I. 1 Gábor Olivér

kötet, melyet a Tisztelt Olvasó kezében A tart, egy két évtizede indult program végeredményének első darabja. 1992 áprilisában határozott Pécs Megyei Jogú Város Közgyűlése Pécs a Pécs Története Alapítvány létesítéséről, amely- nek fő feladatává tette a város történetét tudo- mányos alapossággal, de közérthetően és rep- története rezentatív formában bemutató nagymonográfia elkészítését. A szerkesztő bizottság irányításával 1993 óta folyó kutatómunka eredményeiről ed- dig 26 konferencia, a Tanulmányok Pécs történeté- ből c. sorozat húsz, és a Források Pécs történetéből négy kötete, továbbá más periodikákban megje- lent tanulmányok, valamint egy sok ezer tételt tartalmazó bibliográfia révén tájékozódhattak az érdeklődők. A mintegy 420 előadás és több mint 6200 oldalnyi nyomtatott szöveg gazdag – de még korántsem teljes – tárháza a város történetéről szerezhető ismereteknek. A Pécs története I. Az őskortól a püspökség alapításáig című kötet szerzői – Visy Zsolt szer- kesztő irányításával – arra vállalkoztak, hogy bemutassák a mai értelemben vett Pécs városának természeti környezetét és előtörténetét. Utóbbi fejezetekből megismerhetjük a térség bronzkori társadalmait, Sopianae településtörténetét, temetkezési szokásait és ókeresztény temetőjét, a római kor utáni népvándorlás eseményeit, az avar kor hatá- Az őskortól a püspökség alapításáig a püspökség Az őskortól

sait és a honfoglalást követően a magyar lakosság megtelepedését. A szerzők széles összefüggésben – az egyes korszakok sajátosságaitól függően – a megyei, a dunántúli 

vagy éppen a Kárpát-medence egész területén zajló folyamatokkal összevetve mutatják be a mai Pécs területének sajátos, illetve más territóriumokkal azonos fejlődését. Az új tudományos eredményeket is hasznosító, részben eltérő álláspontokat is megjelenítő, de egyben a széles olvasóközönségnek is szóló könyv szövegét gazdag színes melléklet – 40 térkép, 30 diagram 180 tárgy- és épületfotó – teszi szemléletessé, a szellemi értékek mellett esztétikai élményben is részesítve az olvasót. A magyarul nem tudók a részletes angol nyelvű rezüméből ismerhetik meg a kötet tartalmát. T éne e

ör I. ISBN 978 615 5339 08 0 Az őskortól

9 786155 339080 9900 Ft T Pécs a püspökség alapításáig

Pécs Története Alapítvány – Kronosz Kiadó Pécs története I. Szerkesztő bizottság

Font Márta és Vonyó József társelnökök

Kaposi Zoltán, Varga J. János, Varga Lajos, Visy Zsolt

A bizottság korábbi tagjai

Ódor Imre, Szita László , T. Mérey Klára

Készült a Pécs Története Alapítvány szervezésében

Elnök: Ujvári Jenő Titkár: Pilkhoffer Mónika Tagok: Csordás Gábor, Huszár Zoltán, Kismányoki Károly, Krippl Zoltán, Lénárd László, P. Müller Péter, Ódor Imre, Síkfői Tamás Munkatárs: Bognár Inke

A kuratórium korábbi tagjai

Polányi Imre (elnök), Rajczi Péter , Tillai Aurél Pécs története I.

Az őskortól a püspökség alapításáig

Főszerkesztő Vonyó József

Szerkesztő Visy Zsolt

Pécs Története Alapítvány – Kronosz Kiadó Pécs, 2013 A kötet szerzői

Gábor Olivér, Gyenizse Péter, Katona Győr Zsuzsa, Lóczy Dénes, Maráz borbála, Szeverényi Vajk, Vaday Andrea, Visy Zsolt

Lektorok Fekete Mária, Fischl Klára, Gabler Dénes, Nagy Levente, Sümegi Pál, Szőke Béla Miklós, Vida Tivadar

pdf

Jelen elektronikus kiadvány a Kronosz Kiadó és a Pécs Története Alapítvány gondozásában 2013-ban megjelent nyomtatott kötet változatlan kiadása pdf ISBN 978-615-6027-93-1

© szerzők © szerkesztő © fotók készítői és tulajdonosai © Pécs Története Alapítvány © Kronosz Kiadó Tartalom

Lectori Salutem ...... 7 Város a Mecsek alján. A Pécs története c. monográfia elé ...... 9

Előszó ...... 13 I. Pécs természeti környezete (Lóczy Dénes – Gyenizse Péter) ...... 15 II. Pécs története a késő bronzkorig (Szeverényi Vajk) ...... 37 III. Pécs története a késő bronzkortól a római foglalásig (Maráz Borbála) ...... 69 IV. Sopianae településtörténete (Visy Zsolt) ...... 93 V. Temetkezési szokások a római kori Sopianaeban (Katona Győr Zsuzsa) ...... 153 VI. Sopianae ókeresztény temetőjének épületei (Gábor Olivér) ...... 195 VII. Pécs története a rómaiak távozásától az avarok bejöveteléig (Gábor Olivér) ...... 223 VIII. Pécs története az avar kortól a magyar államalapításig (Vaday Andrea) ...... 233 IX. Jegyzetek ...... 267 I. Pécs természeti környezete ...... 267 II. Pécs története a késő bronzkorig ...... 267 III. Pécs története a késő bronzkortól a római foglalásig ...... 269 IV. Sopianae településtörténete ...... 271 V. Temetkezési szokások a római kori Sopianaeban ...... 275 VI. Sopianae ókeresztény temetőjének épületei ...... 281 VII. Pécs története a rómaiak távozásától az avarok bejöveteléig ...... 285 VIII. Pécs története az avar kortól a magyar államalapításig ...... 287 X. Bibliográfia ...... 299 Rövidítések ...... 299 Felhasznált irodalom ...... 300 I. Pécs természeti környezete ...... 300 II. Pécs története a késő bronzkorig ...... 303 III. Pécs története a késő bronzkortól a római foglalásig ...... 311 IV. Sopianae településtörténete ...... 314 V. Temetkezési szokások a római kori Sopianaeban ...... 317 VI. Sopianae ókeresztény temetőjének épületei ...... 320 VII. Pécs története a rómaiak távozásától az avarok bejöveteléig ...... 323 VIII. Pécs története az avar kortól a magyar államalapításig ...... 325 XI. Mutatók ...... 331 Személynév mutató ...... 331 Település és lelőhely mutató ...... 333 Ábrajegyzék ...... 336

Summary ...... 338

Lectori Salutem

ősgyökeres pécsiként gyermekkoromban családommal szinte minden hétvégén a Mecsek Tvalamelyik turistaútját jártuk, később pedig a Mandulásban róttam a futó-köröket. Gim- náziumi tanulmányaimat a Ciszterci Rend Nagy Lajos Gimnáziumában folytattam, s az iskola végeztével, a város utcáin bolyongva szinte mindig megérintett a kétezer éves város szellemisége. Pécs természeti és épített öröksége mindig is magával ragadott, emellett szabadidőmben szívesen forgattam a történelmi témájú könyveket, ezért különösen kedves kötelességnek teszek eleget, amikor ezt a hiánypótló kötetet ajánlom figyelmükbe. Pécsett lenni azért is különleges élmény, mert városunkban a történelem szerves egységként mutatkozik meg, a meghatározó korszakok – a római kor vagy a honfoglalás időszaka éppúgy, mint az egyetem-alapító Nagy Lajos, vagy a török kor – épített öröksége megtalálható, nem kell tudósnak lenni ahhoz, hogy az itt élő pécsi polgár, vagy az idelátogató turista átérezze a letűnt korok hangulatát. Ahogy Voltaire, a francia felvilágosodás egyik legismertebb filozófusa mondta egykor: „A tör- ténelemben a véletlenek különös ajtókat tudnak kinyitni a jövőbe. És ha kinyílik egy ilyen ajtó, akkor be kell lépni rajta.” Úgy vélem, a Pécs Története Alapítvány Pécsről szóló nagymonográfiá- jának első kötete is egy ilyen ajtó. Átjáró a múltból a jelenen keresztül a jövőbe. A város különbö- ző korszakairól szóló kiadványsorozat megvalósulásához tematikus tudományos konferenciák, másfélszáz történész, szociológus, politológus, levéltáros, muzeológus éveken-évtizedeken átíve- lő munkája vezetett. Pécs a Kultúra Városa. Örökségünk kultúránk része, amire méltán lehetünk büszkék. Két év- ezredes hagyatékunk nemcsak az itt élők, hanem a világ figyelmére is méltó. Természeti és épített örökségünk biztosítja előkelő helyünket a világ és az ország kulturális térképén. Pécs római kori elődje, Sopianae késő római ókeresztény temetője 2000-ben felkerült az UNESCO világörökségi listájára. Ezt a kötetet kezünkbe véve mindennek a felhalmozott tudásnak és tapasztalatnak az eszenciáját ízlelhetjük meg. Lapozzák át e kötetet, amely átjárót nyit a cella septichora korából, s az út végén már a jövő akadálymentes közterei, a régi és az új találkozása, a varázslatos Pécs sejlik fel. Jó kalandozást kívánok a történelem ösvényein.

2013. január

Páva Zsolt Pécs polgármestere

Város a Mecsek alján A Pécs története című monográfia elé

ki a Mecsek oldalából Pécs városára néz, épületeket lát, utcákat és tereket; követ, téglát, A fát, palát – vagyis anyagot. Mindazt, ami a föld szintje fölé emelkedik. Ám a város nem ez – nem csak ez. A város: a benne élők közössége. Az építmények is csak a mindenkor itt lakók – az ember – produktumai. Gondolatok, eszmények, érzések, vágyak kifejezői, érzékek tükrözői, és egyben a boldogságot kereső, önmaga és utódai jövőjét álmodó–alakító, gazdaságot, kultúrát teremtő, környezetét alakító polgár tevékenységének színterei. S nemcsak az, amit közvetlenül szemügyre vehetünk, hanem a régmúlt emlékei is, mindaz, amit a feledés homályán túl a Mecsek oldalából évszázadokon át lezúduló víz sok méteres vastagságú hordaléka s a későbbi korok épü- letei is elfednek. A Mecsek – északi rideg szelektől védett – déli lankája, az Adriai-tengertől mintegy félezer kilométerre kialakuló mediterrán klíma mindig kedvező lehetőséget biztosított az emberi élethez. Földrajzi helyzete, az itt különböző irányokból összefutó utak fontossá tették mind az észak–déli, mind a kelet–nyugati irányú közlekedés számára – eleve biztosítva a többféle közvetítő szerep lehetőségét. E város mintegy évezredes történetét, s annak több ezer éves előzményeit tárja fel az nyolckö- tetes sorozat, melynek első kötetét tartja kezében a Tisztelt Olvasó. Két évtizedes előkészületek, sok szálon futó kutatómunka, hozzáértő szakemberek formálta szövegek eredményeként született meg a Pécs előtörténetét bemutató impozáns könyv, melyet reményeink szerint további hét követ. Ha terveink megvalósulhatnak, az emberi élet Mecsek alji kezdeteitől az 1990. évi rendszerváltásig követhetik nyomon az érdeklődők a város külső képének változásait, társadalmának, gazdaságá- nak, kultúrájának fejlődését, a lakosság hétköznapi életének jellemzőit és a politika viharait. Folya- matokat és eseményeket, társadalmi csoportokat és kiemelkedő személyiségeket, intézményeket és szervezeteket, egy-egy korszak általános jellemzőit és a város állapotát fontos pillanatokban ismerhetik meg az olvasók. 

Pécs Megyei Jogú Város Önkormányzatának Közgyűlése, akceptálva a különböző szakmai intéz- mények, szervezetek kezdeményezéseit, 112/1992/IV./2. sz. határozatában kimondta: „1. kezdeményezi, anyagilag és erkölcsileg támogatja a város történetét feldolgozó tudományos igé- nyű nagymonográfia, ismeretterjesztő kismonográfia, olvasókönyv (forráskiadvány) és fotóal- bum elkészítését, kiadását. 2. A kutatás és kiadás finanszírozása céljából Pécs Története néven nyitott alapítványt létesít.” A nagymonográfia elkészítését három tényező indokolta: 1. A város presztízse. Pécs az ország egyik legjelentősebb városa mind múltját, hagyomá- nyait, mind (az előbbiekre épülő) mai regionális központ szerepét illetően. Ezt a múltat azonban más városoktól (Budapest, Debrecen, Szeged, Győr, Kaposvár, Vác, Hódmező- 10 Pécs története az őskortól a püspökség alapításáig

