at 4 0'clock at Poughkeepsie on Tuesday evening at 7; and at this place at 6. We breakfasted on oysters this morning at Newburgh, and have just supped ham and on eggs, the only fare that this town can afford us. We still house kept by are at a Mr. Stickney,a plain tavern, where we find our- selves comfortable, though we are not luxuriously entertained. It is so cool that we have a fire, and Caroline and Harriette are laughing round it, while Mary has thrown herself upon a bed occasionally commenting upon what the

FALI. 2003 55 HORACE HOLLEY' S CARRIAGE JOURNEY

young ladies are saying. The weather has been excellent and promises to continue so. The air is bracing as well as pure and wholesome. Caroline is, as I anticipated, better for riding,and has coughed none today. If the fact in this respect changes I will let you know it, for I do not expect to close this letter till I reach Philadelphia. We are all improved by travelling, and it is evident that Horace grows fat. We met Alexander,George, and Harriet at Mrs. Turner's and had another parting:I made no exchange of horses with Edward.3 His were too dear,and had a slight degree of distemper. They were worth $300 but he asked 400.$ Mine hold out well enough thus fan The road from Hudson is new to all of us but myself and is new to me from Poughkeepsie. The state of New York is the greatest, the most imposing, and the richest of any in the Union. The Hudson is one of the most impor- tant rivers in the world. We crossed it above Fishkill at the Hamburgh and Hampton Ferry in a team boat and then rode on the west side seven miles to Newburgh. We have passed through much fine cultivation and have seen a great amount of agricultural wealth. Today we have seen a common hound- dog walking on an inclined wheel and churning a barrel of milk. He also turns a grit stone for axes and scythes in the same way. This is making even a dog do some good. The papers from the city inform us that the fever is worse in New York, 14 cases reported yesterday. We had a frost this morn- ing and shall find another tomorrow. We set out every day about sunrise, and our ladies complain of cold feet,being obliged to run afoot to get warm. Thursday night, 19 Sept.)We have just finished supper at Newton, the capital of Sussex County in New Jersey. Our ride from Chester to this place has been 37 miles and we were in at 5 o'clock a good proof that my young horses know how to travel. The roads have ceased to be turnpiked and are by no means of the best kind. Indeed,they are much like those in Ohio. This northern part of New Jersey presents a pretty dreary region. Newton looks well enough and has neat fields about it,but the soil is thin and weak. Our fine weather has changed within the last six hours,and threatens us with the equinoctial storm. It is new in a sort of mist, but the clouds are thick and seem to be in preparation 1-or a deluge. We are delightfully situated at Mrs. Mackey's,the best inn of the village,provided this proves to be a long storm. Our supper tonight has been luxurious, and all the members of the party have good appetites. Caroline eats promisingly,an excellent symptom of the beneficial effect of travelling. As long as she is on the road,I apprehend that she will do well,whatever may be the influence of Kentucky upon hen We rode 18 miles to breakfast this morning and sat down to it at near 120'clock.6 I have purchased three yards of tow cloth and had it made into a complete cover for the open part of the barouche,thus affording full protection against the rain for all but the co:chman. Since I have begun to write, the clouds have changed their mist into a torrent,and the earth is steaming with water, an event ordinarily desired here, for the drought has been serious and dis-

56 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY trt, fullit..ilA ,

tressing. Most of the taverns were without water for our horses. The Principal Bitilding of Transy[vania University, Saturday Night, 21 Sept.)We kept Newton till this morning by were at Inscribed tc,President the rain which was incessant all day yesterday. It cleared off in the night and Holley. Cincitinati Mliseifi11 Centen Cincinnati have had fine day for ride of 40 miles to this place, Sommerville,the we a our Historical Society Library capital of Somerset County,New Jersey. I am glad that I did not take Edward's horses at his enormous price, especially when I find that my young horses travel so well. We left Newton at 7 o'clock and arrived here over a very bad road for half the way at 6. We came through Stanhope, Flanders, Chester, Pepack, and Pluckemin.7 Since we entered Flanders the country looks better though the soil is not deep and strong anywhere. The rain was much wanted and has fallen abundantly. We are now waiting for our supper and the ladies are listening to a trial in the next room which is conducted in considerable form before a county judge. The case is a controversy about a dog's killing sheep. The interests of the community are no doubt concerned, but the trial is a little ludicrous to one who is so far removed from the local feelings as I am. Caroline evidently improves by travelling. Her appetite is much increased and her strength proportionally. How long this course continues, I cannot say, but will inform you whenever it turns. The trial of a week is a good omen. We are now 185 miles from Salisbury. It is our intention to breakfast in Princeton tomorrow. We spent our time more patiently at Newton during

FALL 2003 57 HORACEHOLLEY' SCARRIAGE JOURNEY

the day than rainy we anticipated. We had some books with us,and we also wrote letters. Some, Mary and Caroline,employed themselves sewing. Princeton, Sunday 22 Sept.)We have just breakfasted here as we pro- posed, after a ride of 20 miles. O f course we started early and found the roads good. We put down the top of our carriage and enjoyed fine views of culti- vated farms. We crossed the Raritan and Millstone and were amid beautiful fields the whole way. Caroline has an increase ot appetite and gains in strength. She walked up many hills yesterday by choice and appears to be more able to endure fatigue. I hope I shall not be obliged to alter my tone of representation on this subject,though I fear it. While I was writing the last sentence,Caroline said to Mary,I "mean to walk up every hill tc,day."Mary replied, You" did like walk first." not to at Caroline continued,I "did not feel like it, but now I do."This is a proof of improving strength, Iseveral words blotted and indeci- pherablel. The Commencement at this place is to be celebrated Wednesday but I cannot spare the time to attend it. Dr. Green,the President,is pronounc- ing his valedictory to the seniors and I would go ill but it will detain me too ong. I mean to get to Bristol tonight and breakfast in Philadelphia tomorrow. We are now on the great post road of the Union and shall keep it all the way to Wheeling. You will hear from us at the most important stages. 8 0'clock R M.)We are now at Bristol on the Delaware, 20 miles from Philadelphia and have finished a good supper of round clams and beefsteaks. Our tavern is on the very border of the river and affords a fine retreat from the dust and heat of the city. Horace was so much delighted with the water and the boats that I put him in a skiff and rowed him into the middle of the river immediately on my arrival. He amuses us very much by his curious remarks. We have passed the spot where General Moreau had a house burnt on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware at Trenton and whose brick stables are still standing. These I pointed out to Caroline and showed her the spot where the house stood. Poor Moreau! He ought not to have joined the allies against his own country. His fate is far less deplored than it would have been had he never fought against France or even a French arniy.8 At Trenton we got fine peaches and pears and drank excellent punch. The Delaware is shallow at that place and has a mean look above the bridge. The turnpike road is excellent and we roll off five or six miles an hour without any difficulty. We have again made our 40 miles today in good season. Philadelphia, Monday 23 Sept. 10 0'clock) We have just arrived here in little more than 3 hours from Bristol and have taken lodgings at the Mansion House, the building formerly owned by Bingham. The morning is beautiful and the road is excellent. The cultivation in the neighborhood of Philadelphia

is proverbially good. The farms and seats are delightful. A police officer stopped us as we were entering the city but after being satisfied with my ac- that had neither been New York in the count o f myself and my party we in nor range of yellow fever,he let,is pass on. This precaution is very proper and the

58 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY officer was perfectly civil. We shall spend the day and perhaps tomorrow in this place and then proceed directly to Baltimore. There are many fine build- ings here to attract Caroline's attention and many institutions of great inter- est. We shall go about the city at our leisure. The health of all the party must be excellent if we judge from their appetites. Mary and Caroline seem to be ready to adopt Jack Rover's declaration at the shilling ordinary and its Wild Oats. I "am as hungry as the sea and can digest as much".9 As for myself I have something of a diarrhea,but that is common with me in the fall and ends in a salutary effect. It seems that scarcely anything in the nature of news occurs. Private quarrels like that of Cumming and McDuffie and accounts of ship wrecks makes up nearly all that I have read in the papers.' We have just finished a breakfast of beef steak and oysters and our ladies are about to dress Iseveral words blotted and indecipherable].Love to mother.

Wilmington, Delaware, 24 September 1822.

My dear Father.

We stayed in Philadelphia but one day,and left it this morning before break- fast. Our ride has not been a long one to this place,twenty-nine miles,but we have put up for the night, because Mary had but little sleep in Philadelphia, and I was disposed to have an early supper that she might be early in bed and asleep. Musquetoes sicl[ plagued her at the Mansion House, and destroyed her rest. Caroline spent yesterday very busily upon various objects. The public buildings that we particularly viewed were the United States Bank,the Philadelphia Bank,the Pennsylvania Bank, the theater,the First Presbyterian

Church, the Masonic Hall, the Water Works, the Gaol,1 ' and a number of churches. Of these, the first named is by far the most magnificent. The pri- vate houses on Chestnut Street are very beautiful and produce a fine effect. At the Mansion House we had the best accommodations and found much good company. Caroline purchased a shawl which she wanted and for which she will have use in Lexington. Her strength still increases. On this subject, a letter which I sent to you from Philadelphia will give you all the information that the case requires. We have passed through Chester this day within a short distance from the place where Sir Benjamin West was born. We have also rode over the Brandywine Creek on which a battle was fought in the war of our Independence. Wilmington stands on the Christiana river but is in sight of the Delaware. It is about as large as the Hudson, perhaps a little smaller. Mr. Bayard' 2 is on the sign of the house at which we lodge,having the Treaty of Ghent in his hand. He formerly resided here and his memory makes the people proud. It is thus that genius commands, even after death. Wednesday,25 September. We are now at Havre de Grace, having just crossed the Susquehanna in a team boat at the head of Chesapeake Bay and having made 35 miles from Wilmington. As we arrived at the ferry we found

FALL 2003 59 HORACF. HOLLEY' SCARRIAGE JOURNEY

ten wagons of New England fellows before us waiting for the ferriage,and we were detained at least two hours. We bore this delay quite patiently, espe- cially as we had made our intended day's journey and only wanted to pass the river that we might be ready for an early start the next morning. Besides, we house who had the pleasure of falling in with General Brown at the ferry is on his way to Washington:3 He is recovering from the paralytic stroke which he has experienced,though it is not probable that he will ever be perfectly deliv- ered from its effects. It is iiideed nielancholy to contemplate the influence of this disease over a man of such activity and good appearance as General Brown. I introduced Mary,Caroline,and the family to him, and they had a good deal of interesting conversation together. He had his war horse with him,the same that has been in every battle that he fought, and was never wounded, a fact somewhat remarkable. We are now altogether at the public house for the night and have the prospect of our excellent supper before us. I have had a long conversation with General Brown about New Yc,rk and the Canal, and

about the next President. All the officers at Washington feel themselves em- barrassed upon this subject, not liking to come out for any one of the candi- dates decidedly.