vásárhely, Komló, Siklós, Szigetvár, Sásd, Pécsvárad stb.), sőt községektől (Dunaszekcső és Bár, Szederkény stb.) eltérően átfogóan és a teljesség igényével nem dolgozták fel és nem mutatták be. 2. Társadalmi-politikai érdek. A város vezetése, a város élete valamennyi szférájának, intéz- ményei stratégiai jelentőségű döntéseinek kialakításához nélkülözhetetlen Pécs múltbéli fejlődésének, adottságainak, hagyományainak tudományos alaposságú ismerete. 3. Tudományos érdek. A város élete egyes területeinek tudományos igényű vizsgálata feltéte- lezi egy – az élet valamennyi területét átfogó, ezek összefüggéseit bemutató – hasonlóan tudományos igényű történeti szintézis meglétét. Hozzátehetjük: az ország történetéről is csak akkor alakítható ki reális kép, ha egyes települései történetének szakmailag megala- pozott feltárása alapján készülhetnek szintézisek. Az Önkormányzat létrehozta a Pécs Története Alapítványt, melynek feladata a munkálatok me- nedzselése. Kuratóriumának elnöke 1992–1999 között Polányi Imre egyetemi tanár volt, 2000 óta Ujvári Jenő látja el e feladatot. Az Alapítvány kuratóriuma a nagymonográfiával kapcsolatos ku- tatások irányítását a szerkesztőbizottságra bízta. Tagjai egy-egy korszak feltárásának irányítását végzik. Az első szerkesztőbizottság tagja volt Font Márta (az 1543-ig tartó időszak története), Szita László (török kor), Ódor Imre (1686–1848), T. Mérey Klára (1948–1918), Vonyó József (1918–1944), Varga Lajos (1944–1990). 2003 és 2006 között – különböző okok miatt – személyi változásokra és a feladatok átcsoportosítására került sor. A szerkesztőbizottság tagjai – egy vagy két kötet szerkesztőjeként – az első kötet megjelenésekor: (1) A város területe az őskorban. Sopianae. A népvándorlás viharaiban. Sopianae és a honfoglaló magya- rok (1009-ig) – Visy Zsolt, a történettudomány doktora, egyetemi tanár; (2) Quinqueecclesiae: Pécs a középkorban (1009–1543) – Font Márta, a történettudomány doktora, egyetemi tanár; (3) Török uralom alatt (1543–1686) és (4) Betelepülés, újjáépítés. A püspöki város (1686–1780) – Var- ga J. János, a történettudomány doktora, tudományos főmunkatárs; (5) Szabad királyi város a feudalizmus végén (1780–1848) és (6) Iparosodás, polgárosodás (1848–1918) – Kaposi Zoltán, a történettudomány doktora, egyetemi tanár; (7) Szerb megszállás alatt (1918–1921) és Centrum – periférián (1921–1944) – Vonyó József, PhD, címzetes egyetemi tanár; (8) A második világháború után (1944–1990) – Sz. Varga Lajos, kandidátus, főiskolai tanár. 1993–2003 között elnökként Vonyó József, 2003-tól társelnökként Font Márta és Vonyó József irányítja a bizottságot. A szerkesztőbizottság 1993–2011 között összesen 26 konferenciát szervezett, melyeken mintegy 420 előadás hangzott el a város történetének különböző kérdéseiről, illetve a várostörténeti kutatás elmé- leti, módszertani problémáiról. Többségük tematikai tekintetben vegyes volt, az előadók tartalmi és kronológiai megkötések nélkül jelentkezhettek kutatási eredményeikkel. Tartalma és jellege alapján kiemelkedett a sorozatból 5 konferencia. Közülük 4 a város történetének különböző korszakaival foglalkozott, előre megtervezett program alapján, felkért, hivatásos szakemberek közreműködésé- vel (Pécs a törökkorban – 1998; Pécs szerepe a Mohács előtti Magyarországon – 2000; Sopianae. Az újabb régé- szeti kutatások eredményei – 2002; Pécs gazdasága és társadalma a 19–20. században – 2005), 1999 szeptembe- rében pedig nemzetközi szimpózium zajlott rangos szakemberek részvételével A város- és helytörténeti kutatások elméleti és módszertani kérdései címmel. A szerkesztőbizottság és az Alapítvány rendszeresen gondoskodott az eredmények publikálásá- ról. Nem csak a kutatási program keretében születettekéről. Figyelemmel kísérte a Pécs történetének egyes korszakairól, területeiről más céllal – doktori disszertáció, szakdolgozat stb. – készülő mun- kákat, s az arra érdemesek megjelenésére is lehetőséget biztosított. Az Alapítvány kiadásában 1995 és 2009 között napvilágot látott a Tanulmányok Pécs történetéből c. kiadványsorozat 16 kötete (ebből három összevont, 2–3, 5–6 és 10–11–12.), melyekben megjelent két monografikus feldolgozás adat- tárral (4. és 17. kötet), továbbá 213 különböző témájú és terjedelmű tanulmány, illetve forrásközlés, összesen 4625 nyomtatott oldal terjedelemben. A tanulmányok – szerzőik eltérő képzettségéből és Város a Mecsek alján. A Pécs története című monográfia elé 11 felkészültségéből fakadóan – változó színvonalúak, de valamennyi értékes, a szintézis elkészítését se- gítő adatokat, összefüggéseket tartalmaz. Az Alapítvány a szerkesztőbizottság szervezésében 2006- ban új sorozatot indított Források Pécs történetéből címmel. Négy kötetében a város 19. század végi és 20. század eleji történetének eseményeit felidéző memoárok, illetve török kori dokumentumok jelentek meg összesen mintegy 889 nyomtatott oldal terjedelemben. Több tucat, a konferenciákon elhangzott előadás anyagát más periodikákban (Pécsi Szemle, Janus Pannonius Múzeum Évkönyve stb.) olvashatták az érdeklődők. A kutatómunkát segíti a Surján Miklós által (Kerekes Imre közreműködésével) összeállított, s 2008-ban kiadott Pécs bibliográfiája 1960–2005. A monográfia elkészítését megalapozó kutatásokban eddig több mint másfél száz fő vett részt tanulmányok szerzőjeként és/vagy konferenciák előadójaként. Közöttük épp úgy megtalálhatók a történettudomány különböző szakterületeinek, továbbá a régészet, a szociológia, a politológia, a közgazdaságtan, a jogtudomány, a földrajztudomány, az orvostudomány stb. hivatásos kutatói (többek között akadémikusok, a tudományok doktorai), egyetemi oktatók, levéltárosok, muzeoló- gusok, könyvtárosok, mint doktoranduszok és egyetemi hallgatók, helytörténészek. A pécsieken kívül mintegy negyvenen Budapestről és más magyarországi városokból, öten pedig külföldről kapcsolódtak be a munkába. A szerkesztőbizottság tervei szerint az előmunkálatok révén felhalmozott anyag felhasználá- sával írja meg egy-egy szerző, illetve szerzőpáros a nagyobb korszakok szintézisét, a monográfia egyes köteteit. (Ez alól lényegében csak az első könyv jelent kivételt, mely egymástól alapvetően eltérő kutatói szakértelmet követelő korszakokat mutat be.) Így látjuk megvalósíthatónak az eredeti célt, olyan munka közreadását, mely: 1. Egyaránt megfelel a városi (társadalmi) igényeknek (a városfejlődés összefüggéseinek, az adottságokból, külső körülményekből fakadó sajátosságainak és tanulságainak bemutatá- sa, a hagyományok ápolásának megalapozása stb.) és a modern várostörténeti kutatások tudo- mányos követelményeinek. 2. Tematikailag teljességre törekedve mutatja be a város mint regionális központ 1990-ig tartó történetét: ▪ elemezve a régióval, a körzetéhez tartozó településekkel kialakult – munkamegosztá- son alapuló – viszonyát, s az ebben érvényesülő kölcsönhatásokat; ▪ összehasonlítva hasonló és más nagyságrendű magyar és külföldi városokkal; ▪ kiemelve Pécs fejlődési sajátosságait, a magyar városhálózatban, illetve az európai városfejlődésben elfoglalt helyét. 3. Szintézis, nagyobb korszakonként a város életének komplexitását, egységét, elemeinek ös�- szefüggését és egymásra hatását feltáró, szerkezetileg és stilárisan is egységes mű, amely egyben biztosítja a fejlődési trendek hosszú távú alakulásának bemutatását is. 4. Szakszerűen megfogalmazott, de olvasmányos, gazdagon illusztrált, igényes kiállítású könyv. A munkálatok feltételei közel sem mondhatók ideálisnak. A finanszírozás nem volt folyama- tos. Az első évtizedben az Országos Tudományos Kutatási Alaptól pályázati úton elnyert összegek tették lehetővé a konferenciák megszervezését, az első tanulmánykötetek megjelentetését. Az Ön- kormányzat – több éves megszakításokkal folyósított – eseti támogatásai csak egyes részfeladatok pénzügyi feltételeit biztosították. A színvonalas monográfia előkészítése során nem nélkülözhető szisztematikus alapkutatások azonban előre megtervezett, sok éves kutatómunkával alapozhatók meg. A mindenkori városvezetés viszont csak az adott ciklus végéig vállalt garanciát az évenként szükséges összegek tervezésére. Egy nagyobb önkormányzati támogatás tette lehetővé, hogy a ku- ratórium megbízási szerződéseket kössön a város története néhány feltáratlan területének kutatá- sára, illetve a monográfia első három kötetének megírására. Az Elcoteq Magyarország Elektronikai Kft. gáláns adományának köszönhető Pécs bibliográfiájának megjelenése. Ettől eltekintve sorra si- kertelenül zárultak az alapítványi kuratórium szponzorok megnyerésére irányuló kísérletei. Még az EKF program vezetői sem tartották Európa Kulturális Fővárosához méltónak egy ilyen nagy- 12 Pécs története az őskortól a püspökség alapításáig

szabású várostörténet kiadását. A közgyűlést alkotó különböző politikai erők között 2008 nyarán alakult ki konszenzus a tekintetben, hogy előre biztosítani kell a teljes mű bekerülési költségét. Ám az év őszén kitört gazdasági válság keresztülhúzta az elhatározás valóra váltását. Mindezek következtében a teljes sorozat eredetileg 2000-re prognosztizált, majd az EKF évére, 2010-re tervezett megjelenése helyett, 2013 tavaszán kerülhet ki a nyomdából – az első kötet. Az első kötet, melyet abban a reményben nyújtunk át a Tisztelt Olvasónak, hogy azt átolvasva megvalósulni látja a szervezők céljait. A nyolc kötet áttanulmányozása révén a várost irányító po- litikusok, vállalkozók, kulturális és más szakemberek majdan olyan információkhoz jutnak Pécs fejlődésének sajátosságairól, adottságairól, tradícióiról, melyek segítik őket megalapozott döntések meghozatalában. Az iskolai oktatásban hasznosítva a kötetek anyagát, tanáraink eredményesebben alakíthatják diákjaik kötődését a városhoz, s inspirálhatják őket arra, hogy felnőttként felelősséggel vegyenek részt annak gyarapításában. Ugyanígy erősítheti minden pécsi polgár pozitív értelem- ben vett lokálpatriotizmusát, közéleti aktivitását. A szervezők és alkotók abban is bíznak, hogy az első kötet felkelti a város lakosságának érdeklődését múltja és a sorozat iránt egyaránt, s a munka folytatására, az újabb kötetek kiadására ösztönzi a kutatókat és az anyagi feltételeket biztosító tá- mogatókat. Bíznak abban: a kultúrájára méltán büszke város megtiszteli magát azzal, hogy múltját a tőle elvárható színvonalú történeti feldolgozás révén is őrzi a jövő nemzedékei számára.

Pécs, 2013. január

Vonyó József Ujvári Jenő főszerkesztő a Pécs Története Alapítvány kuratóriumának elnöke Előszó

écs történetének a monográfiája a város és a tudományos kutatás régi adóssága. Az I. kötet a Pkezdetektől a pécsi püspökség alapításáig terjedő időszak történetét dolgozza föl. A kézirat elkészítésére a város és környéke régészetével és történetével évek, évtizedek óta foglalkozó ku- tatók kaptak felkérést, és bár igaz, hogy időközben egyes fejezetek szerzői tekintetében változás is történt, a jelen kötet reményeink szerint mégis pontos, és a kutatás jelenlegi állásának megfelelő képet nyújt a város és környéke korai történetéről. A várostörténeti monográfia egyik szerkesztési elve a magas szintű tudományosság mellett a közérthetőség volt, hiszen a monográfia olvasóközönsége minden bizonnyal nemcsak a tudomá- nyos világ képviselői közül kerül ki, hanem minden, a város múltja iránt érdeklődő olvasó is szí- vesen fogja olvasni. A tudományos pontosság mellett tehát a gördülékeny stílusra, olvasmányos- ságra is törekedniük kellett a szerzőknek. Ennek megkönnyítésére a jegyzetek a fejezetek végén olvashatók, hogy a hivatkozások és az esetenként szükséges részletesebb indoklás, vita, kitérő ne zavarja a folyamatos olvasást. Ez a megoldás azt is megengedte, hogy ilyen jellegű kiadványhoz képest viszonylag nagyobb számú jegyzet kaphasson helyet a kötetben. Fontos szempontként jelentkezett a város természeti és földrajzi környezetének a történeti ko- rokat is figyelembe vevő elemzése, így ezzel a fejezettel indul a kötet. Ez a további kötetek szá- mára is hasznos támpontul szolgál majd. Mind ennél a fejezetnél, mind a régészeti és történeti fejezeteknél nehéz volt meghatározni a bemutatás földrajzi kiterjedését, hiszen korszakonként különböző mennyiségű és minőségű forrás- és ismeretanyaggal rendelkezünk, illetve a város tör- ténetének csupán a mai határain belül eső területét földolgozni az összefüggések felderítésének és láttatásának a hiánya miatt elhibázott megközelítés lett volna. Ennek megfelelően minden szerző saját belátása és a korszak sajátosságai szerint határozhatta meg, milyen mértékben lép ki a rész- letes bemutatás során a város mai határain túlra. Természetes ugyanakkor, hogy minden fejezet bemutatja a tágabb térség adott korszakának a történetét, hogy az összefüggésekre is fényt lehes- sen deríteni. A tanulmányokba a teljes korábbi régészeti és történeti kutatási eredményeken kívül számos, még publikálatlan ásatás és kutatás anyaga, eredménye is bekerült. A Pécs-baranyai térség szinte minden korszakból igen gazdag régészeti anyaggal rendelkezik, amely nemcsak e terület, hanem a tágabb régió, sőt a Kárpát-medence történetére nézve is fontos adatokkal szolgál. Ennek ellenére mind a leletek és lelőhelyek számában, mind a gazdagságuk- ban kisebb-nagyobb különbségek figyelhetők meg. Az egyes korszakok ennek megfelelően jelen- tőségük és kutatottságuk arányában eltérő mértékben kaptak helyet a kötetben. A legnagyobb terjedelmet a város római kori elődje, Sopianae kapta. Ezt a több mint száz éve folyó ásatások eredményei, a leletek gazdag változatossága és jelentősége indokolja, amit a 2000-ben elnyert világörökségi rang is igazol. Ennek megfelelően három fejezet tárgyalja a város történetét, a te- metők világát és a változatos késő római sírépítményeket. A két őskori fejezet a város területének korai történetét mutatja be a régészeti leletek segítségével az őskőkortól a kelta kor végéig, a két népvándorlás kori fejezet pedig a római kor utáni germán, majd avar és magyar korszak lele- teinek segítségével tárgyalja az államalapítás, illetve a pécsi püspökség megalapításáig terjedő évszázadok változatos történetét. Míg a kőkorszakok, a rézkor, a bronzkor és a vaskor történetére vonatkozóan az utolsó korszakot kivéve nem rendelkezünk írott forrásokkal, a római kortól kezd- 14 Pécs története az őskortól a püspökség alapításáig

ve egyre több történetírói és epigráfiai adat áll rendelkezésre. A szerzők minden esetben komple- xitásra törekedtek, és az egyes korszakok történetének a megírása során egyaránt támaszkodtak az írott és íratlan, tárgyi forrásokra. A szerzők legjobb tudásuk szerint és a legújabb szakirodalmi anyagot felhasználva dolgoztak. Ez nem volt mindig könnyű, mert a fejezetek megírása és a kötet megjelentetése több éven át húzódott. Ennek következtében a szerzők több esetben kényszerültek kiegészíteni, itt-ott módo- sítani a már megírt részeket. A szerkesztő nem törekedett arra, hogy a szerzők kiérlelt, de olykor nem teljesen megegyező álláspontját egységesítse. Az egyazon dolog, jelenség értékelésénél ese- tenként megfigyelhető eltérések híven tükrözik azt, hogy bár az olvasó egységes, összehangolt művet vehet a kezébe, a kutatás több esetben még nem ért el teljes bizonyosságot, a rendelkezésre álló anyag eltérő interpretációs lehetőségeket is megenged. A puszta szöveg nem lenne elegendő Pécs több ezer éves történetének a bemutatására. A ré- gészeti források révén kutatható korszakok esetében a tárgyi anyag, a különböző leletek, a lelő- helytérképek, az ásatási rajzok és felmérések nem csupán illusztrációként kapnak nem is csekély helyet a kötetben, hanem a mondandó igazolására és alátámasztására. A tárgyi források gazdag változatossága tehát a hitelességet biztosítja, ugyanúgy, mint a számos irodalmi, szöveges idézet. A bemutatott leletek természetesen egyfajta kiállítás képes katalógusának is felfoghatók, hiszen a szerzők minden esetben arra törekedtek, hogy a legjellegzetesebb és egyben legmutatósabb leletek kerüljenek be a kötetbe, függetlenül attól, hogy azokat pécsi vagy más magyarországi közgyűjtemény őrzi. A kötet létrehozásán igen sokan dolgoztak. Őket és minden közreműködőt köszönet illet. Első- ként a Janus Pannonius Múzeum munkatársait kell megemlíteni, akik mindenkor és mindenben segítették a kötet megszületését. Külön köszönet illeti Füzi István fotóművészt, aki a fényképek legnagyobb részét készítette. Vaday Andrea nem csak szerzőként, hanem a kötet illusztráció-szer- kesztőjeként is dolgozott, számos ábra minőségi elkészítése az ő munkáját dicséri. Köszönettel tartozunk a Magyar Nemzeti Múzeumnak azokért a felvételekért, amelyeket a gyűjteményében őrzött pécsi leletekről készített.

Pécs, 2013. március 15. Visy Zsolt I

Lóczy Dénes – Gyenizse Péter

Pécs természeti környezete

települések természetföldrajzi viszonyait egyrészt az abszolút és a relatív földrajzi fekvés, A másrészt – a fekvésből is fakadó – állandó vagy időben változó természetföldrajzi tényezők határozzák meg. Mindezek összességét a klasszikus magyar földrajzi szakirodalomban „helyi és helyzeti energiáknak” volt szokás nevezni,1 manapság pedig inkább telepítő és fejlesztő tényezők- ről beszélnek.2 Mivel történelmi kategóriák, hatásuk a város fejlődésének különböző szakaszaiban eltérő volt, a társadalmi fejlettség különböző fokain más és más körülmény tekinthető előnyösnek, közömbösnek vagy hátrányosnak. Valamely hely természetföldrajzi jellemzését azonban mindig ugyanazoknak a tényezőknek, fekvésének, földtani felépítésének, domborzati viszonyainak, vízraj- zának, éghajlatának, talajainak, növény- és állatvilágának, valamint a tájat ért társadalmi hatások- nak, a környezet állapotának a bemutatásából szokás összeállítani, így a jelen fejezet is nagyjából erre a vázra épül. Kiemelten tárgyalja a Mecseket, mint Pécs környezetének legjellegzetesebb és legnagyobb hatású összetevőjét.