At Elkton in Maryland we saw a negro, 37 years old, born without arms who could write very well with his toes,toss cents at a mark, put them in his pockets, drink out of a turnbler, and do many other wonderful things. He wrote for us and amused riot only Horace, but his parents. He carries his inkstand in his hat,pulls it apart with his toes,takes out the cork,arranges his pen, holds his paper with one foot and scribbles with the other. All this is done dextrously and produces no surprise. Judge Washington and his wife from Mount Vernon came in while we were at the tavern:4 Thursday,26 September. We have rode 12 miles to breakfast,intending to go 18, but the rain has prevented us. It seems, however to be breaking away, and perhaps we will reach Baltimore tonight according to our original plan. Caroline still grows strong and has the best of appetites,as is the fashion with all the family. The exercise and early rising have undoubtedly thus far pro- duced an admirable effect. I hope the course may continue. We have left General Brown in bed,his physician having forbidden early travelling for him

in his present circumstances. He will probably overtake us in Baltimore. Baltimore, 27th September. We reached this place last night as we hoped, although we had a hard da>'s labour for it. The roads were made very heavy by the rain, and sonic of the hills were slippery with clay. Our horses perform well and are extremely faithful. At one of the taverns where we stopped, we killed a pigeon with a musket,and Horace had it for his breakfast this morn- ing. We picked chinquapins,a species of chestnut,in great abundance. The stage passed us in the woods between Baltimore and Havre de Grace under a guard with a loaded blunderbuss having a formidable appearance. This set our ladies to looking out fc,r robbers all the way through the woods which

60 OHIO V A I. LE Y HISTORY A

Factilty and de, f have been so famous for them, and furnished some amusement to us after we sti, lts (, Transy/i,a//ia University. safely landed Mr. Dall' 1 5 We indeed without but abso- The Fils{), were at s. are arms, not ca. 187/. 1 lutely without protection, especially as we are not very rich booty. Today it Historic,il Society rains, an event desired by the inhabitants, but not by us. We want every moment of our time and are impatient at the loss of an hour. We still hope to be off for Washington tomorrow and to see all that we can so as to be on our way again by Monday of next week. We are at Mrs. Holley's sister's two miles from the city, a healthy and agreeable retreat. There is some yellow fever at Falls [Fell's] Point in Baltimore but none in the center of the city. Some famjljes have moved into town from the country for the sake of health. doubt than the heart And the suburbs sometimes are no more noxious ot a metropolis. The draught has been very severe all along this part of the coun- try,Mn Dall having nothing but corn for my horses, I sent out Reuben for a couple of bushels of oats, and he gave 62¢a bushel. The crop s are uncom- monly small. Waterloo, Saturday 28 Septemben This place is 12 miles from Baltimore on the road to Washington. We have travelled in the rain for an hour or two and are now lying by to wait for a favorable change in the weathen It rained all day yesterday,and threatens to continue for the whole of the present. The equinoctial storm has interfered considerably with our progress,and has been more straggling in its character than usual. I anticipate confidently a fair day for tomorrow. We have been perfectly protected from the rain in our carriage

FALL 2003 61 HORACE HOLLEY' S CARRIAGE JOURNEY

but our horses and the coachman have been compelled to bear it al].Yester- day Caroline visited the public buildings of the city and was most delighted with the Roman Cathedral. The painting iii it,the Descent from the C:ross by Guerin of Parist 6 is one of the finest that ever came to this country and is a present from the King of France, Louis XVIII. The exchange is a noble build- ing,but the Unitarian Church is one of the most consistent and tasteful in the United States. The battle monument is beautiful but the Monument tc)Wash-

ington has no other beauty than its expense. It affords a good view of the town and surrounding country. The business of Baltimore is said to be in- creasing. The shops are well filled and tempted our ladies to a few purchases. Caroline's health is excellent. At the tavern where we are there is quite an aviary and menagerie of animals. Several parrots,an ortolan, a pair ot turtle doves, some mocking birds, and others, together with a white squirrel and a gray one, a pair of white Chinese mice, a red squirrel and a gray,a rabbit, a fox and many more amuse ]Horace remarkably and attract the attention of all of us. The parrots talk pretty well. The innkeeper is quite a virtuosc, in these things. We have fallen in with Mrs. Bomford, wife of olonel(: Bomfc,rd' -of Washington, sister of the late Abraham Baldwin' 8 of the Senate from Geor-

gia, who was with Mrs. Barlow in Europe and who is an interesting woman, formerly an acquaintance of ours. We shall be prevented from reaching the capital tonight.

Davis's near Bladensburg. We left Waterloo at about two o'clock this after- noon and came 15 miles to :his place being teli or eleveli iiles from Washing- ton. It rained when we set out but has now cleared away delightfully,and the moon shines out with all the majesty that she has in Milton's Ponseroso when she bows her head stooping" through a fleecy cloud. We shall go into the Capital to breakfast tomorrow morning. We have made about 30 miles today notwithstanding the rain. A tree was blown down by a violence of the wind a short time before we passed along,and it fell directly across the road,compel- ling us to turn out through the woods. The turnpike from Baltimore is excel- lent,but the country is poor and dreary. We have made a hearty supper and the ladies are all in bed. This travelling is a most admirable mode of giving health and spirit and or putting one into the habit of early" to bed and early

to rise.

Washington, Sunday 29 September. We arrived at this city at half past eight all in good health and spirits. We have private rooms at the Mansion House Hotel kept by Strothers:v We are just preparing to take a ride about the town to look at public buildings and places and mean after dinner to go to the Capital [sic] to survey the Halls of Congress. Notwithstanding our beau- tiful moonlight and clear sky,we had a little rain this morning. It is,however, clear again, and we cannot have much more bad weather iii this long equinoc- tial storm. Washington has many great natural beauties in its situation and prospects. It is quite still now,both on account of Sunday and the interval

62 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY between the sessions of Congress. The Capital [sic] is a magnificent edifice and is as it ought to be the best building in the United States. At Bladensburg we saw the duelling ground where Decatur fell,2 1} and noticed some graves where were interred the bodies of those who were killed when the British burnt Washington or rather the public buildings. Mr. Monroe,Mr. Adams, and Mr. Calhoun The other are in town. members of the cabinet are absent. We mean to call on the President this evening. We may cross the Potomac into Virginia and take a look at some of the country seats there. Caroline still growing strong and hearty. I hope that a cessation of riding ma\ not produce a counter effect. Our best love to Mother and to all the families. Truly your affectionate son, Horace. Fredericktown, Maryland, Tuesday night, October 1822. We left Wash- ington yesterday at noon and rode to Rockville, fifteen miles. Today we have made 28, though we could easily have gone to Middletown, 8 miles further, but we found some friends here from Lexington and have in consequence put up for the night. We were very much delighted with our visit to Washington. I sent you a letter from that city which mentioned our arrival but which gave you no account of our stay. We rode to almost every part of the town,viewed every public object of interest;and saw many more persons than we expected to see in so short a space. We were graciously received at the President's House by Mn Monroe and were shown into all the principal apartments. He walked around with us himself and shook hands with Horace in a very famil- iar way, who capered about the rooms just as he does at home. Caroline thinks that Mr.Monroe looks better than Mr.Adams at Quincy or Mr.Adams at Washington on whom we called and who expressed no small regret that we could not stay longer. Dr.Thornton went through the Patent Office with us, pointing out the objects of greatest curiosity and directing our attention to the most interesting parts.2 ' Mr.Bullfinch,22 the architect,went over the Capital sic]with us and explained the whole, showing us the model of what is unfin- ished as well as what is finished. He gave me a printed card which contained the following information. Dimensions o f the Capital [sic] of the United States and its grounds. The grounds within the iron railing 20 acres and 1/8. Length of footwalk outside the railing 3/4 of a mile and 185 feet. The building is as follows: Length of front 350 feet; depth of wings, 120; east projection and steps, 65; west do, 83; the whole covering 14 acres and 1820 feet. Height of wings to top of balustrade 70 feet;height to top of center dome 120; Repre- sentatives rOom,greatest length 95,greatest height 60;Senate chamber,great- est length 79 greatest height 42; great central rotunda 96 in diameter and 96 in height. On the back of the card in manuscript, is contained:Expenditures " on the Capital [sic]:Previous to demolition 788,$ 071. Repair of wings 650,778. Center has cost (to January 1822) 424,$ 088. Necessary to finish, 200,000. President's House, first cost, 333,$ 207; rebuilding 246,$ 490." The Representatives Room is the finest that I ever saw,and is said by foreign-

FALL 2003 63 HORACE HOLLEY' S CARRIAGE JOURNEY

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Tbe main building q ers to be one of the finest in the world The pillais are truly magnificent Transylvania University Trumbull'52 3 5 better than they did when them The Filson Historical paintings appear to me I saw Society at his house in New York A t the Navy Yard we saw the Naval Monument m honor of those who died at the siege of Tripoli But it lS impossible to go over the particulars which attracted our attention I hope that Caroline will do more justice to these sub]ects hereafter than I can in this hurried manner We called at Colonel Towson's24 and saw Miss Electra Bingham but the Colonel and his wife were Out ill some part of the town,and we did not see them The road is cut by the rain a good deal and iS more laborious for our horses than it was The horse that I bought of Thompson seems to have something of a colic distemper,but travels well and will,I hope, carry me home. There iS a man here who shows rattlesnakes that will wind about him, kiss him and do many other things at command. Horace and Kitty have been to see them,and the remainder of us propose to do the same in the morning Wednesday,2nd of October) We are at Boonsborough, 16 miles from Frederick and have stopped on account of the rain We are at a neat and well furnished house and find ourselves very comfortable by a good fire Indeed, we have had fires for the last two days and could not do well without them

64 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Our ladies all continue to be in good health. Caroline had a slight sickness at her stomach this morning and ate but a small breakfast. It went ff() however with riding, and she is impatient for her breakfast. Horace and Harriet are uniformly hearty and bear the fatigue of journeying extremely well. There is a great effort all along this road for political offices this year,both in regard to the nation and to the states respectively. Our form of government will prob- ably be found too democratica] for (}Ur sttlbility and ultimate pi (,sperity. Thursday 3 October) We are norv it. Hancock on the Potoii,ac, 11.11 jiig traveled 36 miles, a part of rrhich was horrible road. the rest turnpike. This morning was unpromising, but it cleared away, and the weather is now ver> fine. At Hagerstown we had a good breakfast and fc)und a fine reading roc,iii full of late papers and patinphlets. We have 38 miles to Cumberland, but doubt about going so far toniorrow. Hancock is on one of the most northern bends of the Potomac and is pleasantly situated. We have a brisk fire in our paric,ur and could not do well without it. Caroline is still improving in health, strength,and spirits.

Friday,4 October) Our stay tonight is 12 lililes from Cumberland. The house is kept by W. Slicer,good and convenient. We have crossed toda>'the following mountains: Kenolloway,Sideling,Towan, Green Ridge,and Polish.

We have several other ranges yet west. We are among the mountains froni Hancock to Union Town, 95 miles. Our ladies have done fanioush. They have walked up all the mountains today and have really earned their suppers. An exception however is to be made for Harriette, who was too lazy after breakfast leave the to barouche at the first mountain to which Ive came. She walked up all the others. Horace insists on walking with the rest of us and bears the fatigue most minfully. Nobody enjoys a journey better than he. Caroline undoubtedly improves by the labor which she is compelled to un- dergo. It is much less a trial of fatigue to walk up a hill than to ride after horses that have travelled as mine have, 713 miles already. The views frc,m some of these mountains are magnificent. An immense amount of labor and expense has been laid out upon the road. The rains are against us,and have made the travelling very laborious,but a few days of dry weather will give us great advantages. There is a great deal of bilious fever through 111: this coun- try,particularly along the streams. We hope to find the Ohio in good state fc,r steam boats,and getting a passage from Wheeling to Maysville. We have seen a man this evening who says that steam boats were expected soon to run. Inks Tavern in the Mountains) It is Sunday night,and we are at a wagonners tavern where there is a curi ous medley made up of all sorts of people in Ic,w life. We could not get to the public house which we intended to reach,having been delayed by a breach in the tire of one of the wheels of my chaise. A blacksmith easily repaired it, but a couple of hours were consumed in the process. The Thompson horse was completely fatigued tonight though he did not refuse to travel. He is not well but 1 hope will hold out as far as Wheeling.

FALL 2003 65 HORACE HOLLEY' SCARRIAGE JOURNEY

The National road is miserably washed out and gullied.2 If something is not done to preserve it,it will go to ruin in a very short time and must be deserted. The idea is melancholy that a work which cost nearly a million dollars should be abandoned and left as a total loss to the nation. The stones are perpetual and intolerable. The next time I mean to take the road by the northern lakes. Our host is drunk and promises to give us some disturbance by his singing and his religious haranging.

Brownsville,Monday night,Oct. 7,1822.)We had a better night at Ink's than we expected though there was noise enough and to spare,we got a little sleep and have done very well today. The Thompson horse gets along but is still sick. I have directed Reuben to give him gin and molasses, the famous panacea of Dr.Dwight.26 Fhe- town in which we now are is on Monongahela and is rude and romantic. We are now west of the mountains and are glad to be over them. They have fatigued us a good deal and have hardly repaid us for our trouble. We met with Mr. James Brownl 7 and his wife today and breakfasted with them. They are directly from Lexington and are going to Washington. He is a Senator from Louisiana. We are all benefitted by our exercize notwithstanding 1-hat we complain of the fatigue. Most affection- ately yours and mothers, Ii. Holley and party.

Kingston,Ohio 15th October 1822

Dear Father,

My last letter to you was put into the post office at Rushville last evening. I hope that you have received all these which I have sent to you since we commenced our journey westward. They make a diary which will show you our progress and health and will also give you knowledge of many incidents that may amuse you for the moment. 1 put in trifles often because trifles are sometimes characteristic and interesting when important events would be heavy and dull. I read the letters to the party before I seal them,so that you may consider the contents as from all of us. We have travelled 34 miles today and find it has kept us pretty busy. We could have accomplished more, but we have done as much as is proper for our horses. We have met two more droves of hogs today. The income from this source must be great to the western country,compared with what would be expected from jt before inquiry. I find from conversation today with an intelligent merchant of Lancaster where we breakfasted that the hogs do lose some of their fatness by driving, 30 to 40 pounds. This I stated differently in my last. Lancaster lies on a branch of the Hocknocking and is one of the richest town's in the commonwealth. The soil is alluvial such as the Dutch always choose when they can get it. Last evening we had a stuffed Guinea hen for supper,the first that any of us ever tasted. The flavor is very different from that of the common chicken and the meat is much darker. It tastes like wild fowl and is good. We all liked it.

66 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Wednesday,16 Oct.)We are now at Bambridge for the night and have just venison and made an uncommonly good supper upon currant jelly. The la- dies are talking it over and making comparisons between the taverns, a fruit- ful subject for travelers. It is somewhat strange that we have not had venison set before us till now upon our whole journey. The woman of the house tells us that the saddle of venison from which we supped to night was very fat and weighed 65 pounds. Mr. Turner gave but 62 cents for it, less than a cent a pound. Today my sorrel horse had a cholic [sic]in the woods. We took him out of the harness, bled him in the mouth with my penknife,let him drink the blood and roll,and he got over it so soon as not to prevent us from reaching the stage which we intended to make. We have passed several Indian mounds to day,at least half a dozen. Some are in the neighborhood of Chillicothe,but the two most complete are 14 miles on this side on Paint Creek. I paced one of them which was 94 paces. It is shaped like a cone. We went to the top of it and observed, what is in them all, a hollow or basin. They never run en- tirely to a point. One has recently been opened in this state in Belmont County, and bones and hair,finger nails, silver and iron ferules, etc.,were found in the The silver inscribed with devices. This mound interior. was various must have been, of course, a monument for the dead. Probably the exact purpose of the Indian Antiquities of the west will never be found out, but that some of the mounds were burial places can hardly be doubted. We forded Indian Creek and it was over the tops of the forewheels of the Barouche but the water did not come into the body of the carriage. Caroline coughed consider- ably this morning before breakfast, but feels very well and has an excellent appetite and has done full justice to the venison. She caught a little cold from lying in a bed under a breach in the ceiling where the wind came in a stream upon her. I think her really better than when she left home,and I trust that I shall be able to continue to give this testimony. Brush Creek, Thursday 7 October) We have come about 30 miles today and are at Sample's Tavern. Our supper has been one of the best on our journey,and the ladies have all done full justice to it. Horace has been greatly pleased with a young colt here, which was so gentle as to allow him to sit on his back although not more than three months old. The roads are stilllabori- ous,and still will be till they are made into turnpikes. There is no public spirit in Ohio and no improvements are made except for private accommodation. Both Ohio and Kentucky are disgraced by their roads. We mean to sleep jn Kentucky tomorrow night though we shall be three days more before we are in Lexington. Our weather is peculiarly favorable. If it be not the Indian Summer,it is just like it. There has been much rain,but it is now smoky and dry and but moderately warm. The horses do well, and can hardly fail us now. We are without anxiety on this score. The Reverend Mr. Smith of Frankfort in Kentucky has been with us today a part of our ride and had a kind of Phaeton,1 8 which I never saw before. It has the fore axle shorter by

FALL 2003 67 HORACE HOLLEY' S CARRIAGE JOURNEY

nearly two feet than the hind one, a most inconvenient and troublesome con- trivance though intended for convenience and s:.fety. The labor of watching stumps, stones, ruts and holes for four wheels instead of two is enormous, and after all the labor is in pain. The carriage is much more likely to turn over and rides far more joltingly for the passenger. T :te invention is so silly that it has arrested my attention and has crept into ttis letter almost without my knowledge and as much against my will. But it h,is afforded so much laughter for Mary and Caroline that I could hardly pass it without a comment. The squirrels are so abundant in these woods that on(:actually ran across the road under our horses' feet and was knocked over by a step of one of Thompson's hind legs. He recovered himself and got out of the way. The inconveniences of living on a river are sometimes great. My host,Mr.Sample,says that last July Brush Creek was so high with the rains as to come into his house and be three feet in his parlour. The family went upstairs and continued there till the freshet subsided. More than a thousand bushels of corn and five hundred of

wheat, and many acres of oats were destroyed, and fences swept off to an immense extent. The loss is very serious to a plaiii man like him,and in a new country.

Maysville, Kentucky,Friday 18 October) We are at last in Kentucky and are very glad to take our leave of Ohio. We haie been just eight days from Wheeling and have been pretty busy in making our 313 miles. We have had a little rain today,not enough to prevent our travelling but enough to make the clay hills very slippery. Two days more will,I hope,find us at home. We feel as if we were at home already,being in the state and having more of civiliza- tion about us. It is well that we did not take water at Wheeling, since not a single boat we saw there has arrived at this place. The appearance of cultiva- tion along the Kentucky side of the river forms an agreeable contrast to the rudeness of the hill that have descend the Ohio side. Caroline we to on was struck with the all travellers all of excellent contrast as are. We are us in

health but are likely to be troubled not a little with mosquitoes sic][ tonight. My horses hold out admirably. I shall write you as soon as we arrive at Lexington, and then you will hear from me less frequently, though I hope sufficiently often. Affectionately yours, Horace Co.&

Lexington, Kentucky 22 October 1822, Tuesday

Me dear Father,

We have at length arrived safely and in good health at this place. We got in at 10 0'clock this morning, and very soon had our rooms in a comfortable state for occupation. Caroline and Harriette have been busy all day in putting their chamber into a condition to please themselves. Many persons have called upon us during the day,and I have scarcely had a moment that I could call my

68 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY own. Among our earliest visitors was Mr. Clay,29 a refutation of course of the rumor in Ohio that he was dead. He has actually been very ill,and was really danger from in great the prevalent malignant bilious feven He has an emaci- ated and feeble look, but attends to his business. Two of his daughters have gone to New Orleans, one married,and the other for a companion. last My letter was from Maysville. After that the rain was almost incessant tilllast evening,when it cleared away. The roads were made excessively muddy and uncomfortable. We could travel but half of our usual distance,and found our patience severely tried by the slowness of our progress. The rich soil of Kentucky the is worst of all for roads in a wet season. Caroline took a little cold,and was ill with head ache and ague at the Irish Station night before last. She vomited and had something of a feven We put her feet into warm water and gave her a good night's rest, and she is now quite well again. She is in better spirits than I feared she would be after so long a journey and so many circumstances to remind her of the friends she had left behind hen I think that

she will like Lexington and be gratified with many of its inhabitants. She found here a letter from John in the post office,the contents of which I have not yet heard. Some ladies have even already called upon her and proffered civilities. Our currency remains the same as it was when I left the state last July. If the legislature issues no more paper,the present amount will rise in value as the bills are called in. The legislatures are now assembled in Frank- fort and will probably pursue a course adapted to the resuscitation of public credit. There are some changes in the town since my departure. Deaths have been frequent in the vicinity and particularly at Louisville. Some valuable young and old men have been taken away. The names of them, however, would not excite much interest in your mind since they are all strangers to you.

I have scarcely had time to inquire into the state of the University,but I hear in general that students come in as much as at any former period. To- morrow morning I shall meet them in the College Chapel and know the de- tails of the subject. I am 22 days after the commencement of the session, a fact which I regret but which I could not easily prevent. I met the trustees this afternoon and had from them a cordial reception. There appears to be an unfeigned pleasure among the gentlemen and students at my return. 23 October,Wednesday) I find that the number of young gentlemen in the University is at least as great as the last session at the present date. Our reputation has evidently extended itself and is producing scholars for us. The message of our Governor to the Legislature has come out in our newspapers today,and he strongly commends Transylvania to public patronage. He praises its discipline and course of instruction and speaks of it as a glory to the West- ern country. I will send you a copy by mail. Mary,Caroline,and Harriette are all seated by a good fire and at a well lighted table with a great many new pamphlets before them which had been

FALL 2003 69 HORACE HOLLEY' S CARRIAGE JOURNEY

accumulated during my absence. We have just read an amusing article in the London Quarterly Review about the United States and particularly our west- ern part of them.3 ° It sneers at our claims to equality with the English and places us in the most ridiculous attitudes. It rrientions many persons with whom we are well acquainted and tells some truths in the midst of many falsehoods and extravagances. Caroline is better today than she has been for a week past and seems to be gaining a good portion of strength. She will, I am now satisfied be quite well pleased with Lexington and its society. Our best love to Mother and all the family connections. We want to hear from you very often. Fruly yours, Horace and Co.