Földrajzi fekvés

Egy város abszolút földrajzi fekvését a földfelszínen elfoglalt helyének koordinátáival lehet meg- adni. Bár önmagában sem a földrajzi szélesség, sem a hosszúság nem határozza meg az adott öve- zeten belül a természeti viszonyokat, az elhelyezkedés közvetve szinte minden természetföldrajzi tényezőre rányomja a bélyegét. Pécs a magyarországi nagyvárosok közül legdélebbi fekvésével tűnik ki. Jelképesen Gázi Kászim pasa dzsámiját, a belvárosi templomot tekinthetjük a város közepének, amely az északi szélesség 46º04’37”-én és a keleti hosszúság 18º13’41”-én helyezkedik el, ennek alapján pedig ez a vidék a mérsékelt öv nedves kontinentális tartományába tartozik (1. ábra). Ami a harmadik koordinátát, a tengerszint feletti magasságot illeti, Pécs városközpontja 160 m-en, a magyar nagyvárosok közül a legmagasabban terül el. Figyelemre méltó a közigazga- tási terület legmagasabb pontja, a Tubes fennsíkja (611 m) és a legalacsonyabb, a Pécsi-víz kifolyá- sa (112 m) közötti tekintélyes magasságkülönbség. A 600 m-es érték olyan jelentős reliefet jelez, amely kevés magyar város esetében tapasztalható. Pécs környékén a domborzat nagy függőleges tagoltsága a természeti környezet nagy változatosságára is utal. A viszonylagos fekvés megítélésekor a tengertől, folyóktól, tavaktól, mocsaraktól, jelentősebb hegységektől mért távolságot szokás alapul venni. A tengertől elzárt Magyarországon különleges jelentősége van annak, hogy Pécs légvonalban mindössze 285 km-re (autópályán öt-hat óra autó- zásra) van az Adriai-tenger Kvarner-öblétől. Jóval nagyobb a távolsága másik két „meleg” ten- gertől, az Égei-tenger Therniai-öblétől (713 km) és a Fekete-tenger Várnai-öblétől (824 km). Pécs természeti környezetének jellegzetessége, hogy távol esik valamennyi hajózható folyótól: a Dráva (Drávaszabolcs) 32 km-re, a Duna (Mohács-Szőlőhegy) szinte ugyanilyen távolságra, 35 km-re van 16 Lóczy Dénes – Gyenizse Péter

1. ábra. Pécs fekvése 1. Mecsek; 2. Dél-Baranyai-dombság; 3. Dráva-alföld és a Fekete-víz síkja a Pécsi-medencével; 4. országhatár

Pécstől. Ez a helyzet a történelmi fejlődés során általában negatív értékelést kapott. Hazánk nagy tavától, a Balatontól még nagyobb, 89 km a távolsága. A mocsaras területek elhelyezkedése a tör- ténelem során annyit változott, hogy csak rekonstrukcióval ítélhető meg, mivel a Pécsi-medence legalacsonyabb részei – a legszárazabb évtizedektől eltekintve – a lecsapolásáig évszakosan vízjárta térségnek számítottak. Korábban a városmag közvetlen közelében, 1-2 km távolságra már mocsa- rak kezdődtek.

Földtani adottságok

Tektonikai viszonyok és szerkezeti domborzat

A Kárpát-medence három fő szerkezeti egysége (ALCAPA, Száva és Tisza) közül a kb. 350 km2 kiterjedésű Mecsek a Tisza-egységhez tartozik.3 Az alaphegység a mélyben döntően óidei grá- nitból, szerpentinitből és hőhatásra átalakult kőzetből, migmatitból áll. Keletkezése elsősorban a Variszkuszi-hegységrendszer kialakulásához kapcsolódik.4 Az óidő végétől a középidő végéig, a karbon időszak második felétől a juráig ciklikus tengerszint-emelkedés és -süllyedés mellett nyugodt üledékképződés folyt, több ezer méter vastagságban üledékes kőzetek rakódtak le. Csak a középidő végén, a kréta időszakban élénkültek meg újra a szerkezeti mozgások, amikor az alpi hegységképződés a korábban felhalmozódott üledékeket redőkbe gyűrte. A Nyugati-Mecsekben Pécs természeti környezete 17 nagy redőboltozat (antiklinális) jött létre, a Keleti-Mecseket viszont teknőszerkezet (szinkliná- lis) uralja (2. ábra). Ezek a nagyszerkezeti formák jól tükröződnek a mai domborzatban is: a ke- ményebb és a kevésbé ellenálló rétegek váltakozása kirajzolja őket a felszínen. A legkeményebb konglomerátum (kovás kötőanyagú kavicskő) jól ellenáll a lepusztulásnak, rajta fut a Jakab-hegy gerince. Kővágószőlős fölött látványos sziklaalakzatokban (Babás-szerkövek) emelkedik ki kör- nyezetéből. Ahol viszont a legkevésbé ellenálló, agyagos-gipszes kőzetek vannak a felszínen, ott mély völgyek húzódnak. Az újharmadidőszak és a negyedidőszak üledékei diszkordánsan (lepusztulási szakasszal megszakítva) települnek az alaphegységre. A nyugat-mecseki boltozat központi része, mivel a hajlítás nagy igénybevételt jelentett, erősen összetöredezett. Összetöre- dezve még a legkeményebb kőzetek is gyorsan pusztulnak, így délnyugat felé nyitott medencék keletkeztek. Ezekbe az északról védett medencékbe települt több falu is, mint pl. Cserkút vagy Kővágószőlős.

2. ábra. Pécs környékének földtani térképe, kőszén- és uránércbányái

1. Óidei metamorf kőzetek; 2. Bodai Aleurolit Formáció (felső-perm); 3. Felső-perm–alsó-triász homokkő; 4. Alsó-triász ho- mokkő és konglomerátum; 5. Középső-triász mészkő, dolomit, anhidrit; 6. Felső-triász homokkő; 7. Felső-triász–alsó-jura fekete kőszén, palás agyag, homokkő (Mecseki Kőszén Formáció); 8. Alsó-jura márgák; 9. Miocén konglomerátum, homokkő, mészkő, agyag; 10. Miocén–pliocén (pannon) agyag, márga, homok, konglomerátum; 11. Pleisztocén löszök; 12. Negyedidő- szaki folyóvízi üledékek, édesvízi mészkő; 13. Negyedidőszaki lejtőüledékek; 14. Holocén folyóvízi üledék; 15. Antropogén képződmény (feltöltés, meddőhányó, iszaptározó stb.); 16. Települések beépített területe; 17. Antiklinális; 18. Szinklinális; 19. Vető; 20. Jelentősebb mélyművelésű, vagy külszíni feketekőszén bánya (vagy légakna); 21. Uránbánya, légakna 18 Lóczy Dénes – Gyenizse Péter

A kréta időszak vége felé már alig folyt üledékképződés, mivel a hegység mindkét fele fokozato- san kiemelkedett. A kréta legvégén, 75–65 millió éve forró és nedves éghajlat uralkodott a hegység területén, a kőzetfelszín ezért erősen mállott és pusztult, tönkösödött (lapos felületté kopott le). A terület az újidő kezdetén is valószínűleg szárazföld volt. A tönkösödés olyan intenzitással már nem folytatódott, mint a krétában, csak a peremeken egyengetődött el a felszín, enyhén lejtő hegy- lábfelszínek vették körül a hegységet. Újabb üledéklerakódás csak a miocén korban (16–11 millió éve) következett be. Ekkor elsősorban mocsári és tavi rétegek halmozódtak fel. Az 1–3 km széles töréses zóna, a Mecsekalja-öv élesen elválasztja a hegységet déli előterétől. A Szigetvár–Pécs–Ófalu vonalon húzódó Mecsekalja-öv Délkelet-Dunántúl egyik legjelentősebb szerkezeti zónája.5 Rövidebb, egymással párhuzamos vetőszakaszokból áll, amelyek mentén ol- dalirányú (balos) elmozdulás történt. A töréses övben az alaphegység kőzetdarabjai beékelőd- nek a harmadidőszaki üledékek közé. A nyíró hatások helyenként szinte megőrölték a kőzeteket, milonit képződött. A töréses öv a földtörténet hosszú szakaszában volt tektonikailag igen aktív.6 Az óidő végén ennek mentén több alkalommal pikkelyeződtek fel az üledékek, majd a krétától a pleisztocénig vízszintes irányú eltolódás vált uralkodóvá.7 Ennek mértékét érzékelteti az a meg- figyelés, hogy a töréses öv kettévágta, valaha összetartozó gránittest egyik darabja ma a Mecsek nyugati végén, Nagyváty falu mellett, a másik 40 kilométerrel keletebbre, a Geresdi-dombságban („Fazekasbodai-Mórágyi-rög”) található. A harmadidőszak közepétől, a miocéntől azonban eltoló- dás helyett újra egyre inkább függőleges mozgások zajlottak a törésöv mentén. Kisebb medencék süllyedtek be, a Mecsek pedig kiemelkedett és takaróként rátolódott déli előtere fiatal, laza üledé- keire. Néhol meg is gyűrte ezeket a lerakódásokat. A függőleges irányú elmozdulás bizonyítéka, hogy több kilométeres mélységből apró folton a felszínre került a gránit, az ókeresztény temető északi szegélyén pedig a prekambriumi metamorf kőzettömeg8 (fillit). A fúrási rétegsorok elemzé- se9 azt mutatja, hogy a medencék az újharmadidőszakban legalább 0,1 mm/év, de egyre csökkenő sebességgel süllyedtek be. A miocénban tehát jelentősen átalakult a domborzat. Komló környékének andezit vulkánossá- ga ezeket a szerkezeti mozgásokat kísérte. Riolittufát szórtak azok a vulkánok, amelyek a Mecsek középső övében bezökkenő árok kialakulásakor, valamint az északi és a déli előtér besüllyedésekor működtek. A tenger benyomult a megsüllyedt részekre, hullámverése átformálta a hegység pere- mét, lépcsőszerű szegélyt, színlőt vésett ki rajta. A kiemelkedő Mecsek magasabb részei viszont mindvégig szárazon maradtak. A kiédesedő Pannon-tenger további színlőket hozott létre.10 A be- vágódó mecseki vízfolyások felszabdalták a színlőket és a hegylábfelszíneket, a peremükön terje- delmes, legyezőszerűen szétterülő hordalékkúpokat építettek. Ezek jelenlegi méreteit, alakját a pa- takok hordalékszállítása és -lerakása szabja meg, amely a földhasználat változásaihoz igazodik.11 A pleisztocénban is erős volt a kiemelkedés, a völgybevágódás, ill. a középidei mészkövek karsztosodása. A fagy aprózta a kőzeteket és az agyagos üledékeken csuszamlások is kialakultak. A száraz hideg szakaszokban fakósárga hullóporból keletkező lösz csak a peremeket borította be. A Mecsekalja-övtől délre fekvő szerkezeti egység a Pécsi-medence. Kristályos aljzatát gneisz, csillámpala, márvány, amfibolit és szerpentinit alkotja.12 Az alaphegységet az óidő végén keletke- zett üledékes kőzetek fedik, amelyekre – hosszú lepusztulási szakasz után – újharmadidőszaki és negyedidőszaki üledékek települtek. A Pécsi-medence tektonikai szempontból ún. széthúzásos (pull-apart) medence.13 Ez azt jelenti, hogy az egymás mellett „elcsúszó” lemezdarabok mentén párhuzamos váltótörések keletkeznek, és ezek között tágulásos szerkezet jön létre, ami besüllyedést okoz. A töréses öv mentén a medencesor fejlődése nyugat-délnyugat – kelet-északkeleti irányban halad. A nyugati rész, Szentlőrinc környéke már a harmadidőszak elején süllyedni kezdett, benne 1000 m-nél vastagabb üledéksor halmozódott fel. A medence keleti szakasza azonban még a középső pleisztocénban, azaz néhány százezer éve is a Mecsek enyhén lejtő hegylábfelszíne volt, amelyen a vízfolyások messze lefutottak a hegységből déli irányba.14 Amikor a Pécsi-medence keleti része is elkezdett besüllyedni, fokozatosan magához vonzotta a patakokat, amelyek az új mélyedés felé térültek el.15 A délebbi völgyszakaszok felső ré- sze levágódott, „lefejeződtek”, magasan fekvő, száraz völgyszakaszok is kialakultak. A besüllyedés Pécs természeti környezete 19 olyan gyors volt, hogy a Mecsekből érkező vízfolyások ekkor nem voltak képesek hordalékkúpot építeni. A Mecsektől keletre a széthúzásos medencék kialakulása még kezdeti szakaszában van, a domborzat képében még nem mutatkozik meg. A földtani szerkezet alapján alapvetően nyugodt, ill. nyugtalan, tektonikai mozgások által érin- tett felszíneket különíthetünk el. A szerkezeti mozgások földrengéseket váltanak ki, a terület ren- gésessége (szeizmicitása) kedvezőtlen nagyobb népességtömörülés kialakulása szempontjából. Az utóbbi évek terepi vizsgálatai16 fiatal mozgásra utaló jeleket csak a Pécsi-medence peremén, első- sorban a Mecsekalja-övben találtak, a hegység belsejében nem. Valószínű, hogy a Mecsek lassan, egységes tömbként emelkedik ki. A történelmi időkben már a Mecsekalja-öv is alig mutatott aktivi- tást. Baranya megyében vagy közvetlen környezetében kb. félévszázadonként fordul elő olyan ren- gés, amelynek mérete a Richter-skálán mérve eléri az 5-öst. Legutóbb 1995-ben Horvátországban, Pozsega megye területén észleltek ilyet. A 2004. december 31-i pécs-kozármislenyi rengés mérete 2,6 M volt. A rengés fészke a Mecsekalja-vonal mentén, kb. 10 km mélységben volt. A történelmi időkben feljegyzett rengések értékelése alapján Pécs környéke Magyarország földrengésekkel köze- pesen veszélyeztetett területei közé tartozik.17

Kőzettani felépítés, értékes kőzetek

Pécs városfejlődése szempontjából döntő jelentőségű volt, hogy a Mecsek bőven szolgáltatott építő- köveket.18 A Mecsekben számtalan kő- és homokbánya működött az elmúlt évezredekben. A Mecsek körzetében a kristályos alaphegységre számos üledékes kőzettömeg települ, ame- lyeknek túlnyomórészt gazdasági jelentőségük is van. Az óidő végén lerakódott homokkövekből áll a Nyugati-Mecsek redőboltozata. A rá települő kavicskő (konglomerátum) fokozatosan átmegy fakóbb vörös, lilás, ferdén rétegzett, pados (azaz vastag rétegekből felépülő) homokkőbe. Felette – szintén átmenettel – a mostanában sokat emlegetett, hivatalosan Bodai Agyagkő Formációnak nevezett összlet következik. Ez az 500–600 m vastag agyagkő képződmény jellegzetesen tavi üledék, amely olyan mértékben vízzáró, hogy alkalmasnak tartják a paksi atomerőmű nagyak- tivitású radioaktív hulladékának befogadására.19 Kővágószőlős környékén durvaszemű homok- kővel váltakozik, 1000–1200 m vastag rétegsort alkot. A Kővágószőlősi Homokkő Formáció alsó tagozatának20 kiemelkedő gazdasági értékét az uránérc előfordulása adja (2. ábra). Zöld színét a reduktív felhalmozódási környezetnek köszönheti. A bányászat 41 éves időszakában kb. 46 mil- lió tonna kőzetet termeltek ki. A radiometriai osztályozás és dúsítás során kb. 19 millió tonna bányameddőkőzet keletkezett. Összesen 25,8 millió tonna uránérc feldolgozását végezték el, ebből 7,2 millió tonna alacsony urántartalmú ércet külszíni alkáli perkolációs technológiával dolgoztak fel, 18,6 millió tonna uránércet pedig vegyi úton, hagyományos savas technológiával dúsítottak ún. „yellow cake” végtermékké.21 A földtörténet középidejének kezdetén a kőzetösszlet szemcseméretének finomodása és mész- tartalmának növekedése a tenger fokozatos előrenyomulását és mélyülését jelzi. A sekély tenger- parti övben egymással váltakozva, kovás kötőanyagú homok- és iszapkő képződött. Később a me- szes üledékek váltak uralkodóvá: gipszes, sötétszürke dolomit, majd sok ősmaradványt (kagylókat, fejlábúakat, pörgekarúakat, tengeri lilomokat) tartalmazó mészkövek, márgák. A mecseki triász igen jellegzetes üledékes kőzete a Kantavári-kőfejtő fekete színű, egyenetlen törésű, vastagpados, bitumenes mészköve.22 Csak a Mecsekben fordul elő. Vastagsága eléri a 100 m-t. Lagúnákban él- tek azok a kagylók és csigák, amelyek vázaiból felhalmozódott. Jellegzetes színét szervesanyag- és pirittartalma okozza. A lagúnában a lebomló szerves maradványokból kénhidrogén termelődött, reakcióba lépett a vassal, így alakult piritté. A kantavári mészkövet fehér kalciterek is ékesítik, ezek teszik kedvelt dísz- és burkolókővé. A triász márga lerakódása után a Nyugati-Mecsekben hosszú időre megszűnt az üledékképző- dés, amely a Keleti-Mecsekben eközben hézagosan, de tovább folytatódott. A Karolina-völgy szür- ke homokköve a tengerparton, folyódeltákban rakódott le, 400–600 m vastagságban.23 20 Lóczy Dénes – Gyenizse Péter

A feketekőszén-készletek a jura időszak legelső szakaszában (liász), tavakban, mocsaras del- tákon, tengerparti mocsarakban keletkeztek.24 Összesen 10–38 közötti számú, legalább fél méter vastag feketekőszén-telep húzódik meg a kőzetté tömörödött homok-, iszap- és agyagrétegek kö- zött. A rétegek néhol (így Pécsbánya környékén) a felszínre is kibukkannak, erős gyűrődéseket mutatnak. Az S alakban hajló előfordulási sáv Pécsett, a Havi-hegy keleti lábánál kezdődik, elő- ször északra tart, majd széles ívben, 60º-os szögben elfordul (2. ábra). Vasas területén újra északi a csapásiránya. A Köves-tetőtől kezdve fonolit, majd alkáli bazalttelérekkel érintkezik.25 Komlótól északra Mecsekjánosi környékéig nyomozható.26 A Pécshez tartozó pécsbányai-szabolcsi bányate- lek területén a telepvastagság igen változó, a telepek lencseszerűek, számos agyagkő-közbetelepü- lés tagolja őket. Kitermelésüket igen megnehezítette, hogy a későbbi szerkezeti mozgások alaposan összetöredezték, megszaggatták az eredetileg folytonos telepeket. A rétegek egymásra torlódása okozta, hogy a szénösszlet Pécsszabolcs térségében 1260 m rekordvastagságot ér el. Északkelet felé kivékonyodik: Vasason 520 m, Komlón 320–500 m, Nagymányok környékén pedig csupán 120 m vastag. A mecseki feketekőszén-készletet 1,6 milliárd tonnára becsülték. A kőszénrétegek fedőjében agyag-, majd mészmárga található. A jura kőszén mellett a Mecsek környezetében, Hidas környé- kén jóval fiatalabb geológiai korban, a miocén kori szigettengerben megtelepedett dús növényzet- ből barnakőszén-, ill. lignittelepek keletkeztek. A középidő további részében évmilliókon keresztül tengeri üledékek rakódtak le a lassan süllye- dő felszínre. Mecseknádasd környékén meszes homokkőből, iszapkőből, mészmárgából álló, tűz- köves rétegek képződtek néhol 900 m vastagságban. Bennük fejlábúak kövületeit lehet megtalálni. A Keleti-Mecsekben a jura foltos márgákat felváltották a tömör kovás, gumós, tűzköves mészkö- vek, amelyek anyaga a nyílt tengerben halmozódott fel. A pécsi belváros épületeihez leginkább ó- és középidei, különböző tengeri övekben27 képződött mészköveket, homokköveket használtak, bár negyedidőszaki édesvízi mészkő és óidei metamorf kő- zetek (szerpentinit, márvány) is előfordulnak. A kőzetek túlnyomó többsége a Délkelet-Dunántúlról származik, de az ország más területeiről (Sóskút, Budafa, Tardos, Dunaalmás, Budakalász), sőt kül- földről (a dalmáciai kőfejtőkből) is hoztak építő- és díszköveket a pécsi belvárosba. A hegységpe- remen megőrződött miocén agyagot és a hegységet övező dombságok lösztakaróját téglakészítés céljából fejtették. Mint már említettük, a Mecsekben vulkáni kőzetek is előfordulnak. A legidősebb magmatikus tevékenység nyomai a Mecsekben az óidőre tehetők (mórágyi-erdősmecskei gránit, az ultrabázisos magmatizmus nyomait őrző gyódi szerpentinit).28 Vulkáni eredetű kőzet a kb. 80 m vastag permi riolit, amely Gyűrűfűn a felszínen is megjelenik. Ezután sokáig nem tört ki a Mecsekben tűzhányó, a szerkezeti mozgások valószínűleg szüneteltek. Az alpi hegységképződés kezdetén azonban ha- sadékvölgy kezdett kialakulni a Tisza-egység területén. Fejlődése ugyan később abbamaradt, de 100–130 millió éve nagy tömegű, alkáli fémekben gazdag bazalt felszínre ömlésével járt a Keleti- Mecsekben. A láva Kisújbánya környékén 900 m-t is elérő összvastagságban terült szét, vulkáni törmelékkel keveredve. Tenger alatti kitörést bizonyítanak a párnalávák29 a Márévár völgyében. Az izzó kőzetolvadék azonban nem mindig jutott el a felszínig, telérként benyomulhatott a kőszén- telepek közé, kokszosította az áttört kőszénrétegeket. A felszín alatt megrekedt bazaltos lávából szilárdult meg ugyancsak a Keleti-Mecsekben a csengő hangot adó fonolit.30 A vulkáni lávakőzetek lepusztulásából keletkezett kavicsok Magyaregregy környékén kavicskővé cementálódtak össze.

Domborzat

A domborzat közvetlenül is befolyásolhatja a társadalom életét, legfontosabb hatásait mégis inkább közvetetten, az éghajlati, a vízrajzi, a növényzeti és a talajadottságokon keresztül fejti ki. A Mecsek alig néhány ponton emelkedik 600 m tengerszint feletti magasság fölé, így csak némi jóindulattal nevezhető középhegységnek. Hegységi jellegét leginkább az adja, hogy dombságok közül szigetszerűen emelkedik ki, ill. területén felszínre bukkannak az alap- Pécs természeti környezete 21 hegység kőzetei.31 A már említett hegységszerkezeti jellegzetességek miatt a Keleti- és a Nyu- gati-Mecsek domborzatában is eltér. A Keleti-Mecseket sugárirányban lefutó sasbérc-soro- kon kialakult, legömbölyített, magas hátak jellemzik. A völgysűrűség nagy, helyenként a 4 km/km2-t is meghaladja. A domborzati szintkülönbség pedig nagyobb is lehet, mint 300 m/km2. Ez a vízszintes és függőleges tagoltság adja a legmagasabb csúcs, a Zengő (648 m) környékének táj- képi szépségét. A Nyugati-Mecsek viszont egy erózióval feltárt redőboltozat homokkő-gerinceiből és a redőboltozathoz kelet felé kapcsolódó, elegyengetett felszínű mészkőfennsíkból áll. Tagoltsága jóval mérsékeltebb, a szintkülönbségek csak a Jakab-hegy déli homokkő sziklafala mentén jelentő- sek. Ott a kisformák közül a Babás szerköveknek32 nevezett vörös színű kőgombák a leglátványo- sabbak, a folyóvizek, a tömegmozgások, a fagy és a szél által kipreparált kavicskő-alakzatok. A kvarcból, kvarcporfírból, gránitból és metamorf kőzetekből álló, kovával keményen összecementált kavicsok nehezebben pusztulnak le, mint a környező homokkő.

3. ábra. Pécs környékének digitális domborzati modellje a beépített területek feltüntetésével a katonai felmérések alapján (Hird, Somogy és Vasas nélkül) XI. Mutatók

Személynév mutató

I. (Madarász) Henrik 258, 259 Attila 223, 225, 226, 251, 296 Ellák 226 I. (Szász) Henrik 297 Audoin 231 Emmerám 290, 291 I. (Szent) István 195, 224, 259, 260, 265, Augustus 93, 94, 99, 271, 283 Emmeramus 291 297, Aurelianus 143 Erdélyi Gizella 274 I. Berengár 258, 287 Aureolus 135 Erdősi Ferenc 29 I. Damasus pápa 213, 214 Avitus 229, Érdy János 282 I. Justinianus 287 B. Vágó Eszter 282 Ete 298 I. Ottó 259 Bachman Zoltán 157, 158, 160, 277, 278 Eudunec → Őd I. Sylvester pápa 284 Baján 236, 237, 239, 287, 288, 289, 290, Eulogiosz 216 I. Theodosius 146, 150, 198, 204, 214 293 Euphémia 284 I. Valentinianus 205 Balambér 225 Eusebius 146 II. Claudius 189 Bándi Gábor 37, 53, 55, 59, 61, 62, 269 Evlia Cselebi 220 II. Constantius 208 Bánffy Eszter 46 Fajsz 259 II. Eugenius (Jenő) pápa 290 Barkóczi László 109 Fejes György 84, 157, 207, 272, 273, 274, II. Justinus 287 Bartosiewicz László 268 277 II. Justinus 287 Benkó Károly 156 Fitz Jenő 127, 129, 136, 273, 280 II. Leó pápa 291 Berger, Ludwig 281 Florianus 114, 272 II. Ottó 285 Bertók Gábor 60, 222, 267 Freisingi Otto 287, 297 II. Tiberius 237 Bíborbanszületett Konstantin 296, 297 Fremersdorf, Fritz 286 II. Valentinianus 146, Bleda 225, Fucsek Mária 227 III. Raymund Bóna István 234, 282 Fülep Ferenc 98, 101, 103, 104, 106, 107, III. Tiberius 294 Bónos 237, 289 111, 113, 114, 116, 121, 125, 126, 131, VI. (Bölcs) Leó 257, 287, 297 Bousas 293 133, 135, 136, 138, 142, 146, 154, 157, Abu Said Gardēzī 287 Bökönyi Sándor 45, 289 158, 159, 163, 164, 166, 169, 175, 180, Adalwinus 219 Bruno augsburgi püspök 260 181, 182, 188, 191, 193, 202, 204, 205, Aetius 285 Bulcsú 259, 297 207, 208, 210, 212, 213, 222, 272, 273, Agapétosz pápa 216 Burger Alice 106, 107, 133, 182, 193, 274, 275, 277, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, Agrippina 99 274, 280, 281 284, 287 Ahmad ibn Rustah 297 Caligula 99 Füzér Róbertné 281 Alatheus 145 Caracalla 99, 112, 123, 126, 128 G. Sándor Mária 274 Alboin 231, 237, 289 Childe, V. Gordon 41 Gábor Olivér 131, 133, 140, 156, 161, Alexandriai Kelemen 217 Claudius 94, 96, 162, 164, 165, 267, 275, 278, 279, 281 Alföldi András 136, 154 Commodus 112, 113 Gaina 225 Álmos 258, 296, 297 Constantina 283 Galerius 136, 144, 283 Amal 230 Cornelianus 122 Galla Placidia 283 Amantius 145 Csallány Dezső 247, 293 Gallienus 114, 127, 129, 135, 136, 189, Amaszeai Aszteriosz 284 Cséfai Flórián 121 191, 209, 272, 273, 275, Ambrosius → Szent Ambrus de Rossi, G. B. 214, 275 Garam Éva 290, 291, 292 Ammianus Marcellinus 136, 144, 192, Demetrius 291 Gáspár Dorottya 190, 191, 277, 280, 223 Dengitzik 226 281 Annalista Saxo 288 Diocletianus 126, 135, 136, 206, 207, 274 Gausberg 258 Anonymus 287, 298, Dobosi Viola 39 Gebhardt 258 Anreiter, Peter 98 Dombay János 49, 51, 192, 236, 273, 275 Gedai István 297 Antoninus Pius 104, 107, 189, 272 Domitianus 96 Gerecze Péter 121, 131, 222, 273 Appianos 271 Dyggve, Ejnar 154, 204, 213, 282 Géza 234, 259, 260, 263, 265, 296 Arcadius 225 Ecsedy István 42, 57, 222, 267 Gizella 297 Arius 146, 148 Edika 226 Gordianus 125 Arnulf 219, 258 Edudu → Őd Gosztonyi Gyula 131, 154, 157, 158, 162, Árpád 257, 258, 287, 296, 297, 298 Egeria 284 168, 205, 207, 211, 222, 277, 278, 281 Athanarik 229 Einhard 288 Gratianus 136, 281 Atpomarus 285 Elagabalus 129 Gyenizse Péter 35 332 Pécs története az őskortól a püspökség alapításáig

Gyermek Lajos 258 Lél 297 Radnóti Aladár 135, 157, 210, 277 Györffy György 219 Lengvári István 156, 278 Regino 259, 287 Gyurikovics György 286 Levedi 256, 257, 296 Rodulf 231 Hadrianus 97, 98, 104, 107, 109, 114, Levente (Liüntika) 257 Romulus-Maxentius 283 128, 136, 142, 189, 283 Lévi-Strauss, Claude 41 Rothari 231, 232 Hajnal Zsuzsa 288 Livius 83 Ruga 225 Hampel József 235 Lucius Verus 272, 274 Ruppert 290 Han Vu-ti 225 Luitpold 258 Ružić, Mira 278 Heidl György 215 Macarius 291 Salagius (Szalágyi) István 154, 156 Helena 283 Magnésziai Makariosz 216 Saphrac 145 Henszlmann Imre 156, 179, 214, 218, Magnus Maximus 150 Schallmayer, Egon 122 276, 282, 285 Magyar Zsolt 275 Scheiber Sándor 186, 191, 281 Heraclius 289 Maráz Borbála 271 Schulek Frigyes 214 Hermanarik 229 Marcianus 225, 229 Schwing József 98, 152, 286 Hérodotosz 287 Marcus Agrippa 93 Semsey Andor 207 Hieronymus → Szent Jeromos Marcus Antonius 93, 95 Septimus Severus 104, 112, 116, 123, 142, Hippolütosz 284 Marcus Aurelius 112, 128, 131, 274 Sevillai Isidorus294 Horváth Antal 154, 280 Marcus Vinicius 93 Sey Katalin 280 Horváth Tibor 157, 211 Marosi Arnold 236 Sherratt, Andrew 58 Horváth Tünde 57 Marton Tibor 267 Sigibert 236, 237, 239, 289 Hudák Krisztina 190, 284 Mauricius Tiberius 239, 289 Simeon 257 Hunor 298 Maurikios 293, 294, 295 Simonyi Dezső 204, 218 Ibn Hajjan 297 Maximianus 283 Sonkoly Károly 162, 166 Ingenuus 135 Maximinus 122, 136, 274 Soproni Sándor 150 Iordanes 225, 286 Medzihradszky Zsófia 282 Suetonius 94, 271 Iulia 93 Menander 288 Súr 297 Iulia Domna 104, 116 Michaeli, Tlalia 284 Sümegi Pál 46 Iulia Mamaea 104, 116 Migotti, Branka 169 Sütő Zoltánné 282 Iustinus 83 Mócsy András 98, 111, 131, 136, 149, 281 Synerotas 147 Jakucs János 267 Mommsen, Theodor 272, 274 Szádeczky-Kardoss Samu 288 Jeruzsálemi Kürillosz 214 Möller István 156, 205, 210, 276 Szalai Ferenc 175 Juhász László 154 Nagy Erzsébet 230, 267 Szent Ambrus 148, 214, 223 Julianus domonkosrendi barát 296 Nagy Károly 238, 287, 288 Szent Jeromos / Hieronymus 215, 223, Julianus római császár 281 Nagy Konstantin (I. Constantinus) 136, 284 Julius Caesar 93, 190, 198, 216, 284, 285, Szent Lupus 296 Kalicz Nándor 55 Nagy Lajos 154, 207, 283 Szent Severin 230 Karaton 225 Nagy Levente 190, 284 Szentpéteri József 288 Kárpáti Gábor 101, 104, 116, 117, 118, Nagy Mihály 144 Szerdahelyi Gábor 154, 156 119, 121, 125, 126, 138, 139, 140, 142, Nagy Theoderik 230 Szőke Béla 235 161, 162, 164, 206, 207, 209, 272, 274, Nagy Tibor 104, 111, 135, 136, 154, 275, Szőllősy Gábor 293 275, 277, 278, 279, 281, 283 283 Szőnyi Ottó 131, 142, 154, 156, 172, 205, Katona Győr Zsuzsa 104, 134, 273, 274 Nikephoros Phokas 259 210, 214, 276, 277 Kertész Róbert 46 Nolai Szent Pál 285 Sztrabón 87, 271 Kikindai András 164 Octavianus → Augustus Szvatopluk 257, 258, 297 Kiss Attila 111, 220, 236, 255, 260, 286, Odoaker 230 Tacitus 125 288, 291, 292, 293, 298 Onegesius 223, 224 Taksony 259, 263 Kiss Viktória 267 Otho 99, 272 Tato 231 Klemm Antal 285, 286 Őd 298 Theoderic 283 Koller József 154, 156, 182, 202, 203, P. Fischl Klára 267 Theophylaktos 288 219, 220, 276, Papp László 236, 255, 294 Theotmar 219, 258, 263 Konstantin (pápa) 213 Pattantyús-Ábrahám Miklós 222 Thiudimer 230 Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos → Paulus ariánus püspök 282 Thomas, Charles 282 Bíborbanszületett Konstantin Paulus Diakonus 231, 287 Thrason 284 Kovács László 297 Perpetuus 122 Tiberius 93, 94, 96 Kovács Péter 192 Petar 259 Tormás 219 Kovaliczky Gergely 104, 116 Philippus 114 Tóth Endre 99, 111, 127, 128, 135, 136, Kováts Valéria 236, 274 Plinius 98 144, 146, 161, 181, 186, 241, 273, 281, Kovrig Ilona 293 Pompeius Trogus 83 282, 286, 290 Krasznai Péter 281 Pósta Béla 131 Tóth Zsolt 161, 275, 280 Krum 238, 288 Poszeidoniosz 87 Török Gyula 101, 116, 125, 157, 164, Kuber 288, 289 Pozsárkó Csaba 182, 278, 280 179, 211, 222, 274, 278, 281 Kubitschek, Wilhelm 274 Priscus 223 Traianus 97, 107, 151, 189 Kulcsár Gabriella 267 Priskin Anna 267 Trebius Iustus 283 Kunimund 237 Procopius 288 Türk Attila 296 Kuvrat 238, 288 Prudentius 284 Uldin 225 Lakatos Pál 210, 273, 277 Ptolemaiosz 98 Ursacius 282 László Gyula 227, 261, 288, 295 Quadrusat 290 Usibad dux 237 Lehóczky Tivadar 74 Radagaisus 151, 225 Vaday Andrea 14, 207, 267, 279, 281 Mutatók 333