Transylvania University contributed directly to, as one of the The 3 1 When university'travel letterss historiansend atputthisit, point.TransylvaHolley'nia's sGoldensubsequentEra. career at Holley first came to Lexington,the university was little more than a prepara- tory school, providing limited instruction and offering a curriculum undiffer- entiated by years. During the entire period between the Kentucky legislature's founding of the university n 1799 and Holley's accession to the presidency, Transylvania had awarded only twenty-two degrees. However,the trustees arrival,Holley secured funds to construct a handsome building and,upon his promptly arranged to establish a non-profit refectory for student meals. As president, he recruited an impressive faculty including the distinguished but eccentric naturalist,Constantine Rafinesque,and introduced a four-year cur- riculum with the traditional freshman,sophomore,junior,and senior classes.32 less Holley's curricular reforms aimed at a truly liberal education, placing emphasis on classical studies and devoting more attention to science and mod- ern languages. He recruited a faculty for the long-sought medical depart- ment, including such luminaries as the physician,Daniel Drake, and he also quali- added a law department despite encountering difficulty in retaining a fied faculty for it. Taken together, these steps brought a surge in student enrollment. When Holley arrived in Lexington there were 110 students in- cluding those in the preparatory department. Fhree years later there were 282,only four less than the enrollment at Harvard. The medical department was particularly popular,reaching an enrollment of 281 students in the 1825- 26 academic of year. Holley's most important contribution was his securing the best-qualified faculty he could find and by insisting on rigorous standards in student examinations.

Unfortunately,Transylvania's golden era was not to last. A Presbyterian faction with extreme Calvinist convictions resented Holley's generous and president, liberal Unitarian views and. launched a concerted attack upon the despite his evident success in improving the university. At the same time,

70 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Kentucky's governor and its Democratic legislature cut off funding to the univer- sity at least in part to weaken the political fortunes of the state's Whig party by opposing Henry Clay,who chaired the Transylvania trustees. Finally,in 1827, after nearly nine years as president, Holley submitted his resignation and de- parted for New Orleans where local supporters encouraged him to establish a new university. In the midst of these preparations, Holley died of yellow fever, and his newest educational initiative never came to fruition:'®

12. James A. Bayard (1 767-1815) was a prominent Federalist from Delaware who.James Midison appointed as one of formal 1. No biography of Horace Holley exists, but his three U.S. representatives tc, negotiate the Treaty of Ghent career can be followed in Rebecca Smith Lee's biography concluding the War of ]812. DAB. 2,\. 64-66. of his wife, Mary Austin Holley: A Biography Austin: 13. Jac()b J. Bru·11 ( 1775-1828) was a niiliti.isoldier who zvas University of Texas Press, 1962).An for Holley entry cominissioned ili the Regular Army. He is best known for appears in the Dictionary of American Bic,gratiby New his role at the Battle of Niagara or 1.undy's Lane iii the War York, 1928-1937),vol. 9, 149-150 [hereinafter cited as of 1812. In 1821 he received overall cc,inmand of the U.S. DABI, and in John E. Kieber.ed..Tjw Ke,itticky Kitcyclo- Armv, DAM, 3, 124-25. pedia Lexington: University Press of Ketitucky, 1992), v, 436. 14. Bushrod Wash jiigtc)n ( 1762-1829) was George Washington's nepliew, and inherited Nlount Vernon upon his uncle's death 2. For ati account of Horace's preliminary vjsit to Lexitigton iii 1799. -]c)1111 Adams appointed him to the U.S. Supreme to investigate the proffered presideticy,see his correspon- C.ourt in 1 98./ DAB, v. 19. 108-109. dence iii the University of Michigan's William Clements 15. James Dall the husbalid of Henrierta Austin. lary Library.An index and biographical sketch to accompany was Austin Holley' sisten The Dalls lived just outside of this collection can be fouitd on the web it:. http:// s Baltimore the Reistertown Road. I. Mary Austin www.dements.urnich.edu/webguide/ltk/Holley.html. 011 ee. Hclley,81. 138. 4. These were Holley's cousins. 16. Pierre-Narcisse Gudrin French painter and director of Edward Holley of Holley' was a 5. was one s brothers. He the Acaddinie de France in Paris. supplemented his inconie by horse-trading in the village of 17. 1. Col. George Bomtord (1782-1848) l].5. soldier Hudson,New York.just over the western border of t. was a Connecticut. best known for his maity contributions to the Ordnance Department, including tile invention of the lic,witzer. DAB. 6. By setting out each morning without stopping for v. 2, 427. His wife was the fcirmer Clar:Baldwin, whose breakfast, travelers could take advantage of fully rested sister was niarried ti) .](,el B.irl)\v. t].S. Miiiister to France. horses. When the family stopped breakfast,the horses for Woodress, Yan422 Janies L. A Od)'ssey:Tbe 1.ife of J )el rested while the party ate. B.171<,zi, Philadelphia: I.ippincott, 1958),308. 7. The presence of yellow fever in New York City likely 18. Abraham Baldwin (1754-1807) was a minister.educator. influenced the Holleys' decision to swing far to the west and lawyer from Connecticut who served as representative through the rural communities of northern New Jersey on to the Continental Congress and then as U.S. representative inferior highways rather than taking the superior post and later senator from Georgia. He fou,ided Franklin road through New York City. College,which became the University of eorgia.(: 8. Jean Victor Marie Morcau (1763-1815) French was a 19. The Mansion House Hotel, established by John Strothers, army general who won fame as the vict()r at Hohenlinden stood on the corner of 14th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue in 1800. An ardent republican,he became disenchanted in Washington. It was replaced by Willard's Hotel. Six when Napoleon seized power and was banished. He lived years after the Holley family visit, a guest at the Mansic)11 obscurely in Morrisville, Pennsylvania, until Napoleon's paid 1.$25 for supper," lodging, and fire."A candie was disaster in Russia, when he returned tO Europe. Moreau twenty-five ceiits extra. joined Bernadotte,the crown prince of Sweden,in a vain 20. Stephen Decatur (1779-1820) U.S. naval commodore attempt to restore the Republic in France, and was killed was a in the Battle of Dresden. and was the hero of the American war with Tripoli. He was killed in duel with another naval officer. DAB, 5, 187. Wild a v. 9. Jack Rover is a character in John O'Keefe's play, 21. Williain Thortitc, 1759-1828),though architect, ats, first performed in 1791. The quotation is from n ( not an the original designer of the U.S. Capitol. 1 Ie subse- Shakespeare's Twelfth Nigbt, act 2, scene 4,in a speech by was Duke Orsino. The editor thanks Professor George quently headed the Patent Office. DAB, v. 18, 504. for Williams identifying the play and the quotation. See 22. Charles Bulfinch (1763-1844) was the third architect of the Margaret Drabble,ed.,Oxford Companion to English U.S. Capitol as well as the designer of the Massachusetts Literatuie Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998),767. statehouse. DAB, v. 3, 245.

10. This reference is to Colonel William Cumming, former 23. john Truillbull was cin American painter,architect, and Adjutant General of the U.S. Army,who wounded a man author known for his historical paintings, especially those named McDuffie in a duel. four located in the rotunda of the U.S. Capitol. Jail. 11. 24. Nathan Towson (1784-1854) was a military officer who

FALL 2003 71 HORACE HOLLEY' SCARRIAGE JOURNEY

was hero of battles on tile Niagara frontier in the War of 1812. Aresident of Salisbury,Connecticut, hewaswell kiic}wn to the liolleys who had Ielped him dispose of his estate iii Connecticut.

25 By 1822 the National Road was already wearing out from deferred maintenance. After 1820 Congress declined to appropriate funds for repairs and hard use tended to destroy the surface,especially on steep slopes where wagoiiers locked their brakes and their wlieels di·agged deep ruts iii the crushed gravel surfaces. A goveriiment inspector, R. J. Meigs, rep(,rted that even the newer sections were in" the the a ruinous state."Jonstruction ( costs on section of road to which Holley alluded ranged from 9.$765 to al Road 16,000 per mile. See Karl Raitz,ed.,The Natio,! Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1956),142, 147-48.

26. Timothy Dwight (1732-1817) was president of Yale College and Holley's mentor while there. He was ititensely interested in medicine and struggled for years to establish a medical school at Yale. The editor h.is been un,ible to locate any published reference to his famous horse cure. Neither biographer of Dwight mentions the cure;the index tc,the four-volume reprint of 1)wight's Travels in New England and Netu York (Cambridge: Harvard University Pt-ess, 1969) never mentions horses or veterinary concerns. 27. James Brown ( 1766-1835) was l].S. senator from Louisiana from 1813 to 1823. Ile was formerly a resideitt of Lexington, Kentucky. DAB, v. 3, 126.

28. A light,open, four-wheeled carriage. 29. Henry lay('. (1777-1852) was U.S. Scitator from Kentucky and l'rustee of Transylvania University. Clay proved a steadfast supporter of Holley as president of the university. DAB, v.4, 173, and Bernard Mayo, He/try Clay (Boston. Houghton Mifflin, 1937).209-10.

30. Ihearticlereferred to was "Reniarks 111,adeduring a ti)ur through the United States f(,Anierica in the years 1817, 1818 and 1819 by William Tell Harris, in a series of letters to friends iii Ei, glaiid,"The Quarterly Ret,jett' 27 (London, 1822),71.

31. J(,hn D. Wright, Transyli,a/,ia: Tutor to the West (Lexing- toli: University Press of Kentucky, 1975).53-57, and Dr. Robert Peter,Transylvania University:its Origin Rise Decne and FaH 1.ouisville, Ky.:J. R Morton and Co., 1896).

32. Walter W.Jennings, Transyh,ania: Pioneer University of the West (New Y(,rk: Pageant ]ress, 1955),99, 104. For the medical department,see especially The I list(,ry of tbe Medical Department. For enrollment figures see Niels H. 501111 e, 1.iberal Kentucky:1780-1 828 (New York: Columbia University Press. 1939),I 73-74, and Ilyndon( G. Van Deuseit,be '/' ife/. of Henry lay(: (Boston: Little Brown and Co.,1937),149. For the university's national reputation see james L. Miller,Jr, Transylvania" as the Nation Saw It: 1818-1828,"Filson Club Historical Quarterly 34 (October 1960).For Holley's own reaction tothe personal attacks, sce J. iines E Hopkins, cd.,The j'apers of Heit)·y lay(] Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1972),v. 4, 264-66.

Libeial 33. For the sectarian attacks on Ilolley, sce Sonne, Kentucky, 155-56. 254. For the president's own summary of his accomplishme,its, see also Charles Caldwell, A Reverend Discourse on the Genius mid C.baracter of tbe H>race Holley (Boston. 1828),207.