Vajta 298 Vespasianus 97, 101, 272 Wacho 231 Valamer 230 Victorinus 146, 282 Wessely Vilmos 156 Valens 148, 282 Vidimer 230 Winckelmann, Johann Joachim 282 Valerius Dalmatus 149, 150 Visy Zsolt 10, 156, 157, 161, 172, 179, Zalai-Gaál István 51, 53 Vannius 94 182, 206, 209, 210, 211, 222, 267, 275, Zolta/Zoltán 258 Velleius Paterculus 271 277, 279, 280, 281, 283, 285 Zonaras 287 Vértes László 40 Voicsek Vanda 267 Zoszimosz 192

Település és lelőhely mutató

Abaliget 24, 40, 134 Bicsérd 92, 99, 109, 110, 129 Dunaalmás 20 –cseppkőbarlang 22, 40, 22 Birján 127, 289 Dunakömlőd 112 Ad Militare → Kiskőszeg 96, 112 Bizánc → Isztambul Dunaszekcső 96, 99, 112, 125, 131, 134, Ad Statuas → Várdomb Bogád 99, 127, 193, 281 147, 185, 187, 236, 261, 262, 264, 289, Almamellék 127 Bóly 49, 232, 239, 288, 288, 289, 290, 298 Alsóhetény 144, 145, 146, 282, 283, 288 291, 292, 293, 294, 295 –Várhegy 40, 58, 68 Alsómocsolád 99, 105 –Békás 46 Dunaújváros 62, 185, 187, 251, 283, 287, Alsónyék 44, 45 Bonyhád 101 289, 295 Alsónyék–Bátaszék 42, 44, 45, 50, 51 –Biogáz üzem 66 –Kosziderpadlás 67 Alta Ripa → Tolna Borjád 127 Durostorum (Silistra) 218, 285 Altinum → Kölked Branjin Vrh → Baranyavár Dyrrhachium 87, 88 Ancona 90 Bréma 258 Egerág–Rögződő 55 Antianae → Baranyabán Bresalauspurc → Pozsony Egyházaskozár 48 Apollónia 87, 88 Brescia 232 Eisenach 258 Aquileia 82, 92, 93, 96, 99, 106, 145, 262, Brigetio → Szőny Emona → Ljubljana 263, 273, 285 Brodski Drenovac 41 Ennsburg 297 Aquincum → Budapest–Óbuda Budafa 20 Ercsi 62 Aranyosgadány–Hárságyi hegy 61 Budakalász 20, 293 Erdősmecske 20 Arcadiopolis 259 Budapest 276, 277 Erzsébet 61, 99 Augsburg 258, 259, 260, 282 –Gellérthegy 88, 90 Eszék 92, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 113, 127, Babarc 132, 149, 150, 275, 288 –Nagytétény 90 128, 135, 136, 146, 148, 272, 274, 292, –halastó 133 –Óbuda 97, 112, 113, 123, 125, 298 –Szabad-földek 42 126, 127, 131, 135, 136, 146, Esztergom 88, 191 Bácsújfalu 293 147, 182, 191, 200, 272, 273, Fadd 96 Bakóca–Godisa 133 274, 278, 286 Fazekasboda 279 Bakonya 70, 147, 148, 275 –Rákoscsaba–Péceli út 58 Floriana → Csákvár –Felső-Kisbakonya 46 –Tabán 88, 90 Forum Iulii → Cividale –Szabókúti dűlő 87 Caesariana → Szentkirályszabadja Galajty 227 –Kisbakonyai dűlő 87 Capua 259 Gardoš-Zenum 92, Bakonyszentlászló–Kesellőhegy 65 Carnuntum → Deutsch-Altenburg Gellénháza–Városrét 42, 48 Baksa 53 Castra Martis 225 Geresdlak 288 Balatonlelle 286 Cibalae → Vinkovci –Hosszúhát 46, Balatonőszöd–Temetői dűlő 57 Cividale –Szabad-földek 64 Balatonszárszó–Kis-erdei-dűlő 47 Constantinopolis → Isztambul Gomolava 88, 92 Baranja → Baranyabán Csákvár 99 Gorsium 96, 136, 147, 274 Baranyabán 99, 127, 287 Cserdi 133, 148, 149, 275 Gödrekeresztúr 110 Baranyavár 265, 273, 298 Cserkút 17, 70, 74, 84, 88, 134, 246, 248, Gönyű–Tetűdomb 61 Barcs 96 249, 289, 292, 293 Görcsöny 134 Bassiana (Petrovci) 146 –Kis-Zsebedomb 88 Görcsönydoboka 241, 242, 290, 291, Bátaszék 227 Csontos-zsomboly 40 292, 293, 296 Batina → Kiskőszeg Dabronc 286 –Erdő-föld 60 Bécs 257, 276 Dalmand 97 Gyód 244, 250, 252, 289, 290, 291, 292, Belgrád 58, 86, 123, 237, 288 Dálya/Dalj 96 293, 294, 295 –Karaburma 92 Damous el-Karita 284 Gyulafehérvár 276 Beli Manastir → Pélmonostor Debrecen 277 Gyűrűfű 20, 252 Belvárdgyula 49, 99, 268 Delphoi 83, 85 Hahót–Szartóri I. 57 –János-szőlők 64 Dernye 44 Harc–Várhegy 65 –Szamár-hegy 50 Deronje → Dernye Harkány 289 –Szarka-hegy 49 Deutsch-Altenburg 92, 97, 113, 126, –Szilágy 42 Beneventum 259 127, 287 Herkaleia 238 Beremend 76, 82, 146, 149, 150 Dobova 79 Hidas 20 Berkesd–Ereszény 46, 47, 48 Dombóvár 101, 127, 191, 281 Hímesháza–Rigó-dűlő 50 Berlin 229 Dör 64 Hird–Homokbánya 21, 236, 240 Bezdéd 263, 298 Drávaszabolcs 15 Hirics 54, 55 334 Pécs története az őskortól a püspökség alapításáig

Hosszúhetény 39, 133, 148, 149, 275 –Gata–Csotola 42, 64, Niš 113 –Kövestető 52 –M6/116. 64, Nola 259 –Ormánd 39, 64 Laskó 98, 113 Novaja-Majačka 227 Hőgyész 286 Lauriacum → Lorch Novo-grigorjevka 227 Huszt 276 Lengyel 52, 53, 73 Novo-Ivanovka 227 Intercisa → Dunaújváros Lengyel–Sánc 51, 65 Ófalu 18 Iovia → Dalmand Lerino 259 Okorág 90 Iovia → Ludbreg Limusa → Szigetvár Olasz–Olaszi-hegy 60 Isola Ricca 246, 247 Ljubljana 92, 153, Orfű 26, 40 Isztambul 126, 184, 225, 230, 236, 237, Lochamey HaGettaot 215 Or-haNer 285 238, 259, 284, 287, 288, 289, 293 Lorch 238, 290 Orleans 225 Kaiseraugst 281 Lovászhetény 54, 55 Osijek → Eszék Kalinino 227 Ludbreg 96, 145 Otranto 258, 259 Kalocsa 276 Lug → Laskó Palmyra 285 Kaposhomok 41 Lugio → Dunaszekcső Palotabozsok 297 Kaposvár 127 Lussonium → Dunakömlőd –Parasztföldek 64 Karlsruhe 276 Madaras–Téglevető 40 Pannonhalma–Szélsőmalom 227 Karthágó 184, 284 Magyaregregy 20, 133, 147, 275 Passau 250 Kassa 276, 287 Magyaregregy–Márévár 20, 133 Pazirik 294 Kecsend 61 Magyarsarlós 127 Pécs Kékesd 99, 109, 291, 292, 296 Magyarszék 133 –Alsómakár utca 239, 288, 289 Keszthely 146, 241, 290 Majkop 229 –András-akna 32 –Fenékpuszta 286 Majs 70, 127, 193, 255, 260, 263, 264, –Aranyhegy 132, 182, 272 –Gátidomb 226 279, 297, 298 –Árpádtető 24, 52 Keszü 55, 74, 298 –Malomárok–Borzazug 70 –Basamalom dűlő 56, 84, 227 –Berekalja 55, 74 –Merse-dűlő 70 –Belváros 87 Kijev 257, 258, 296 –Udvari rétek, 297 –Dömörkapu 28 Kisapostag 62 Maráza 134 –Égervölgy 52 Kiskassa 287 Maria Lanzendorf 285 –Erzsébet-telep 46 Kiskőszeg 96 Máriakéménd 279, 289, 296 –Erzsébet–Tsz-major 53 Kisnyárád 42, 64 Márok 146 –Fehérhegy 33 Kisújbánya 20 Marusinac 204, 213 –Gyárváros 84, 85, 236, 239, 240, –Szamárhegy 52 Matrica → Százhalom[batta] 241, 245, 290, 292, 296 Kisvaszar 275 Mecseknádasd 20, 49 –Havi-hegy 20, 142 Kladno 90 Mecsekszabolcs → Pécs–Szabolcs –Homokbánya 48 Klárafalva 248 Melitopol 227 –Hőerőmű 56, 57, 83, 84, 88, 89, Kolozsvár 276 Mélyvölgyi-kőfülke 40 90, 91, 92, 105, 227, 254, 255, Komló 18, 20 Meotisz 113 289, 296 Komló–Mecsekfalui út 149, 275 Merseburg 259, 297 –István-akna 23, 32 Komló–Mecsekjánosi 20, 133 Milánó 283, 285 –Jakab-hegy 17, 21, 28, 37, 70, 71, Komló–Mecsekjánosi út 148, 275 Modena 258, 298 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, Konstantinápoly → Isztambul Mogentiana → Somlóvásárhely 81, 84, 87, 88 Kontaria 216 Mohács 70, 76, 134, 232 –Kantavári-kőfejtő 19 Kozarac → Kecsend –Csele-patak 70, 73, –Karolina-külfejtés 23, 26, 33 Kozármisleny 19, 29, 111 –Farostlemezgyár 232 –Keleti-hegy 59 –Sasfészek 44 –Szőlőhegy 15 –Kertváros 63, 240, 244, 245, 248, Kölesd –téglagyár 297 289, 292, 298 –Csonthegy 65 Mór 276 –Kertváros–Nyárfa u. 56 –Hangospuszta 67 Mórágy 50, 52 –Köztemető 84, 85, 243, 244, 245, Kölked 96, 112, 236, 239, 240, 241, 244, Mórágy–Tűzkődomb 51 246, 248, 249, 252, 254, 255, 289, 246, 247, 248, 249, 252, 253, 254, 256, Mursa → Eszék 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, Nagyberki–Kisberki 67 –Lámpás-völgy 28 296 Nagyharsány 148, 236, 240, 241, 244, –Magyarürög 36, 264, 264, 298 Köln 185, 199, 280 252, 260, 261, 289, 290, 291, 292, 294, –Makáralja 46, 56, 63 Környe 293 295, 296, 298 –Makár-hegy 37, 46, 49, 59, 63 70, Kővágószőlős 17, 19, 70, 74, 86, 133, –Szárhegy 133 73, 74, 76, 78, 81, 83, 85, 87, 98, 134, 146, 147, 228, 230, 243, 275, 285, Nagykanizsa 279 99 291, 292 Nagykozár 49, 226, 288, 292 –Makártető 56, 74, 76 Kővágótöttös 81, 83 –Zamajur-dűlő 56 –Makári erdő 84 Krajna 80 Nagymányok 20 –Málom 36, 49, 59, 105, 230 Krakkó 90 Nagypall 288, 292, 293, 295, 296 –Mecsekalja 19, 23, 131 Kul-oba 247, 294 Nagyszentmiklós 247, 294 –Megyeri-rét 46, 49, 63 Kurd 76 Nagyváty 18 –Melegmányi-völgy 22 La Alberca 213 Naissos → Niš –Meszes 33, 74 Lakušje 41 Nápoly 259, 283 –Misina-tető 23, 24, 26 Lánycsók 42, 45, 52, 70, 252, 288 Németszentpéter 293 –Nagyárpád 33, 36, 40, 59, 61, 63, –Égettmalom 42, 43, 53, 56, 58, Neusiedl am See /Nezsider 61 65, 132, 243, 251, 252, 254, 255, 68, 292 Nikomédia (Izmit) 184 264, 275, 296, 298 Mutatók 335