72 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Book Reviews

Edward Watts. An American Colony: ing that they had more tolerance for a multi-ethnic Regionalism and tbe Roots of Midwest- and multi-racial society than former Yankees. In Culture. ern Athens: Ohio University reality, while some former southerners strongly ISBN: Press, 2002. 285 pp. opposed slavery,others gave great support to ex- 0821414321 (cloth),34. $95. tending the system to the Old Northwest. Many former southerners supported harsh laws that re- stricted the lives of free African Americans and the

Colony is complex book about former southerners who accepted individual Na- na complexAmericantopic. As noteda by Edward Watts, did sympathize with an associate professor of American thought and lan- tive Americans not autono- communities. To be Watts is guage at Michigan State University, historians of- mous Native sure, ten describe the Northwest Territory as an inter-" correct in saying that authors of northeastern ori- nal colony"created by Congress to counter the ten- gins decried frontier culture as half-savage and dency toward self-determination that developed in praised a Turnerian process that they saw repro- the region after the Revolutionary Wan In many ducing in the Old Northwest some of the cultural England. These authors clearly ways,the recently formed United States resembled patterns of New found role for Native Americans in the Old Britain's post-1783 settler colonies such as the no French and Canada and Cape Colony. The new nation, for Northwest and they also marginalized othernon-British residents. example, asserted political control over its most distant territories while allowing,at the same time, Watts also finds that while many authors in the for the development of limited local autonomy in Old Northwest accepted the New England cultural its frontier settlements. Wealthy outside investors model portrayed in the literature of the day,others also anticipated exercising great economic influence resisted it. Timothy Flint lamented the new indus- itself, in these frontier communities as they evolved. As trial civilization evolving in New England while Daniel Drake, William Coggeshall,and other a result, Watts argues, the region's people retained Ohio authors found in the Midwest' a colonial-style sense of cultural inferiority into the positive virtues s twentieth century, despite the fact that the Old rural and mercantile culture. Watts also suggests authors who flourished the literary Northwest eventually developed a considerable that some in world of antebellum Cincinnati eventually found it degree of political powen To explore this sense of cultural inferiority, Watts examines how several difficult to celebrate localism while also resisting the South' secessionist tendencies and that representative or significant authors in Ohio, Indi- s some identify with the and its val- ana, and Illinois depicted their region and its role authors began to East in the nation. ues during the Civil War. He might have noted as Watts observes that many Appalachian and/or well that increasing settlement by people from New Northwest and southern settlers came to the Old England and the growth of economic ties after the by railroads, helped he notes that the region included a strongly" south- 18504 created in part new to bind the Middle West the East. Watts also dis- ern working and yeoman class."(118) But he offers to Hamlin Garland' efforts in the early twenti- relatively little about these groups beyond suggest- cusses s

FALL 2003 73 BOOK REVIEWS

eth develop middle ground which the century to a in the roles that authors in the region played in re- old Middle West could celebrate its unique cultural flecting and shaping those perceptions. while traits recognizing that the new Midwest re- mained entangled in a larger national culture. In the Jeffrey P.Brown late nineteenth and twentieth century some authors New Mexico State University even went so far as to depict a bucolic and homoge- neous rural Midwest where New England values had become paramount. Some, however,resisted their Alice Cornell, ed. Art as Image:Prints region's semi-colonial economic and cultural status and Promotion in Cincinnati, Obio. while others criticized the petit bourgeois attitudes Athens: Ohio University Press, 2001

they found there and pointed out that it resulted in 235 pp. ISBN: 082141335X (cloth), a good deal of poverty and alienation. 49.95. While Watts says (218) that historian Andrew R.I..Cayton has overemphasized the degree of cul-

tural harmony in the Midwest (see Cayton and Pe- rtpublishedas Imagestudyis anofimportantits kind to book,examinethenine-first Onuf' The Midwest and tbe Nation: Retbink- ter s teenth-century printmaking in Cincinnati. Unfor- tbe of ing History an American Region),Cayton tunately,the title does not quite make its purpose does discuss the strains upon midwestern culture apparent,along with its ambiguity and lack of dates. and harmony created by industrialization and the As the preface states, the essays are intended" to growth of commercial a society in the region. provide both an introduction to Cincinnati print- prematurely Moreover, Watts suggests that most ing history and a glimpse of some of the city's in- had descended from westerners post-Revolution- triguing prints and printers. The common thread immigrants by when William ary 1860 Dean through prints, newspapers, posters, portfolios, Howells about Abraham Lincoln. ( wrote 172) And playing cards, and expositions is the use of prints he seems to exaggerate the number of eastern Eu- for promotion. They are advertisements, news ropeans who lived in the Middle West before the media, advertising, propaganda, and educational

Civil Wan His comment,for example,saying that tools."vii) ( Collectively,the authors do not argue the antebellum Old Northwest had a" powerful the point of promotion"nor do they all discuss eastern and central European and immigrant popu- art";many of the images fit better under the head- lation" 118)( is derived from a brief reference in ing of "visual culture." Frontier Illinois settlement in James Davis's to one The anthology is a unique collaboration between Illinois county. In sum, Watts certainly argues cor- two publishers. Ohio University Press produced rectly that a very diverse population lived in the the hard copy while the University of Cincinnati antebellum Old Northwest, but much of that di- Digital Press created a Web site featuring brief chap- versity reflected newcomers from several parts of ter abstracts as well as reproductions,many in color, the United States. Unfortunately,Watts also claims whereas the 157 images in the book are all black that future President Grover Cleveland born was and white. The seven chapters are papers slated for Conference in Ohio (199),but Cleveland, of course, was actu- the cancelled 1999 Historical Print in Cincinnati. ally a native of New Jersey. While clearly this book could have been strength- Graphic designer Noel Martin, active in Cincin- ened in certain respects, Edward Watts raises sig- nati since the 1940s, summarized Early" Printing nificant issues about cultural self-perceptions in the and Publishing in Cincinnati"from 1793 to the Ohio River Valley before the Civil War,and about 18905 in terms of early newspapers, schoolbooks,

74 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY almanacs,river guides and maps,a comic weekly,a lights U.S. and Cincinnati card history,and briefly journal about astronomy,and reference publications chronicles the Longley family (ca. 18605-19105) and on Cincinnati,and compiled a good bibliography. the partnership of Russell and Morgan (founded Virginius C. Hall, retired Associate Director of 1880) which became the USPC in 1894. Decker

the Virginia Historical Society,wrote a delightful examines the complexitT of cust(,mized cards used overview of "Cincinnati as Seen by Some Early as advertising and souvenirs, and for railroads, the Engravers,"ca. 1812-1848. He states that much armed services, unjversities, brewers, and tobacco of the early printmaking was ephemeral and un- cotilpanies. signed, providing of illus- an enormous quantity One of the best chapters is Helena E. Wright's trative material to a young,rapidly growing com- The Smithsonian in Cincinnati: Exhibiting Prints munity."(56) Hall provides often witty descriptions at the Ohio Valley Centennial Exposition, 1888." for forty- varied illustrations. seven After 1870, the purpose of expositions was to pro- Emil Klauprecht-Ohio Valley German Ameri- mote restitution of the city's trade. For the culmi- is Richard Askren' condensation of his can" s 1996 nating event in 1888, the Smithsonian presented U.C. Master's thesis. An immigrant from Mainz, both arts and sciences exhibits. Wright is Curator Klauprecht (1815-1896) published the first litho- of the Graphic Arts Collection at the Smithsonian's graph in Cincinnati in 1836. The firm of Klauprecht National Museum of American History. She ar- and produced periodi- Menze] an important, rare gues that, in creating a watershed retrospective of cal, the Fhegende Blaetter ( 1846-47) which included nearly one thousand prints in Cincinnati, approximately lithographs. 175 Askren summa- Smithsonian Graphic Arts curator Sylvester rized Klauprecht' life, and described the s econom- Koehler's didactic organizing principle was to re- ics and politics of the journal. gard art as an industry and to explain how prints Christopher W.Lane, of The Philadel- co-owner are made using examples from many periods and phia Print Shop, Ltd.,contributed a fascinating es- countries."(133) Thus,in demonstrating examples The say, " Curious Case of the Hydra-Headed of technical processes, Koehler presented both tra- Stones: Ehrgott, Forbriger Co.'& Civil War s Por- ditional media and the new photomechanical pro- analyzed traits."He over seventy images of gov- cesses in four sections featuring European masters officials, and Union military and naval and photography, ernment as well as American wood en- officers. The lithographed facial portraits were graving and etching,including work by fifty women. based photographs, but the different individu- on The last chapter is really an appendix;librarians als shared the same bodies (with often crudely Judy Inwood and Sylvia V. Metzinger compiled grafted heads) and backgrounds; this saved time Cincinnati Prints: A Checklist of Selected Mate- and money when creating large quantities of prints rials in The Public Library of Cincinnati and quickly. Distinctively,the firm produced triple the Hamilton County."Drawn from the Langstroth of Civil than other amount War portraits any litho- and Strobridge Collections, this is a catalogue of grapher,used of the backgrounds,and many same one hundred images by thirty-three companies ex- apparently sold the prints in bound portfolios. hibited at the library in 1998 and 1999,with twenty Ronald Decker's Promotional" Playing Cards: reproductions. The former collection stems from From Sultans to Salesmen, 1300-1900,"initially Scrapbook King"Theodore Ashmead Langstroth slightly seems out of place with its introductory sec- II,while the latter is a fraction of the 1,035 posters tions on Muslim artifacts and cards in Christendom. that the Strobridge Lithography Company donated However,as Museum Curator of the U.S. Playing to the library in 1960. Arranged alphabetically by Card Company Norwood, Ohio, he also in high- firm, no theme is apparent other than prints, ca.

FALL 2003 75 BOOK REVIEWS

ed. 1810-1925, and playing cards, ca. 1905-1966, all A. D. Kirwan, johnny Green of tbe Brigade:Tbe Journal of produced in Cincinnati. Yet the catalogue is a trea- Orphan a Con- for scholars. sure trove federate Soldier. Lexington: The Uni-

Also included,in the book only,are five appen- versity Press of Kentucky,2002. 256 pp. dices ranging in usefulness and significance. ISBN: 081312221 (cloth),22. $00. Virginius Hall contributed an admittedly prelimi- nary list of eighty-one Cincinnati" Engravers, 1825- 1860,"with life dates, occupations, and places of AnConfederacyold cliche assertsin 1865thatandKentuckyhas been loyaljoinedsince.the employment. One wishes the entry spanned the Historiography regarding the commonwealth's Civil entire nineteenth century. Alice Cornell, Head of War certainly reflects that postwar aura of feigned of white UC's Archives and Rare Books Department and southern solidarity. Although a majority Director/Editor-in-Chief of the University of Cin- Civil War soldiers from Kentucky fought to pre- cinnati Digital Press, compiled Appendix B, serve the Union,not to Fliegende Blaetter: A Checklist of Lithographs, mention all of the enrolled Afri- 1846-47."The ninety-eight entries (of about 175 state's American images)are a chronological catalogue of prints, list- can- troops, 00 ing title,dimensions,volume and issue number,date, it is the Confederate OF THE ORPHAN BRIGADE

that contin- rHE JOURNAL OF A CONEEDERA'11 SOLDll, R and page-all great for researchers. minority receive the lion' The next two appendices are by Christopher ues to s Ii./.# of 4$* Lane,Ehrgott, " Forbriger Co.& Civil War Por- share attention. No i.*8 T. traits"and Ehrgott," Forbriger Co.& Back- Kentucky unit is more 3.1 .,tk, , »t ' Jig grounds. The former lists nine political prints. celebrated than the 3/1 fifty portraits of military officers,and eight images Orphan Brigade, five f of naval officers; the background format employed associated regiments locations of the originals,but in each piece;and no l ..».. ofBluegrass secession- S , 1"(5:-'j'. together - : dimensions, mediums, dates. The latter ists that Fi# lAr . or appen- pro- .. '. duced of the fin- dix is a detailed description of thirty-three back- one grounds that the printers used for the portraits. est of hard-fighting Helena Wright compiled Artists" and Publishers Confederate units. Along with the Stonewall Bri- Brigade,the Orphans Represented in the Smithsonian's Graphic Arts Ex- gade and the Iron are remem- bered of the conflict' elite organizations. hibit at the Ohio Valley Centennial Exposition, Cin- as one s surprisingly,several familiar primary and cinnati, 1888"from Koehler's exhibition catalogue Not sec- chronicle exploits. The best- and other files. It is an alphabetical list of names ondary sources its cited Johnny 321 in all) and the kind of work produced, e.g., known and most frequently memoir is from and Blum, Robert, etching."215) ( Green's classic work, written " notes Art as Image is a remarkable joint production of memory"xxx) ( in the 18905. Starting out as a extremely useful what became the Con- a book and web site,and an start- young, undersized recruit in the ing point in investigating the graphic arts treasures federate 98 Kentucky Infantry, Green rose to of the Queen City in the nineteenth century. rank of sergeant major by the end of the wan He though seriously. Green was wounded twice, not Theresa Leininger-Miller seemingly was in the thick of the fight everywhere: University of Cincinnati Shiloh,Baton Rouge,Murfreesboro,Chickamauga, Chattanooga, the Hundred Days Campaign, and

76 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Atlanta. His depictions of battle and camp life are tional economy,and suffers the most stereotypical literate, detailed, and observant,which rightly had icons and myths imaginable. His effort compares led their frequent to citation. Green's usually over- favorably with Richard Drake's A History of Ap- looked experiences in the newly-defeated Confed- palachia 2001) in attempting to synthesize four de- eracy are useful as well. cades of increasingly mature scholarship about the Former University of Kentucky President A.D. southern mountains. He also perceptivel.z distin- Kirwan originally edited the narrative, which first guishes between the historic and the symbolic Ap-

appeared in print in 1956. Kirwan supplied con- palachia,and in doing so rarely fails to chide niain- text and clarification through a full biographical stream America for its ambivalent, and often igno- introduction, explanatory footnotes, and helpful rant,understanding of mountain culture. And yet, chapter introductions. Long out of print,this edi- perhaps not surprisingly given the ongc,ing devel- tion of Green' memoir includes several additional s opment of scholarship on the regjon, the author photographs well brief foreword. as as a new In seems at times hesitant tc)weigh in on some central the latter,noted Civil War author and preservation- historiographical issues, a reluctance that may not ist Kent Masterson Orphan Brown surveys Brigade wholly satisfy either the professional or the popu- historiography, modestly omitting only his own lar audiences he hopes t()reach. published essay from the list of major works on the Williams certainly establishes a useful chrono- unit. The slightly modified maps, versions of the logical approach to understanding Appalachia's originals, are helpful enough, but might have been past. The first period,spanning the entrada of Span- updated for clarity. Part of the Shiloh map particu- ish conquistadores in the mid-sixteenth century to larly faded, if seems as it did not photocopy well. the Cherokee Removal three hundred years later, A bit of additional footnoting would be handy as was marked by both discovery and exploitation as well,as Kirwan almost always failed to identify the the region gradually came to be bound commer federal units that the Orphans faced. These minor cially and politically to a new American nation. The problems aside, this attractive new edition of second phase lasted roughly from the mid-eigh- Green's memoirs, already an award-winner,will be teenth century in the Valley of Virginia to the mid- welcome addition students of the Civil a to War's nineteenth century throughout the mountain region. Western Theater. Indeed it belongs on any Civil During that period economic development doomed War historian' bookshelf. s the classical"" farm-and-forest economy of the Al- legheny and Cumberland plateaus. The Civil War's Kenneth W.Noe devastating impact then aggravated the overall eco- Auburn University nomic decline of the region in the late nineteenth

century when Appalachia gained its reputation as a strange land inhabited by peculiar people. Ironi- John Alexander Williams. Appalacbia: cally,the creation of this cultural otherness emerged A Chapel History. Hill: University of during the third phase of Appalachia's history when North Carolina Press, 2002. 473 pp. nationalizing institutions-ranging from contend- ISBN: 0807826995 (paper),19. $95. ing corporations and labor unions to the military- industrial complex and a nascent tourist industry- integrated the region even more fully into the larger hensive history ohn Alexander Williamsof a regionhasthatwrittensimultaneouslya compre- political economy beyond its borders. Finally, a occupies a distinct place in American history,forms fourth era, postindustrial in nature and extending a colonized location within an industrializing na- from World War II to the present,has been marked

FALL 2003 77 BOOK REVIEWS

by both official and unofficial efforts to identify arly and lay audiences would have benefited from what could stjll possibly be defined as Appalachian. documentation that provided a better sense of the Within this chronological framework Williams direction of that scholarship. It is to the author's addresses a host of thematic issues. He qualifies credit that such questions arise. Williams has pro- defini- the idea that Appalachia constituted the first Ameri- cluced what will stand for some time as the can frontier and was settled first by Scotch-Irish tive one-volume history of a complex Appalachia immigrants; argues that much of the region's his- that, for better or worse, reflects a great deal about tory stems from the creation of a greater Pet-nsyl- the American past as well as the history of the moun- vania in the southern backcountry; describes a tain region. paradoxical antebellum political system that ac- knowledged egalitarian tradition while remaining lobn M. Glen Batl State University subservient to a male-dominated plantation elite; asserts that a volatile Unionism in Appalachia con- tributed to its impoverishment;contrasts the region's reputation for violence with the actual extent of it; Jess Stoddart. Cballenge and Cbange critiques the limitations and inaccuracies of the lit- in Appalacbia:Tbe Story of Hindman Scbool. erary, musical, dramatic, craft, and reform-driven Settlement Lexington: The Uni- representations of Appalachia's culture; and traces versity Press of Kentucky,2002. 320 pp. cloth),32. $00. a century-long modernization process that yielded 1SBN: 081312250-3 ( decidedly mixed results.

Williams reviews all this and much more in a gracefully written narrative that alternates between essSan Stoddart,Diego StateProfessorUniversityEmeritusand aofmemberHistory ofat Cbal- scholarly analysis and stories about specific indi- Hindman's board of directors,is the author of viduals, institutions, and communities. He effec- lenge and Change in Appalacbia: Tbe Story of Hindman Settlement School. Stoddart acknowl- tively stresses the diversity to be found in the land the school and and its people,as well as the variety and dynamism edges her familial ties to mentions that of her and uncle,former students of the region's history. The author also deftly bal- two aunts an ances his description of Appalachia's distinctive past there, proved especially helpful with this project. with the equally compelling need to link it to the The uncle, Albert Stewart, having arrived at the South,the Midwest,the nation in general,and even school as a five-year-old after the death of his the postmodern idea"" of Appalachia. mother,had the distinction of spending more years These excellent qualities make the questions ten- at Hindman than any other student. He graduated tatively answered, the ambivalence occasionally from the high school there,went to Berea College, Appalacbian expressed,and the scholarship not cited all the more became a poet, served as editor of intriguing. As he admits, Williams heavily quali- Heritage Magazine,and established Hindman's Ap- fies his evaluation of the impact of industrializa- palachian Writers Workshop. Stoddart' book is history of the hundred- tion on Appalachia. He repeatedly notes the short- s a year- comings of federal intervention in the region, but old Hindman Settlement School,established by May Katherine Knott County,Ken- he also strongly suggests that increased defense Stone and Pettit,in Stoddart modestly her spending would spur economic development. And tucky. expresses expecta- hopes that it will add though Williams clearly draws upon an extensive tions for this book. She to of knowledge dealing with body of recent work on Appalachia, he cites rela- the body women moun- reformers and the settlements that they estab- tively little of it,a poor choice when both his schol- tain

HISTORY 78 OHIO VALLEY lished and will provide a more detailed and correct problems than they solved. Her thinking is more assessment of Hindman Settlement School and its in line with that of R David Searles's A College for

founders. For the most part, the author realizes Appalachia: Alice lloyd 011 Ca,zey Creek1 (995). her objectives. The jacket description claims that Foi-the most part,sch(,lars have not skewered these Hindman the first and successful rural is " most women for their fundamental h>pocris>:· which is social settlement school the United and in States that tllose who uere not especiallw' Well educated model for educational and settlement themselves the a institutions even bv standards ot the time took

across the country."If these assertions are true, it upon themselves to bring learning to the down- the text does not authenticate them. trodden of eastern Kentuck,: Judged by professional historical standards,

Stoddart' of Hindman is useful but flawed. s account Margarc t Ripley W<,lfe In the introduction and the first chapter.the author East Tennessee State Unit,ersitz

satisfactorily sets Hindman's origins within the con- text of the American social settlement effort during Steel: Tbe the Progressive Era. She also provides a helpful Kenneth Warren. Big First historiographical essay dealing with Appalachian Century of tbe United States Steel Cop settlement work in Appendix I. Elsewhere,her ac- poration, 1901-2001. Pittsburgh: Uni- count is almost antiquarian and certainly parochial. rersity of Pittsburgh Press, 2001. 320 Approximately one-half of the text deals with the pp. ISBN: 0822941600 (cloth),32. $00. period from 1 902 to 1932, leaving the seventy years thereafter to superficial treatment. Brian Apelt. Tbe Corporation:A Cen- Careful editing and serious revision would have tennial Biograpby of United States Steel substantially improved this volume. Readers who Corpo,ation, 1901-2001. Pittsburgh:

are less than well acquainted with some of the finer Cathedral Publishing, 2000. 546 pp. points of eastern Kentucky history will sometimes ISBN: 1887969128 (cloth),29. $95. find the narrative quite frustrating. For example,