–Nagyárpád–Diőstető 56, 59 Savaria → Szombathely Szigetvár 18, 127, 264, 295, 295 –Nagy-Mély-völgy 22, 267 Schiers 283 Szilágy 133, 279 –Patacs 36, 74, 132 Sé 50 Szilágy-Aranyoldal 147 –Pécsbánya 20, 33 Selci Đakovački 61 Szilvás–Ó-szeg 60 –Pécs–Mohácsi úti téglagyár 55 Siklós 67, 68, 70, 134 Sziszek /Sisak 83, 93, 96, 99, 146, 150, –Petőfi-akna 32 Siklós–Elkerülő út 44 184 –Rácváros 33, 36 Siklós–2. sz. Téglagyár 53, 66, 68, 281 Szombathely 107, 127, 128, 135, 146, –Rókusdomb 73, 74 Simontornya 65 147, 279, 290 –Rücker-akna 32 –Mozsihegy 65 Szőny 96, 112, 126, 127, 135, 273, 278 –Somogy 21, 262, 265, 298 Singidunum → Belgrád Szűr 52 –Szabolcs 20, 36, 46, 49, 53, 63, 65 Sînpetru-germani → Németszentpéter –Cserhát 42, 44, 53 –Szabolcs, Bányász vértanúk útja Siófok 127, 144 –Szabad földek 47 264, 298 Sirmium → Szávaszentdemeter Taq-i Bostan 246, 293, 294 –Szabolcs–Középhegy-dűlő 68 Siscia → Sziszek Tardos 20 –Széchenyi-akna 32 Slavonski Brod–Galovo 42, 44 Tepljuh 283 –Tettye 26, 56 Solokha 294 Terehegy 248, 249, 291, 295, –Tüskésrét 23, 32, 33 Solva → Esztergom Teutoburgium → Dalj –Újmecsekalja 63 Somberek 53, 130, 134, Thessaloniki 293 –Ürögi-völgy 56, 132 Somlóvásárhely 99 Tihany–Apáti 42 –Üszögpuszta 59, 226, 227 Somogyvár–Kapuvár 58 Tiszafüred 293 –Vasas 20, 21, 33, 46, 56, 85, 86, Sopron 80, 81 Tolna 96 92, 99, 109, 110, 132, 278, 297 Sormás 50, 268 Tolnamözs 40 Pécsbagota 61, 62, 64 Sóskút 20 Töttös 127 –Cseralja 55 Sotin/Cornacum 92 Treviri → Trier Pécsszabolcs → Pécs–Szabolcs Spangenhelm 293 Tricciana → Ságvár Pécsudvard 64 Sremska Mitrovica → Szávaszentde- Trier 126, 127, 282, 287 –Bab-föld 60 meter Túrony 64 Pécsüszög → Üszögpuszta Stone-by-Faversham 282 Ulcisia Castra → Szentendre Pécsvárad 49, 53, 70, 87, 291, 298 Süttő–Nagysánctető 64 Vác 84 –Aranyhegy 72, 73, 268 Szajk 66, 288 Várdomb 96, 112, –Gőztéglagyár 295, 296 –Szajki szántók 42, 44 Vaskeresztes 80, 81 Pellérd 32, 74, 105, 133 –Téglagyár 56 Vaskút 295 –Pellérdi tavak 23, 26, Szakály 86 Vaszar 80 –Pécsi-víz 84 Szakály–Rétiföldek 88 Velem 86 Pélmonostor 61 Szalacska 73, 80, 81, 87, 92 Velem-Szentvid 88 Peterd–Bakaszó 60 Szalánta–Eszterág-puszta 53 Velence 258 Pisa 276 Szarvas 57 Véménd 53, 88 Poetovio (Ptuj) 96, 146, 150 Szarvas–Gradac 61 Vercelli 258 Pogány 25, Szava 59 Versend 57, 58, 66, 288, 295 Popovac → Baranyabán Szávaszentdemeter 97, 126, 146, 151, –Gilencsa 47, 48 Pouan 286 225, 231, 236, 237, 280, 287, 288, 289 –Rasztina 64 Poundry 282 Százhalom[batta] 298 Veszprém 53 Pozsony 156, 258 Szebény 39, 252, 253, 292, 295 –Kádárta 64 Prahovo 280 –Farkaslik 66 –Várhegy 65 Pressburg → Pozsony –Kétgáttető 66 Villánykövesd 50, 268 Quedlinburg 263 –Paperdő 64 Vinkovci 92, 128, 146, Radensk 227 Szederkény 66, 133, 288 Vise Grobalja 279 Rajka–Modrovich-puszta 61 Szederkény–Kukorica-dűlő 42, 46, 47, Vízfő 40 Regensburg 219 48, 57, 64, 66, Vokány 50 Regöly 41, 76, 87, 92 Szegesztiké → Sziszek Vučedol 57 Rigyác 48 Székesfehérvár 276, 282 Zalavár 254 Róma 83, 136, 143, 151, 184, 206, 213, Szekszárd 182, 185, 293 –Basasziget 53 214, 215, 216, 217, 225, 258, 259, 274, –Palánk 41 Zamárdi 253 275, 276, 280, 282, 283, 284, 285, 291 Szemely 39, 47, 49, 50, 52, 61, 99, 105, –Kútvölgyi-dűlő 53 Romonya (Ellend) 241, 242, 244, 245, 133, 134, 268 Zengővárkony 49, 50, 51, 52, 166, 192, 246, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, –Hegyes 51 193, 275, 279 296, 298 –M60/83. lh. 55 Zibido/Zebedo 232 Ruševo 41 –Völgyes–Felső-rét 60, 61 Židovar 88 Ságvár 99, 286 Szentegát-puszta 54 Zók 29, 32 –Lyukas-domb 41 Szentendre 112, 146, 191, 279 Zók–Várhegy 53, 57, 58, 59 Salona → Marusinac Szentgyörgyvölgy–Pityerdomb 46 Zsámbék 276 Saloniki 283 Szentkirályszabadja 99 Zsibót-Domolos-puszta 230 Sárszentágota 96 Szentlászló–Szentegyedpuszta 279 Sarvaš → Szarvas Szentlőrinc 18, 61, 63, 70, 82, 130 Sásd 70 –Strandfürdő 61, Sátorhely 288 –Szőlőhegy–Rókavár 58 –Újistálló-puszta 57 –Téglagyár 46, 48, 336 Pécs története az őskortól a püspökség alapításáig

Az ábrák forrásai

Az ábra készítője A tárgy tulajdonosa Az ábra száma

I. Pécs természeti környezete

Gyenizse Péter 1, 3–4, 6, 8–10 Országos Meteorológiai Szolgálat 5 Sallay 2006 7

II. Pécs története a késő bronzkorig

Vaday Andrea BERTÓK – GÁTI 2008 nyomán 21 Szakos Éva és Vaday Andrea 1, 4, 9, 13, 19, 25 Füzi István Janus Pannonius Múzeum 2–3, 8, 15, 18, 24 Vaday Andrea KALICZ 1990 nyomán 5–6 Nagy Erzsébet NAGY 2007 nyomán 7 Vaday Andrea DOMBAY 1960 nyomán 10 Bertók Gábor BERTÓK – GÁTI 2011 nyomán 11 DOMBAY 1960 nyomán Janus Pannonius Múzeum 12 Vaday Andrea ECSEDY 1983 nyomán Janus Pannonius Múzeum 17 Vaday Andrea PATAY 1984 nyomán Janus Pannonius Múzeum 14 Google Earth 20 Fazekas Fanni Janus Pannonius Múzeum 22 Vaday Andrea BÁNDI et al. 1979 nyomán 23 KISS 2012 nyomán 26 HÄNSEL – WEIHERMANN 2000 nyomán Janus Pannonius Múzeum 27 BÁNDI 1975 nyomán Janus Pannonius Múzeum 28

III. Pécs története a késő bronzkortól a római foglalásig

Maráz Borbála 1 MARÁZ 1987 nyomán Bertók Gábor 2 Füzi István Janus Pannonius Múzeum 3–5, 8–11, 14 Maráz Borbála Janus Pannonius Múzeum 12, 13 MARÁZ 2008 nyomán Maráz Borbála 6, 7 Vaday Andrea 15 MARÁZ 2008 nyomán

IV. Sopianae településtörténete

Szakos Éva és Vaday Andrea 1, 3, 31 Gábor Olivér. 2, 26 JPM és Vaday Andrea 4, 5, 20–22, 24–25, 51, 53, 55, 61–62, 64 Nagy Erzsébet 6 Visy Zsolt Janus Pannonius Múzeum 7, 11, 12, 29, 60 Ortolf Harl Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum 8a Füzi István Janus Pannonius Múzeum 8b, 9, 13–19, 23, 32–35, 37, 39–40, 42–50, 56–58 MNM Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum 10, 36, 38, 59, 65 Koller József, Prolegomena 1804, 16/2a t. 10 Visy Zsolt terve, kivitelezte Varga Péter; Janus Pannonius Múzeum 18 Füzi István felvétele Tóth Zsolt 27 Pozsárkó Csaba 28 Mutatók 337

Az ábra készítője A tárgy tulajdonosa Az ábra száma

JPM és Visy Zsolt 30 Helmut Becker 41 Visy Zsolt 52, 54 Szabó Máté Pécsi Légirégészeti Téka 63

V. Temetkezési szokások a római kori Sopianaeban

Gábor Olivér – Kraft János – Szijártó 1 Kálmán Krasznai Péter rajzaiból Vaday Andrea 14, 15, 33 Vaday Andrea 2–5, 7–8, 10, 18, 23–25, 32 VadayAndrea – Füzér Róbertné 22 Vaday Andrea – Szalay Andrea 26, 28, 29 Katona Győr Zsuzsa – Vaday Andrea 11–12, 19, 21, 33, 36 Füzi István 10, 27, 30, 34 Gábor Olivér 9, 13, 16–17 Szalai Ferenc – Vaday Andrea 20 Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum – Vaday 31 Andrea Sümeghy Gyöngyvér – Vaday Andrea 6, 35 Füzi István – Vaday Andrea 37–38

VI. Sopianae ókeresztény temetőjének épületei

Gábor Olivér – Kraft János – Szijártó 1 Kálmán Gábor Olivér – Szijártó Kálmán 2 Szijártó Kálmán 3, 21 Fetter Antal 4 Török András 5–8, 22–24 Füzi István Janus Pannonius Múzeum 9 Pázmány András Janus Pannonius Múzeum 10 Gábor Olivér – Szijártó Kálmán – Fülöp 11, 16 Bálint Gábor Olivér – Bertók Gábor 12 Vaday Andrea FÜLEP 1984 nyomán 13 Fülep Ferenc 14 FÜLEP 1984 nyomán 15 Tóth Zsolt 17 Gábor Olivér 18 Fetter Antal makettje, fotó: Krajnyák Gábor 19 Visy Zsolt – Szijártó Kálmán 20 Henszlmann Imre rajza, fotó: Török András

VII. Pécs története a rómaiak távozásától az avarok bejöveteléig

Füzi István Janus Pannonius Múzeum 1, 2, 4–9 Gábor Olivér 3

VIII. Pécs története az avar kortól a magyar államalapításig

Vaday Andrea 1–3, 6, 10–13, 19–21, 23–25, 27, 30–36, 38– 39, 41–46, 49–55, 58, 61, és 1–2. táblázat Szakos Éva és Vaday Andrea 4, 18, 47–48, 62 Füzi István Janus Pannonius Múzeum 5, 7–9, 14–17, 22, 26, 28–29, 37, 40, 56–57, 59–60 Summary

History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

I. The Physical Environment of Pécs Dénes Lóczy – Péter Gyenizse

Pécs stands out from the major cities of Hungary due to its southernmost location. The former mosque of Pasha Gazi Kasim, now a Catholic church in the town centre, can be considered as the symbolic centre of the town, which is situated at the north latitude of 46º04’37”and the east longitude of 18º13’41”putting this region into the wet continental range of temperate climate zone (Fig. 1). As for the third coordinate, i.e. the altitude, the town centre of Pécs is found at 160 m, making it the highest-situated Hungarian town. There is a remarkable height difference between the Tubes Plateau (611m) and the outflow of Pécsi–víz stream, (112 m) i.e. the highest and the lowest points of the administrative area. The 600 m value indicates such a noteworthy relief that is hardly anywhere found amongst Hungarian towns. The great vertical dissection of the relief around Pécs implies great diversity in the physical environment as well. For a landlocked country like Hungary the fact that the distance of the Kvarner Gulf of the Adriatic is only 285 air kilometres (5–6-hour drive on the motorway) bears special significance. It is much further away from the other two “warm” seas, i.e. the Aegean Thernia-bay (713 km) and the harbour of Varna at the Black Sea (824 km). The environment of Pécs is unique, because it is far from any navigable rivers. The distance from the Dráva (at Drávaszabolcs) is 32 km, the Danube (at Mohács-Szőlőhegy) is nearly the same distance, 35 km far from the town. This situation was usually negatively evaluated in the past. Lake Balaton, the biggest Hungarian lake is 89 km away from Pécs. The location of wetlands has changed so much throughout history, that it can only be imagined by reconstruction. Before the drainage the lowest parts of Pécs Basin, except the in driest decades, were considered as seasonally waterlogged areas. Earlier swamps were found as close as 1–2 km from town centre. The basement of the Carpathian basin is predominantly built of Paleozoic granites, gneisses, and migmatite, a thermally metamorphosed rock. Its creation is primarily related to the development of Variscan mountain system. From the end of the Paleozoic era to the end of Mesozoic era, from the second half of the Carbonifeous period to Jurassic during the cyclical rising and falling of sea levels quiet sedimentation was taking place, and sediments of thousands metres of thickness accumulated. Tectonic movements intensified again only at the end of the Mesozoic, in the late Cretaceous when the Alpine orogeny moulded the the previously accumulated sediments into folds. In the western Mecsek Mountains a major anticline was created, while the Eastern Mecsek was dominated by a syncline. These large structural forms are well reflected in present-day topography as well: the alternation of harder and less resistant layers indicate them on the surface. The hardest conglomerate well resists weathering, and the backbone of Jakab-hegy Mountain stretches along it. At Kővágószőlős it rises from its surrounding in spectacular rock formations. At the places, however, where the least resistent clay and gypsum rocks are exposed on the surface, deep valleys are found. The sediments of the late Tertiary and Quaternary overlie the main mountain range in a discordant way. The central part of the Western Mecsek anticline is highly fractured since bending involves high stress. The Mecsekalja tectonic belt, which is one of the most significant structural zones of South-eastern Transdanubia, sharply separates the mountain from its southern foreground. It consists of short, parallel fracture sections, along which sinistral lateral displacement has occurred. In the tectonic zone masses of the basement rocks are found between the Tertiary sediments. At some places, shear effects have almost ground the rocks, forming milonite. For a long period of the Earth’s history, the tectonic zone was highly active. The structural unit found southwards from Mecsekalja belt is the basin of Pécs. It is built of Crystalline basement gneiss, mica schist, marble, amphibolite and serpentinite. From a tectonic point of view, the basin of Pécs is a pull- apart basin. This means that along the pieces „sliding” next to each other pieces of sheet tears along parallel alternate fractures, with extension between them, causing subsidence. In County Baranya or in its immediate vicinity an earthquake reaching a magnitude of 5 on the Richter scale may occur about once in half a century. The last earthquake with this magnitude was detected in Croatia, in the area of County Pozsega in 1995. The magnitude of the 2004 Kozármisleny earthquake was 2.6 M. In the Mecsek Mountain region several sedimentary rock masses overlie the crystalline base, most of which are of economic significance. The recently much-discussed Boda Claystone with a confirmed thickness of 5–600 m is a typically lacustine sediment. It is impermeable to such an extent that it is considered suitable for the disposal of the highly radioactive waste of the Paks Nuclear Power Plant. The outstanding economic value of the sandstone of Kővágószőlős is proved by the occurrence of uranium ore. Its green colour is due to the reductive accumulation environment. In the 41 year-long period of mining some 46 million tons of rock was exploited. During radiometric sorting and enrichment about 19 million tons of waste rock was produced. In total 25.8 million tons of uranium ore have been processed. The Kantavár Limestone of 100 m thickness can be found only in the Mecsek Mountains Its white calcite veins make it a favoured ornamental stone. The coal reserves formed in the first stage (Liassic) of the Jurassic period in lakes, swampy deltas, and coastal marshes. A total of between 10 and 38 coal measures, each at least half metre- thick lie between the sand, silt and clay beds. In some places (like near Pécsbánya) the coal measures are exposed to the surface. The Mecsek Mountains hardly exceed 600 m elevation at any points, thus it can be called middle mountains only with some goodwill. Its mountain-like nature is given by the fact that it rises like an island amongst lower hills, and the rocks of the Summary 339