Stoddart mentions that Carl Perkins was the" Settlement's most illustrious graduate"(52) but of- erhaps other region has been closely fers no explanation until the" Settlement's most il- identifiednowith a particular industrymoreduring the lustrious graduate appears 134 pages later as Con- course of the twentieth century than has the Ohio gressman Carl D. Perkins. (186) The author rec- Valley with steel. In the industry's heydayit seemed ognizes Lois Weinberg for the establishment of the as though every town, from above Pittsburgh on program at Hindman for dyslexic children, but the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers to deep into buries the fact that she is the daughter of a power- the Ohio Valley,was involved in some way or an- ful Kentucky governor, Bert T. Combs, in an other with steel production. Throughout that pe- endnote. (6, 188, 263n32) riod,U.S. Steel Corporation dominated the indus- In the on-going academic discussion of whether try and the region. In celebration of the company's the did harm the missionaries in mountains more centennial in 2001, scholars have published two than good, Stoddart clearly rejects David E. quite different books. Kenneth Warren presents a Tbat Is Native and Fine: Whisnant's argument in All detailed and thorough critical history of U.S. Steel's rise at-1 th e com- Tbe Politics of Culture in an American Region d later decline. Brian Apelt:s book is 1983) that the turn-of-the-century females who pany-endorsed biography"" of U.S. Steel's century- ventured into the mountains actually created more long history,a celebratory account filled with hun-

FALL 2003 79 BOOK REVIEWS

dreds of illustrations. Between the interested two, rapidly exceeding production, especially as World readers will be able to track the company's incred- War 1 raged across Europe. ible rise through the first half of the century and In Part Two, which deals with the period from the obstacles it faced the in second half. 1920 to 1950, Warren explores the difficulties the Warren' excellent s corporate study is part his- company faced, even during the boom years"of torical monograph and economics He part text. the 1920s. During that decade, the company eli- alternates efficiently between documenting the de- countered increased competition on several fronts velopments in U.S. Steel' history and analyzing s the and was also hurt by its failure to keep pace with and failures successes of the company's actions. His new developments in technology and efficiency. book begins with brief a preface and then a short Warren argues that,U. " S. Steel legged seriously in introduction in which he discusses the of notion recognizing and acting to correct its backward- economies of scale. As he notes, however,cor- ness...."134) Thus.( when the economic collapse size without obstacles. Through- porate is not its of the 1930s struck, the" Corporation was ill the out text,Warren equipped to meet the needs of a nation moving identifies and dis- rapidly...to a consumer economy. (157) As part the difficul- cusses of its attempts at reorganization during the 1930s, ties U.S. Steel faced under new chairman Myron C. Taylor, seven of as a result of its huge twenty-two integrated works were closed. U.S. size. Part One,The " Steel's fortunes rapidly improved, however,as the Gary Era, describes nation returned again to a war production mode the rapid growth of during World War II. the from company Part Three focuses on the company's expansion 2--»»,1. 4 ,» , its foundingin 1901 during and immediately following World War II and 1 the end of World to the setbacks that followed. Not only in terms of War L The condi- profits,but also in geography,U.S. Steel grew rap- tions in the industry idly during the war and the postwar era. However, prior to 1901 are the company's triumph was short lived. Following neatly summarized, the Korean War,the national steel industry entered the discus- as are yet another downturn. At the same time, foreign sions between J. R Morgan, Charles Schwab, and steel production, especially in Europe and Japan,

Andrew Carnegie the- major players in the con- began to increase rapidly. While steel production solidations that formed U.S. Steel. Almost from nationwide continued to increase for some time, the beginning, the dominant figure in the new cor- U.S. Steel's production seemed to stagnate. By the poration was Elbert H. Gary,who not only com- 1970s, Warren argues,the " American steel indus- manded his own company but also the entire in- try lost its world leadership, and U.S. Steel began dustry. ordered Gary that prices be held steady - to seem a secondary factor in the U.S. economy." although under the Pittsburgh" Plus"plan, ship- 241) In the final section of the book, Part Four,

ping costs were passed on to the buyer while- op- Warren documents the collapse of the steel indus- erating expenses were cut sharply to undermine the try in the United States and describes U.S. Steel's competition. Throughout the period, the company efforts at recovery. By the mid-19705, American continued rapid expansion and the exploration of steel production was in a steep decline and by the new technologies. By 1916, earnings per share at 19805, the industry was at the point of total col- Steel U.S. had reached 48.$ 46 and demand was lapse. Faced with sharp competition from foreign

80 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY producers and from domestic mini-" mills, a num- wish, is the question of labor relations within U.S. ber of the maic,r steel cotiipinies began to close. In Steel. Also, too little attention has been paid to the response to the troubles of the steel industry,U.S. communities iii which U. S. Steel operations were Steel began an expansion into other businesses, Ic,cared. Warren's bc,c,k in particular would have highlighted by its purchase of Maratlion Oil in 1982 been the best place for a discussion of the impact ot Steel' decline local conditions. These and the renaming of the conipiny as USX Corpo- U.S. s on con- rati() 11. certis aside, both Big Steel ind: Tbe Cor1,0/kitic,11 In the Epilogue to Big Steel.Warren synthesizes are iliterestitig books that enhance our understand- several on-going concerns about the corporation. ing of U. S. Steel, its histc,ry,and its role in the his- These include the difficulties inherent in larc, b e cor- tory of the Ohio Valley. porations, pi-oblems ab()ut top management, itid rocky relationships with goernment. He also ex- Willia,11 E. Doody plc,res some possible scenarios for future evolution hidwilit,Pe,insilvania within the U.S. Steel division of USX. While not- Tbe Treat, The ing that the current company is scarcely" recogniz- Martha Stephens. ite,it: able" 355)( when conipared with the c,rigina] be- Story of Those Wbo Died in the Cinci,1- Radiatio, Duke hemoth formed in 1901 and that major challenges nati 1 Tests. Unizersitv lay ahead, Warren confidently predicts a future as Press, 2002. 376 pp. ISBN: 0822328119 interesting as the past hundred years of histor>: cloth),29, $95 The Corlioratioli traces the same histor, as Big but with(, the technkal and statistical data Steel, tlt irth, Stephens's Tbe Treat,;te,it:Tbe Sto,y that fills the Warren book. Instead, Apelt has re- f Those Who Died iii the Cijicinizati Ra- diati lied on extensive photographs from tlie U. S. Steel 0,1 Tests traces the publicity surrounding Cin- Corporation archives and numerous secondar> cinnati General Hospital and the Tc,tal Bod> Ra- sources to prepare a coffee-" table"book profiling diation (TBR)experiments conducted there betweeii U.S. Steel's 100-year histc,ry. Tbe C<,rporatioji5 \ 1960 and 1972. The story rec(iunts how ninety the book most likely to appeal to the lay reader,as patients,all diagnosed with cancer,became unknow- it is easy to read and is written iii an approachable ing subjects of a science experimetit funded by the style. Big Steel, on the other hand, is aimed at the Department of Defense. The majority ot victims specialist,who is already familiar with the patterns were African American. None of the patients of American industry in the twentieth century. Both learned the full risks and purpose of the experiment, books adequately achieve their goals Apelt- has and many died from the TBR,sonic within weeks celebrated the key role of U.S. Steel in the ecc)nomic of receiving it. In the context of the Cold War,the development of the United States duriiig the past data collected in these experinieiits seemed signifi- hundred years. Warren has demonstrated that sheer cant to the U.S. military. Stephens argues that Cin- size is not always the best mode of operation in cinnati physicians and the hospital participated in industry,using the ups and downs of U.S. Steel as a a gross example of human experimentatic,n that of informed Further- case study. Both books have been well researched, violated any sense consent. Steel Big displaying the extensive primary source more,because the majority of victims were African research one would expect from a scholarly text, American,Stephens attacks the racist medical prac- while Apelt's bibliography lists many secondary tices that allowed these events to take place for over decade. resources. One aspect that both authors touch on a Similar Eileen Welsome' The Plutoniu, Files: briefly,but do not consider as closely as some may to s 11

FALL 2003 81 BOOK REVIEWS

America's Secret Medical Experii,ients in tbe Cc,ld for human research experimentation in the post- War, Stephens writes a personalized story that of- World War II era. As historians have noted, the fers victiins a name, face, family, and history.' 1947 Nuremberg Code,although critical in defin- Stephens divides the book into three parts, first tell- ing in ethics of care, did not have immediate nor ing the st(,ry of the press and publicity surrounding universal impact.1 The Cincinnati Radiation ex- the case, then the medical experinients, and finally perimetits occurred iii an era when scientists tested radioactive the legal settlement reached m 1999 that offered elements on thousands of citizens in- the families of the victims financial settlement and a cluding enlisted men, prisoners, volunteers, and memort al plague. others. Although this historical context does not This is a tragic story,worthy of book-length treat- exonerate those involved in the Cincinnati tragedy, ment. In a book that is part memoir,part journal- it offers a useful lens for better understanding the istic expose, and part history, Stephens takes the nature of these experiments. As Jonathon Moreno reader back tc,1971 when as a member of the Jun- and Susan Lederer, two members of President ior Faculty AssociationFA) ([ at the University of Clinton k Advisory Committee of Human Radia- Cincinnati, she and colleagues learned of and re- tion Experiments,wrote about studying the history ported on the radiation experiments. A self-defined of human experimentation, it restores legitimate activist, Stephens inquired, researched, and inter- 00111plexity to the realities ind ambiguities that viewed until she gained copies of critical medical American physicians, scientists, and citizens con- documents that outlined the horri fic of these nature fronted at the dawn of the nuclear age. And it makes tests. Appalled and outraged, Stephens worked to all the more tragic the failures on the part of physi- publicize this tragedy but she could not muster a cians and policymakers to protect vulnerable indi- significant and responsive audience. Shortly there- viduals from exploitative research not only in hu- after the issue disappeared from public life. In 1994 man radiation experiments but in other clinical in- however,when President Clinton authorized a task vestigations as well."Although this reviewer was force to investigate the history of Cold War human eager t()hear more about the ambiguities in the Cin- experimentation,Stephens became a key witness for cinnati case,Stephens's narrative was appreciated, the Cincinnati story. The .]FA report gained media as was her demonstration that scholarship and po- attention,she provided medical records that offered litical activism can overlap and her thirty-year com- proof about the experimental nature of the TBR, mitient to secure some justice for the victims. Tbe Treatment and through painstaking research she and others offers an important contribution to the learned the identities atid stories of the patients. expanding scholarship on human experimentation, Stephens should be coinmended for her devotic,n the importance of investigating race and class dis- tc,these victims, her insistence that their voices be crimination in medicine,and the complexity of bio- heard, and her commitment to social justice. She ethical standards and codes for informed consent. writes a passionate story, filled with her political Gardner reactions to the conservative dynamics of Cincin- Kirsten E. nati politics, racial tensions in the city,and notic,ns Uitiversity of Texas at San Antonio of accountability in medicine. However many of the personalities in this tragedy,ranging from the 1. Eileen Welsome, be-/ Plutoniun, Piles: Ainericak Secret Medical Experime,its i, tbe Cold W,?1· (New Yc,rk: The Dial journalists who reported the the 1 story to attorneys press, 1999). the Bedside: who defended the physicians involved, often ap- 2. Fc,r example.sce 1)avid Rothma,1, Strangers at A I listory of 1 1 i., and Bioct bics Transformed Medical celebratory heroes ruthless villains. This ow iw pear as or jecisicin Making (New York: Basic Books, 1991). characterization obscure the involved can nuances 3. .]c,nath.111 D. Nlorciio and Susan E. l ederer.Revisilig " the Histor>of Cold War Research Ethics,"Kennedy Institute of in understanding the evolution ot ethical standards 1-,11}ics ourtial| 6: 996j:(\ 223-37.