basement are exposed on the surface. Due to the structural characteristics mentioned above, the Eastern and Western Mecsek differ from each other in their topography. Eastern Mecsek is characterised by rounded high ridges. The scenic beauty of the highest peak, Zengő (648 m) and its surroundings are due to the high horizontal and vertical dissection. The Western Mecsek, however, consists of anticline sandstone ridges exposed by erosion and a planated limestone plateau connected to the anticline on the east. Its dissection is much more moderate, relative relief is only considerable along the southern sandstone cliffs of Jakab- hegy Mountain. The most spectacular red rock pillars, shaped by rivers, mass movements, frost and wind, are called „Babás Szerkövek”. The dissolving power of water has created nicely developed lines of ponors, twinned ponors, sinkholes, caves and caverns on the karst plateau of Western Mecsek. The Abaliget cave is known for the abundance of its stalactite formations. On the limestone plateau over Pécs karren (dissolution microforms) are found as well. The travertine scarps precipitated rhythmically in the gorges of Melegmány and Nagy-Mély Valley are also spectacular small features. The lowest and flattest area of the Pécs Basin, is the Pellérd Lakes region. It is situated south from Pécs and slopes to the south-west. This perfectly flat basin used to be occupied by the Pannonian Sea. In the final stage of infilling of the basin lacustrine sediments were deposited. The Mecsek is a moderately warm and moderately moist climate region, with mild winters, and only the highest plateaus can be considered chilly. Besides the Atlantic, the Mediterranean climatic influence quite obviously prevails, since mild, humid air masses often arrive from the Mediterranean Sea. The protective effect of the Mecsek also contributes to the sub-Mediterranean nature of the climate. Mild winters, early springs, warm summers and long, sunny autumns, with a second, autumn precipitation maximum are observed. Although the climate is not as strongly influenced by the topography as in the North-Hungarian Mountains, still in the Mecsek, dissected by valleys, a range of meso- and microclimates are formed. The southern forefront of Mecsek is one of the hottest part of the country with over 10 °C annual average temperature everywhere, while in the warmest month (July) the average temperature exceeds 21.5 °C. In the central regions of the mountain there is 750 mm rainfall, while over the edges it is slightly less (Misina: 723 mm, Abaliget: 737 mm). A high variability is seen in terms of total precipitation from year to year. It sometimes exceeds a maximum of 1000 mm, however, in the recent drought years, less than 500 mm was recorded. The town of Pécs strikingly lacks surface waters (rivers, lakes). The only major water flow in the Pécs basin is the 56 km long Pécsi víz stream with a catchment area of ​​592 km2, while its average water discharge is barely 0.7 m3/s. Previously, the town had a range of springs and streams satisfying the water needs of the population. The high-yield Tettye stream with a source of 233 meters above the sea level used to split into two branches. It used to flow along the current line of Vince and Gáspár Streets, then its water was drained into the mill canals running under Ágoston Square. In the Western Mecsek, around Orfű the lakes, dammed between 1962 and 1972 are fed by karst springs with fluctuating yield (0.3 to 51 m3/s). The area of Orfű Lake is 10 ha, while Pécsi Lake boasts with 80 ha area, Herman Otto Lake is 30 ha and Kovácsszénája lake covers 9 ha of surface area. The only major area of ​​still water in around Pécs is the group of fish-ponds near Pellérd, with a total area of​​144 ha. The deeper basin areas of Pécs once covered by swamps were drained in the 19th and 20th centuries in order to facilitate railway construction and urban growth. The soil types of Mecsek are adjusted to the surface rocks. Mainly strongly acidic brown forest soils with loamy clay (45% of the area) occur on clayey sediments. They are dominantly covered by forests. Calcareous sediments on the limestones of Western Mecsek and eastward are characterized by shallow rendzina (27% in extension). On the lowest-lying parts (53% of the area) heavy meadow soils are formed. Where the ground-water table lies deeper, there is typically loamy brown soil with a share of 36%. On the highest surfaces of the plain calcareous chernozems characterized with even better drainage. Pécs’s neighbourhood, together with Villány Mountains belong to the Sopianicum subregion of the South Transdanubian Floral region (Praeillyricum). The equivalent of the Balkanic style Turkey Oak forests are the zonal Mecsek sessile oak forests at lower levels. The Mecsek oak-hornbeam are also zonal forest associations found on deep brown forest soils or on brown clayey forest soils on the southern slopes of the Mecsek above an altitude of 300 m. Dual tree-stratum forests: the higher level is constituted by sessile oak (Quercus petraea) and turkey oak (Q. cerris) and silver lime (Tilia tomentosa) while the lower is dominantly constituted of hornbeam (Carpinus betulus). The Mecsek beech forest associations are found at the same height, but occur on more acidic soils and more northern exposure. The lower tree stratum, which is made up by hornbeams mixed beech (Fagus sylvatica), is closed more densely. The peculiarity of the flora lies in the fact that, while the climate becomes drier to the east, some atlantic plants, such as Butcher’s Broom (Ruscus aculeatus) and Mouse Thorn (R. hypoglossum) and the ornate European or soft shield fern (polystichum setiferum) no longer occur to the east of the Mecsek. According to the classification in zoogeography the Mecsek traditionally belongs to the Euro-Turanian faunal subregion of the Palearctic faunal province, the middle Danube (subprovince), and its Illyric district (Illyricum), and within that the Mecsek fauna precinct (Sopianicum). According to the new European classification it belongs to the Pannonian bio-geographical region, which is a sub-Mediterranean island in southern Hungary. Its Dinaric relations are emphasized by recent scientific works. Due to its location the Mecsek probably played an important role in the re-colonisation (i.e. resettlement) of the Carpathian Basin after the glaciations: it served as a link between the Balkan Peninsula and the central areas of the basin. During the Pleistocene glaciations thermophile species either went extinct, or withdrew to the Mediterranean region, to the northern part of Balkan Peninsula, or took shelter in such places of the Carpathian Basin, as the Mecsek. The mammoth finds around Zók, unearthed in 2006 and the rich fossil assemblage excavated between Pécs and Kozármisleny in 2008 revealed new data that enriched the region’s image of the Pleistocene fauna. Just like the majority of wine-grower towns, Pécs and its nearest vicinity has an extensive cellar-system underneath. The cellars, usually cut 6–10 m deep into the Pannon sands, have an ideal micro climate for storing wine. Before their closing down the total length of the cellar-system was not less than 50 km, their number as many as 1,300 while their capacity was 280,000 m3. The growing population of the town pursued deforestation on an ever growing area while more and more land was taken under agricultural cultivation. On the slopes of the Mecsek more and more vineyards and orchards appeared with scarce vegetation compared to their original state. The developing and expanding town, its residential buildings, hard surfaced roads and squares made increasingly big areas resemble to bare rock surfaces and stone deserts on the border area of the foothill and the basin of the mountain. Due to industrial activities (e.g. open pit mining) even remote areas of the town had changed radically: waste dumps, tailings and fly ash reservoirs were formed. 340 History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

The classification of the quality of the Pécsi-víz varies, but as a whole it is rather poor. At the Pellérd section – apart from the oxygen balance – IV. Class A (dirty), while at Zók it is already heavily polluted. Its tributaries are of better water quality. Within the town centre of Pécs the construction rubble mixed with ash, litter and slope deposits accumulated during the past millennia, the deposit of the urbanite layer reaches a thickness of 1.5 m. The mostly bare soil surfaces in the hillside vineyards, orchards were damaged both by wind and water erosion. Flash floods occurring after showers of rain washed down a lot of debris. The sulphur dioxide pollution acidifying the town’s air and the environment has decreased significantly in recent years. In 2004 the Pécs Power Plant switched to gas and biomass fuelling, which has a positive impact on emissions – including sulphur dioxide – trend. Earlier, between 1998 and 2003 the Karolina open pit coal mine of Pécsbánya, providing fuel for the power plant as well, was a major source of sulphur dioxide. Studying the development history of the town, it can be concluded that Pécs was formed from several centres that were once independent settlements. An east-west expansion is noticeable, while the north-south expansion had many obstacles. Remarkably rapid growth is seen on the west in Rácváros, Patacs, and Magyarürög, as well as at Mecsekszabolcs on the east. Future expansion is encouraged mostly towards the east and south-east. This however does not meet the demands of the inhabitants, who would prefer to expand the residential areas to the slopes of the Mecsek Mountains. It is a challenge to find a real consensus between the two parties, the conservationists who make every effort to protect the physical environment and the people of the town. Hopefully, future generations will be more environmentally conscious and those who have the power to make decisions will embrace more environment-friendly attitude.

II. The History of Pécs until the Bronze Age Vajk Szeverényi

It takes a long time for a regional centre to develop; its importance is enhanced partly by natural conditions and partly by the previously established routes, known deposits of raw materials and the decisions of dominant political powers. But where exactly is the beginning? In fact, the history of the regional centre is to be found in the history of the rural settlement system of south-eastern Transdanubia and the Mecsek region, the way of life and relationship of the communities living here. The historical ancestors of today’s Pécs were the settlements that could be considered as the region’s cultural, administrational and economic centres, even as early as during the time of the first Neolithic farming villages, and even thousands of years later. In search of the prehistoric images of the regional centre, I am trying to give a schematic overview of the evolution of rural settlement centres, and the cultural and economic management of the communities forming them, the creation and changes of human-inhabited landscapes in the period between earliest human colonization and about 1500/1400 BC. Very few traces have survived in South Transdanubia from the earliest phase of human history, the Palaeolithic (Old Stone Age). This area is one of those “white spots” in Hungary, from which none or very few sites are known. (Fig. 1) The earliest finds from the area is a bilaterally elaborated leaf-shaped tool made of Mecsek flint (Fig. 2), which probably dates back to the Middle Palaeolithic (ca. 100,000 to 38,000 years ago). The stray find was found in the vicinity of Szemely. Only scarce information is available concerning the upper Palaeolithic (about 36,000 to 10,000 BC). One of the latest results of relevant research is the excavation of the Upper Palaeolithic site found around Hosszúhetény, in an area called Ormánd. The skull found in a secondary position at Pécs, Munkácsy Street, is also worth mentioning, since it is probably belonged to an early, “Cro-Magnon” (early anatomically modern) man. (Fig. 3) The finds discovered in the caves of Mecsek provide only indirect reference to Palaeolithic human settlement. Radiolarite available in the Mecsek Mountains was important raw material for stone tools as early as in the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic times, and is known from more distant sites as well (e.g., Madaras–Téglavető, Ságvár–Lyukas-domb, Szekszárd–Palánk, Regöly). The New Stone Age or Neolithic period brought enormous change in the history of mankind. As a result of the “Neolithic Revolution” and “Neolithic transition” farming based on domestic plants and animals, the settled way of life, the creation of permanent villages, and the pots made ​​of clay and polished stone tools became widespread. The process brought a lot of social and cultural changes as well. The new forms of religion may have also played a major role in this process, and, according to some views, the new human mentality expressed by new religious ideas and symbols was the precondition of the success of economic and food-production aspects of Neolithic transition. The earliest Neolithic population of the Carpathian Basin appeared some 8,000 years ago. The early Neolithic group of finds was named Körös in the Southern Great Plain, Criş in Transylvania, while in the area ranging from the Central Balkans to the South-Transdanubia it was called Starčevo. No sites are known in Pécs or its immediate vicinity from this era, however, there are some important settlements in the foreground of the Mecsek Mountain. (Fig. 4. 1–11) Several settlements are known next to Lánycsók or near Babarc, at Szajk-Szajki szántók or at the Szűr-Cserhát sites. Although no real above-ground houses with timber construction have been found in southern Transdanubia, ​​structures of this kind, however, are known across the border in Croatia, at Slavonski Brod- Galovo early Neolithic site. According to these finds and the similar buildings found elsewhere in the eastern half of Carpathian Basin, it is very likely that the early Neolithic communities of the eastern Transdanubia lived in similar buildings. In the early phase of the Neolithic the cemeteries were not separated from the settlements. The few known graves were all found within residential areas. The early Neolithic economy is characterized by intensive, laborious farming pursued on small areas, integrated with, “backyard” livestock farming (Fig. 6). The typical pottery making technique was the thinning of the clay by chaff. The most common vessel forms were the cups, bowls with tubular bases, with or without foot ring, and smaller cups and mugs, large, thick- walled pots, storage vessels and bowls, as well as the so-called “butt” vessels. (Fig. 5) The rough surface of the pottery vessels were often covered by thickly anointed mass of clay blurred by fingers (called anointed barbotine or Schlickwurf) or irregularly shaped patched pieces of clay called placed-upon barbotine. Painting is relatively common, usually black or red stripes were painted on clay coloured or red base. In the early period, patterns were rather geometric or linear, later spiral motifs were used, too. Summary 341

The next phase of the Transdanubian Neolithic, the middle Neolithic period bears utmost importance in European terms, too. Those communities that spread the Neolithic archievments in a considerable part of Central Europe were formed in Transdanubia in this period. So far, the origin of this population is unknown and the process of their development also remains obscure, but recent results suggest that the most likely place of the development of these communities is in the middle of Transdanubia, in the broader vicinity of Lake Balaton. After their distinct pottery, archaeological research calls this large, middle Neolithic block Central European, or Transdanubian Linear Band Ware and dates it to approx. 5600/5500–5000/4900 BC. Sites are known around Pécs at Erzsébet-telep, Makárhegy-Makáralja, Megyeri-rét, Szabolcs, and Vasas, while from the surrounding area at Bakonya-Felső-Kisbakonya, Bóly–Békás, Szentlőrinc–Téglagyár and Geresdlak–Hosszú-hát. In recent years, due to large-scale rescue excavations this picture has been changed. Further sites were excavated at Berkesd, Ereszény, near Szemely, or Versend- Gilencsa. (Fig. 4. 12–26) The general characteristics of the buildings of the era include long, rectangular, houses with wooden structure. These are usually accompanied by two elongated pits on both sides, which could have been the source of soil and clay used for plastering the walls of the houses. Dead were buried within the settlements in this era as well (although cemeteries separated from the settlements appeared west of the Carpathian Basin). (Fig. 7) The ceramic production of this period is indeed very unique. Shapes and decoration are well distinguishable. The most important form of vessels is spherical or slightly biconic deep bowls sometimes with foot-rings or low pedestal, inverted cone-shape or hemispherical bowls with slightly protruding edge. The deeply incised, linear decoration, giving the name to the style, is really characteristic. These are often made up of parallel bundles of three lines, which run around the surface of the vessel horizontally or in curved pattern, often forming threefold symmetry. The anthropomorphic depictions of the era should be mentioned as well. (Fig. 8) The late Neolithic phase (5000/4900–4500/4400 BC) can be considered a prosperous era all along in the Carpathian Basin. In Transdanubia, the Lengyel-type archaeological material representing the New Stone Age has strong links with those of Northern Balkans, which played an important role in the development of it (especially with those communities, who produced the Vinča, Sopot, and Butmir type groups of finds). In the era starting approx. 4800 BC besides the general prosperity, the expansion of inter-regional relations, and the complete development of the system of farming villages dominates. South-eastern Transdanubia became an important settlement centre during this period. Archaeologists have managed to excavate a whole range of sites (settlements and cemeteries) of outstanding importance. On the territory of Pécs Late Neolithic sites are known from Makárhegy, Málom, Szabolcs and Megyeri-rét, while in the vicinity of the town remains of important settlements were found in the outskirts of Belvárdgyula, Szemely, Nagykozár, Pécsvárad, Zengővárkony and Bóly. (Fig. 9) One of the most important sites was excavated by János Dombay near Zengővárkony where a cemetery with a large number of graves, and a settlement was unearthed. The finds included traces of an above-ground long house, with timber structure and wattle and daub walls. The excavated 153 postholes were arranged in an elongated rectangular shape. (Fig. 10) These are actually remains of a house which was renovated a number of times (at least twice). Concerning the settlements, the issue of concentric ditches is definitely worth discussing (e.g. Villánykövesd). Recent studies, based on analysis of aerial photos, magnetometric surveys, measuring the so-called “magnetic anomalies” and excavations have discovered several such sites in the southern foreground of the Mecsek (Belvárdgyula–Szamár-hegy, Szemely–Hegyes, Zengővárkony). (Fig. 11) Cemeteries are some of the most important archaeological sources of the Late Neolithic in South-eastern Transdanubia. This is the first period in the Carpathian Basin, when formal burial sites were clearly separated from settlements. In the vicinity of Pécs the most important cemetery of this kind is the one found next to Zengővárkony where 368 graves were excavated. (Fig. 12) The golden age of Neolithic villages of Carpathian Basin ended in the midst of a major cultural change, but the process and exact reason are still controversial. Transdanubian finds suggest that a quickly changing way of life followed the former stability. Unfortunately, sites clearly dating back to Early Copper Age (4500/4400–4000 BC) are not yet known in the vicinity of Pécs although it is possible that the late Neolithic Lengyel pottery was still used at the beginning of the Copper Age. Much more is known about the time of the middle Copper Age. (Fig. 13. 1–13) There is a gradual transition between the latest Lengyel artefacts of the early Copper Age, (Lengyel III) and the so-called “Balaton –Lasinja” finds of the middle Copper Age. Stray finds are known from the era of the middle Copper Age around Pécs (e.g. Szabolcs-Pécs, Erzsébet-TSz-major), while a smaller excavation took place near Siklós. Unfortunately, a real house layout is not known from Pécs or its surroundings from this period, however, elsewhere in Transdanubia a relatively large number of house remains came to light in the past two decades. The era is generally characterized by rectangular ascending-walled houses with ditches at the base. They have often been extended with outbuildings or extensions on their sides. No copper finds are known from our territory from the early Copper Age, but fortunately this situation have been changed by the time of the middle Copper Age. The early and middle Copper Age are characterized mainly by large, heavy copper objects and weapons, mostly flat picks and axes. (Fig. 14) The end of the middle Copper Age made up of two shorter phases, which are not really well-known, and it is not always easy to differentiate between them (the so-called ”Stitched-grooved ceramics” or Furchenstich and finds of Protoboleráz type). Both of them are characterised by pricked line decoration filled with white limestone inlay. (Fig. 15) In most part of the Carpathian Basin the late Copper Age (3400/3300–2800/2600 BC) is represented by the so called Boleráz, Baden and Kostolac types of finds. (Fig. 17) So far three sites have been discovered in the immediate vicinity of Pécs, where sporadic surface artefacts of Boleráz type were found (Nagykozár-Zamajor-dűlő, Nagypall, and Szajk-Téglagyár), while at an excavation similar finds were discovered at the Lánycsók-Égettmalom site. The occurrence of classic Baden finds is much more common: 18 sites have been recorded by relevant research at the southern forefront of the Mecsek. (Fig. 13. 14–31) Kostolac types of artefacts, roughly from the same age, are even more common, 16 sites are known in Pécs only. (Fig. 16. 1–38) Relatively little is known about the settlements of the era regarding their internal structure and the house types. From County Baranya no data are available at all concerning these issues. The spiritual life of the late Copper Age is characterized by carrying out animal and human sacrifices, and burying the dead in pits within the settlement. Examples are known from Pécs, Power Plant and Sátorhely-Újistálló puszta. One of the most important transformation of the mid 4th millennium BC affecting the whole continent is the so-called “Secondary products revolution”. It affected in particular, the secondary products of animals; besides the very early use of primary products (meat, skin, bone), the use of milk and dairy products, wool, and the so-called “Draught complex”, i.e. the use of animal draught power, as well as the invention of the plough and carriage started as late as thousands of years later. The invention of fermented alcoholic beverages could be connected to this era as well. All of these innovations profoundly 342 History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