82 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Carol Sherman-Jones. My Life as a Gay book offers a colorful account of the author's life, Chan- from her troubled childhood and adventurous ado- Man in a Straigbt Woman's Body. dler,Ariz.: Publications, Five Star 2002. 221 lescence in Arizona to her more recent engagement pp. ISBN: 15950041 (paper),14.95. $ with New Age spiritualism. However, Sherman- Jones focuses especially on her experiences in the ars have played important, central,role Cincinnati bar scene,culminating with her propri- in the history ofan lesbian, gay,evenbisexual, and etorship of the beloved Carol's Corner CafO in the transgendered (LGBT)peoples in the United States. 1990s. Through a series of vignettes, the author Indeed,the 1969 Stonewall rebellion-a galvaniz- paints a vivid portrait of queer social life in this ing event in the history of the modern LGBT move- reputedly conservative Queen" City."And, al- ment-began as an uprising of angry New York though Sherman-Jones does not engage queer theory City bar patrons protesting police harassment. In or politics directly,the scene she describes is decid- the decades before Stonewall,gay bar owners fought edly queer in the sense that it encompasses indi- often successful political and legal battles to secure viduals claiming a broad array of identities but who the right to serve a homosexual clientele. At a time are linked by a shared sense of sexual nonconfor- when formal social and political organizations were mity. The author's own titular self-description difficult to establish and maintain, queer people serves as a case in point. forged communities, What this book does best is to reveal how those outside the sexual cohere and identities, and a mainstream can es- MY LIFE a.,a shared politics of re- tablish networks of support in commercial estab- GAY MAN sistance in bars, lishments like Carol's Corner Cafd. In this sense, in STRAIGHT a nightclubs, cafete- this book brings to mind Paris Poirier's wonderful WOMAN'S BODY rias, and similar documentary film 011 the venerable San Francjsco spaces.' lesbian bar Maud's,as well as Tbe Evening Crowd In the decades at Ki'imser's, Ricardo J. Brown's illuminating remi- since, we have seen niscence of a blue-collar gay bar in St. Paul,Min- a vast expansion in nesota.2 Moreover,Sherman-Jones's account shows the number of insti- us that such establishments can help transform the tutions and organi- larger polity for the better; among other things, zations formed by, Carol's Corner Cafe raised multiple thousands of and benefiting, dollars for Cincinnati AIDS charities, hosted ben-

LGBT-identified IN 0,.'·'.., B.....' efits for local candidates committed to social jus- Carol Sherman-Jones people. Yet, bars tice causes, and provided employment for home- and other sites of less and recently imprisoned people. commercial leisure remain vital centers of community life. They re- Kevin P.Murphy main so, in part, because they bring together indi- University of Minnesota viduals with limited ties to the organized movement 1. See, for example,George Chauncey,Gay New York: well those who do not fall neatly into modern as as Gender,Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male identity categories like gay"or lesbian." World, 1890-1940 (New York: Basic Books, 1994) and Elizabeth Lapovsky Kennedy and Madeline D. Davis, Boots The continuing importance of bars cul- to queer of Leather,Slippers of Gold: The History of a I»esbian ture receives abundant illustration in Carol Community (New York: Routledge, Inc.,1993). 2. Paris Poirier,dir.,Last Call Maud' San Francisco: Sherman-Jones'engrossing autobiography,My Life at s ( Frameline, 1993);Ricardo J. Brown, The Evening Crowd at as a Gay Man in a Straight Woman's Body. The Kirmser's: A Gay Life in the 1940s (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001).

FALL 2003 83 Upcoming Events

Baseball As America

August 16 November- 9,2003 Cincinnati Museum Center at Union Terminal 1301 Western Ave.

Exhibit Info

Baseball As America,the first major exhibition to examine the relationship between baseball and American culture, will be on display at Cincinnati Mu- seum Center at Union Terminal. Organized by The National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum and culled from its collections,this unprecedented exhibi- tion marks the first time these Hall of Fame treasures left their legendary home in Cooperstown,New York. Through the exploration of a broad range of themes, including immigration, nationalism, integration, technology and

popular culture, Baseball As America will reveal how baseball has served as

both a reflection of and catalyst for the evolution of American society.

Exhibit Hours

Monday -Saturday: 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. Sunday: 11 a.m. to 6 p.m.

Admission Information

Adults 6.$ 75

Seniors (60 years +)5.75 $ Children (ages 3 -12 years) 4.$75 Toddler All-building Pass (ages 1- 2 years) 3.$75

Sboeless"Joe Jackson's N()te that Baseball As America tickets can be combined with other attractions at Cincinnati shoes during tbe worn Museum Center for combination ticket discounts. Advance tickets for the exhibit are available at infamous 1919 World Cincinnati Museum Center's box office or through the web site at www.cincymuseum.org. Series.National Baseball Baseball As America was organized by The National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, Hall of Fame and Museum Cooperstown, New York.

The national tour of Baseball As America is sponsored by Ernst 86 Young.

84 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY The 10th Public Conference of The Filson Institute

Tbe Legacies of Lewis and Clark Friday Saturday,- October 17-18

The Filson Historical Society devotes the 1 Oth Public Conference of The Filson Institute to the lasting legacies of Lewis and Clark. The Filson Institute

commemorates the 200th anniversary ot the remarkable Expedition with a weekend of activities and lectures focused on the experiences and knowledge gained from the westward exploration that consequently shaped the course of American history.

For registration information, call The Filson Historical Society at (502) 635-5083, or visit www.filsonhistorical. org.

Friday,October 17

Institute Field Trip Explore- Lewis and Clark Sites

Friday,October 17, 9:00 a.m. 4:-30 p.m. Journey to local Lewis-and-Clark-related sites and discover the beginnings of the great Expedition in Louisville's own backyard. The trip departs from The Filson Historical Society at 9:00 a.m. Lunch will be provided. Destina- tions include Mulberry Hill, Floyd's Station, So]dier's Retreat, Locust Grove, Clark' and s Point. Cost: 50$ for Filson members, 55$ for nonmembers

Clay Jenkinson Lecture Gallery& Exhibit Reception Friday,October 17, 5:30 p.m. Filson on Main,626 W.Main Street

Thomas Jefferson's Unspeakable' JOY':The Mystery of the Debriefing of the Lewis and Clark Expedition"

Why did Jefferson,the most intellectually curious president in American history,the man who wrote 22,000 letters with a quill pen,write only a few letters in reaction to the success, the discoveries, and the reports of the Lewis and Clark Expedition? Clay Jenkinson explores the problem of the debrief-

ing as one of the three principal mysteries of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. Free Jenkinson is brought to us by the Louisville Public Library where he is the scholar-in-residence.

Cost: Free for field trip participants, 5$ for Filson members, 10$ for nonmembers.

Continued

FALL 2003 85 UPCOMING EVENTS

Saturday, October 18

Day of Lectures

9:30 a.m. 4:-00 p.m. 25tb Floor of tbe Humana Headquarters

500 W.Main Street

Members of the Expedition carried with them preconceived notions about the people and landscapes of the American West shaped by experiences in the

East,particularly in the Ohio Valley. These explorers encountered a different world beyond the Mississippi River from what they originally expected, thus

reshaping their perceptions of the Indians they met and the lands they inhab- ited. Changing conceptions of the Expedition and the West did not halt once the journey ended but continued to influence American culture for 200 years. The conference continues with a series of lectures by noted historians about the legacies of the Expedition. Lectures will conclude with speakers partici-

pating in a panel discussion moderated by Dn Mark Wetherington. There will be break for lunch. a Cost: 10$ for Filson members, 15$ for nonmembers

Conference speakers include:

Stephen Aron - The Miseducation and Reeducation of Lewis and Clark"

Dr.Aron is an Associate Professor of History at UCLA and the Director of the Institute for the Study of the American West at the Autry National Center.

Brett Rusbfortb - Emblem of Liberty: Sacagawea and Slavery in Lewis and Clark' s West" Rushforth of the National Endowment fc, the Dr. is a Fellow r Humanities at the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture.

Virginia Scbarff - Eastern Views, Western Women: In Search of Sacagawea"

Dn Scharff is Director of the Center for the Southwest at the University of New Mexico and the Frederick W. Beinecke Senior Research Fellow at the

Howard R. Lamar Center at Yale University.

Mark Spence For- "'the Purpose of Commerce':The Business of Remember- ing and Forgetting Lewis and Clark"

Dr. Spence is an Associate Professor of History at Knox College and Chair of the American Studies Department.

Lervis Funded in part by tbe Obio River Chapter c,f the and Clark Trail l leritage Foutidation a,id tbe National Park Service.

86 OHIO VALLEY HISTORY Submission Information The refereeing for manuscripts is blind. for Contributors process to Referees members of editorial board are our or other Obio Valley History specialists in the academy most appropriate to each manuscript. We have no quotas of any kind with Three paper copies of a manuscript should be regard to authorship, topic, chronological period, by sent postal mail to: or methodology-the practitioners via their submis- sions determine what we publish. Authors must Christopher Phillips or Wayne K. Durrill,Editors guarantee in writing that the work is original,that Obio Valley History it has not been previously published, and that it is Department of History not under consideration for publication elsewhere University of Cincinnati in any form. Cincinnati, Ohio 45221-0373 Should a manuscript be accepted for publication, the author will be asked to provide a computer disk, clearly labeled with the of the author,file, Preferred manuscript length is roughly 22 to 25 name and saved in Microsoft Word. We do not have the pages,exclusive of endnotes, on one side of 8.5 capacity translate alternative x 11 inch papen to programs. Accepted manuscripts undergo a reasonable yet Please use 11 or 12-point type. rigorous editing process. We will read the manu- Double- text and with placed space notes, notes script very closely as to style, grammar, and argu- the end of the manuscript at text. ment. The edited manuscript will be submitted to Author' s name and institutional affiliation on the author for consideration before publication. title page only. The Filson Historical Society (FHS),Cincinnati Museum Center (CMC),and the University of Cin- Illustrations,tables,and maps that significantly enhance the cinnati CUC) hold jointly the copyright for all article are welcome. ma- After terial published in Obio Valley History. a Regarding general form and style, please work is published in the journal,FHS/CMC/UC will follow the 15th edition of the Chicago grant the author,upon written request,permission Manual of Style. to republish the work, without fee, subject to the Please include working postal address, a with author giving proper credit of prior publication to telephone,fax,and e-mail information for Obio Valley History. Each author will receive five home or office,as well as for extensive holiday free copies of the journal in which the published sabbatical residences. or article appears.

FALL 2003 87