transformed the social and economic system of Copper Age communities, and led to entirely new consumption patterns among the gradually rising elite of the society. Archaeological finds considered to be perhaps one of the most interesting of Pécs and its surroundings and can be dated to the transition between Copper and Bronze ages, ca. 3000–2600 BC, were named Vučedol after an archaeological site in Croatia. The era is hallmarked by significant social, economic and technological transformations the traces of which can be observed in the archaeological material as well. The earliest finds of Vučedol phase type were found on the area of​​Eastern Slavonia and Syrmia, however, by the turn of the millennium it was already present in the very large area from South-West Hungary to Bosnia, including Croatia and Montenegro. The northernmost site is Dunaszekcső-Várhegy (Castle Hill) along the Danube. Several important sites are known in the surroundings of Pécs (Fig. 16. 39–42). Zók Várhegy (Castle Hill) stands out of this line by all means, but other smaller settlements are also known from this period in the southern territory of the Mecsek Mountain (e.g. Lánycsók–Égettmalom, Szentlőrinc–Szőlőhegy-Rókavár, Versend). The prosperity of metallurgy is definitely worth mentioning, since it followed the stagnation in the late Copper Age. Making of large, heavy copper and arsenic bronze weapons – especially with handle tubes restarted for which some of the best evidence are the outstanding finds of Zók (melting pots, moulds). (Fig. 18) These finds show the appearance of a new technology: the axes are now made in two-part moulds, which significantly increased the blacksmith’s control over the shapes, therefore casting of more complex forms became possible. Both the increased production and the use of these prestige weapons, and the rise of at least two-level settlement hierarchy organized around a central fortified settlements, suggest increasing social inequalities and differentiation. The beginning and the first half of the early Bronze Age is characterized by the so-called “Somogyvár Vinkovci”- typesof finds (ca. 2800/2600–2400 BC). South-eastern Transdanubia remained an important centre during this period. Several sites are known from the area of Pécs (e.g. Jakabhegyi út, Makár-hegy, Nagyárpád, Málom, Keleti-hegy, Üszögpuszta). In the southern foreground of Mecsek Mountain some 30 settlements have been identified so far. (Fig. 19. 1–31) One of the most important sites was found at Nagyárpád–Dióstető. Here, on a small triangular plateau within the fenced settlement, hundreds of early Bronze-Age objects were found on an area of an acre during Gábor’s Bándi excavations. The finds of the motorway rescue excavations also provided new details about the period (e.g. Szemely–Völgyes–Felső-rét). Subsequent observations and aerial photographs helped to establish that on the southern side of the motorway a high –altitude village was situated surrounded with multiple ditches but only its northern edge was excavated. (Fig. 20) In recent years, aerial archaeological research also brought significant changes in the research of the settlement-network of the era: a number of new fortified settlements had been discovered in the Mecsek foreground (Görcsönydoboka–Erdő-föld, Olasz–Olaszi-hegy, Pécsudvard–Bab-föld, Peterd–Bakaszó, Szemely–Felső-rét, Szilvás–Ó-szeg). The fortified settlements found in Pécs, and south of the town seem to form a system in which these central points are located about an equal distance from each other, at the vertices of an approx. 5-km-side-length equilateral triangle. (Fig. 21) The central settlements were probably surrounded by the still little-known small non-fortified, non-high-altitude villages. There is good reason to believe that the fortified settlements, the socio-economic centres, could have been the dwellings of the elite of a small, politically integrated community (“tribe” or “segmented society”), while the smaller settlements constituted an “agricultural heartland”. The third phase of the early Bronze Age includes the so-called “Kisapostag” style finds. These finds are known from only a very few sites in our county: within Pécs at Nagyárpád, Pécsbagota and Szentlőrinc only. (Fig. 19. 32–34) Only burials were known for the research for a long time from throughout Transdanubia, especially from the areas along the Danube. Thanks to the research of the last decades, however, this situation is gradually changing, although, unfortunately, not at a very fast pace. In this respect Szentlőrinc-Strandfürdő archaeological site is extremely important, where a complex of pits was excavated in the 1960’s during which a large amount of archaeological finds were found. Its size was approx. 6 x 4.5 m, it was slightly irregular rectangular shape, which is slightly narrowed in the middle. Gábor Bándi reconstructed the finds as a semi-subterranean house, with a sloping entrance corridor in the north-eastern corner, and a horizontal roof structure. (Fig. 23) Most researchers, however refused to accept this reconstruction, and the building can rather be considered as some farm building or a pit. Burials are slightly better known from this period, however, only scarce information is available from South Transdanubia. Besides cremation urns, scattered ashes inhumation burial rites are found as well: an example of the latter is the grave, found in Pécsbagota. (Fig. 24) The archaeological finds show that the transition from the middle Bronze Age was the result of a gradual development, and high-level of continuity is observed in most type of objects. In the whole area of Transdanubia, the middle Bronze Age is characterized by finds of the so-called “Encrusted pottery”. Pécs and surrounding belong to the southern group of this type of artefacts, and had a very dense network of settlements in the period. (Fig. 25) No clearly identified houses were found at any site in or around Pécs, but this is not an isolated incident, as only very few such finds are known in the whole of Transdanubia. An important element of the middle-Bronze-Age settlement patterns is represented by fortified mountain settlements. These, relatively less studied, types of settlements, however, are known from the Highlands north of Lake Balaton and in County Tolna. In County Baranya, Pécs, Pécs-Szabolcs and Nagyárpád settlements could have belonged to this category, however, in the lack of more detailed studies, it is difficult to draw conclusions concerning these sites. The study of burials has also yielded significant new results recently. In Transdanubia the middle Bronze Age is dominantly characterized by cremation burial rite, although inhumation burials also occur. In the South-Transdanubian region and Pécs, however, scattered ashes cremation burial rite dominates almost exclusively. It was a widespread custom to place bronze grave goods in the ashes which were either piled up or scattered, while ceramic pots were arranged around the ashes. (Fig. 26) Sometimes the whole grave was covered with large fragments of pottery. The ceramics of the era – as its name suggests – is very well recognized by its characteristic decoration and forms. The most important feature is a lime inlay bed deepened into the surface of the vessel by some kind of broad, flat tool and then filled in by incrustation made of crushed bones or shells. The bronze metallurgy of the era is of outstanding importance. The middle- Bronze-Age Transdanubia is characterized by the so-called “Tolnanémedi type” of metalwork. The group was named after the bronze finds, whose composition reflects the Transdanubian metalwork repertoire: the main feature is the dominance of the disc shaped and cast jewellery as opposed to tools or weapons. Gold objects and gold treasures are considered important but rare elements of the Transdanubian metallurgy. Finds consisting of especially hair rings and finger rings are known from the sites of Kölesd–Hangospuszta and Nagyberki–Kisberki, as well as from an unknown site near Pécs. (Fig. 27) The last phase of the middle Bronze Age is called Koszider era. The name was given after a site in Dunaújváros called Kosziderpadlás, where three bronze treasures were unearthed from the top layer of a Bronze Age tell settlement, which Summary 343

contained objects very typical of this era. The era is considered the peak of middle Bronze-Age developments, which, in the region of the Carpathian Basin, ended differently in each region, either with continuous transition, or with visible economic and social collapse. In Southern Transdanubia – or in a broader sense, in the southern part of the Carpathian Basin – this era is connected to the of so-called “Protoszeremle” or “Szeremle type” finds. Protoszeremle and Szeremle style pottery are related to the previous Transdanubian Encrusted finds – especially in the northern group – in many ways, and its continuity regarding the style were affected by other southern pottery styles (e.g. Vattina, Maros) supplementing it in the later Szeremle phase. From Pécs and the surrounding area only Protoszeremle finds are known from few sites. Besides the ceramic artefacts so-called “handle- tube” bronze axe and its mould were found on sites at Pécs and Siklós (Fig. 28). South-eastern Transdanubia along with a significant part of the Carpathian Basin took some new development direction at the beginning of the late Bronze Age. While in many areas continuity is observed in the material culture within the Basin, even if there is a gap in the use of the cemeteries and settlements, this is not the case in Transadnubia. Here the middle Bronze-Age Encrusted pottery and several elements of the material culture associated with it were gradually displaced by the so-called “Tumulus” finds having western connections. This is the sign of the development of new communities having a connectivity network of altered socio-economic system.

III. History of Pécs from the Late Bronze Age until the Roman Conquest Borbála Maráz

The late Bronze Age (13/12 – 9th century BC): The late Tumulus Culture / early Urnfield transitional period and Urnfield culture After the Koszider-type artefacts found their way into the ground in the middle Bronze Age and the spread of Tumulus Culture significant changes took place in the lives of the indigenous Bronze Age cultures in the Carpathian Basin. One of the most striking element of these is the decline of bronze metallurgy. This was obviously due to the change of social and economic conditions in the lives of the farming cultures, developing peacefully for many centuries, caused by the settlement of the tribes of Tumulus-culture pursuing military and pastoral lifestyle. From the archaeological material of the territory of Pécs two gravefinds can be considered as the legacy of the Tumulus culture (Clinics of the Medical School of Pécs and Nagyárpád). About a century later, another fundamental change occurred In the Transdanubian late Bronze Age metallurgy. A local factor of this could have been the peaceful period following the conquest of Tumulus culture, while an external factor, a historical change involving half of Europe was the expansion of Urnfield culture in the area of Central Europe – and thus Transdanubia. This culture played a significant role across much of Europe, characterized by a more or less uniform bronze metallurgy, pottery and system of belief. The high-quality bronze metallurgy and large-scale mass production, that was never seen before, is reflected in archaeological material of the late Bronze Age of Transdanubia, in fact, one of its centres was situated in the area of South-Transdanubia. The South Transdanubian settlements of the early part of the period can be found at the same places where the tumulus Population used to live (Lánycsók, Majs, Mohács, Siklós etc.). The settlement image of the area, however, changed in the early Urnfield period, similarly to the bronze industry. At the beginning of the Urnfield period (Ha A period) the settlements still existed on flatlands, and low hills surrounded by water or marshes (Mohács–Cselepatak, Majs–Malomárok-Borzazug, Majs– Merse, Szentlőrinc etc.), as well as on the hillsides along rivers and stream valleys (Lánycsók, Sásd). These were farming villages, often large ones engaged in agriculture. A new feature of the era was that besides the already densely populated hilly areas and plains, the previously deserted mountains, including the Mecsek, became populated. New settlements were established one after another in the early Urnfield period on the southern and western slopes of the Mecsek (Pécsvárad, Kővágószőlős,​​Bakonya, Cserkút), while, as a new phenomenon, high-altitude settlements appeared as well (Pécs–Jakab-hegy, Pécs–Makár-hegy) on top of the the mountains. Some differences existed concerning the purpose, means, role and function of farming in the different types of settlements during the Ha A period. Finds suggesting the existence of bronze-metallurgy centres came to light almost exclusively at high-altitude sites and the bronze treasures and depots are also concentrated around them, as opposed to villages on flatlands with fertile soil, where, according to the archaeological finds and building remains, agriculture played a decisive role. The finds of late Bronze Age metallurgy of the Mecsek region came from the later phase of the Urnfield culture, and this is also the time when most of the high-altitude villages, except for the Makár-hegy settlement, ceased to exist (11th century BC). Migration starting at the northern part of the territory of Urnfield culture at the end of the 12th century resulted inthe disappearance of the system of settlements and the local bronze industry in the Mecsek region. Archaeological sites of the Urnfield culture in and around Pécs:Hill settlements and metallurgy centres: in Pécs–Jakab-hegy. Traces of an Urnfield culture settlements are found on the plateau of Jakab-Hegy, northwest of Pécs. The settlement is stretching along the flat mountain top (Fig. 1). Pécs–Makár and Rókusdomb: Makár hegy, which can be considered as the southernmost slopes of the western Mecsek Mountains, was a significant settlement used in several periods during the late Bronze Age. Lowland settlements and cemeteries: they are found at the bottom of the southern slopes of the Mecsek, on areas sloping towards the valley of Pécsi-víz. The remains of several sites were found here, on the low hills and slopes along stream-valleys (Kővágószőlős–MÉV I. üzem, Pellérd, Cserkút, Pécs–Patacs, Keszü). Bronze metallurgy: The late Bronze Age metallurgy of the Mecsek region can be well reconstructed by the large number of bronze finds, bronze artefacts and tools found at the settlements. Concerning the issue of the origin of raw materials – as far as we know – the use of local ore deposits (e.g. as in North-eastern or Western-Hungary) is out of question. No exploitable ore deposits that would be suitable for bronze casting are known in the area. Some of the round, bun-shaped bronze cast-blocks found in Hungary contain pieces of re-melted bronze objects. Recycling of bronze waste to obtain new raw material could have been practiced not only in casting workshop situated far from the ore deposits, which proves how valuable the raw material was in the bronze casting. The process of bronze casting, namely 344 History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

producing a new metal from alloying copper and antimony was included in the range of activities of the metalwork workshops of the Mecsek area. Results of the analysis of some cast-blocks show that the copper for bronze production was also stored as bun shaped cast-blocks. Two different methods were used in the making of bronze objects: casting and forging from sheet metal or wire. The casting moulds were made of sandstone or clay, a sandstone mould found of Makár-tető served such a purpose.

Early Iron Age (Hallstatt culture): the beginning of the Iron Age in the Mecsek region At the end of period Ha B, in the 9th century BC in south-eastern Transdanubia and the Dráva valley a distinct group of the late Urnfield population with its typical material culture, the Kiskőszeg – Dálya (Batina – Dalj) group was found. Their pottery products predominantly follow the traditions of the Urnfield culture, while the bronze objects show a great change in the forms of metal objects. From the one hand, they reflect the survival of a strong tradition of earlier bronze metallurgy and on the other hand, however, remote objects of eastern-origin appear in them, the so-called “Thracian-Cimmerian type bronzes” (bits, daggers, shepherd’s axe, trapping accessories). It is almost impossible to define workshops, and after reviewing the archaeological material, one can see that the entire bronze industry lost its previous significance. Weapons and tools were made of iron, while bronze became the material for luxury items (jewellery, dishes). All these changes mark the beginning of the so-called “early Iron Age” (Hallstatt-age) in Southern Transdanubia and include the period from the beginning of 8th century BC until the Roman conquest. The discovery of iron metallurgy and unfolding of the new technology was an achievement bearing as much significance as the bronze metallurgy before. Due to technical difficulties in the early stages of the iron metallurgy, only luxury items (jewellery) were madeofiron. In Transdanubia the first iron objects appeared at the end of Urnfield culture. In South Transdanubia iron objects (swords, iron axes or shepherd’s axes, spears), similar to pre-Scythian finds of East Hungary appeared first among the grave goods of the tumuli at Pécs–Jakab-hegy. Pécs–Jakab-hegy: Part of the fortress was built in the early Hallstatt period on the site of the previous late Bronze Age high- altitude settlement. Similar ceramic material was found at Pécs–Makár-hegy. In the district of Pécs, besides the Jakab-hegy the other significant early Iron Age archaeological site was on Makár hegy. The cemetery belonging to the hill fort of Jakab-Hegy was situated outside the hill fort some 100–150 m away from its western rampart. The tumulus field consisted of approximately 300 tumuli. They were arranged in two groups of mounds, 41 of them have been excavated so far. There was only one burial under each mound. They were either cremation-urn or scattered ashes burials. The transformation in pottery making was another feature of the area. This period includes the end of Central European Urnfield culture and the beginning of the early Iron Age. In relative chronological terms the time of the period is Ha B3 and research dates it to the absolute date of 750 ± 50 BC. The Jakab-hegy tumuli were made right after the end of the independent existence of the Urnfield culture, in the 8th century BC.

Late Iron Age: 5th century BC – the beginning of 1st century AD. The oldest late Iron Age native inhabitants of Southern Transdanubia: the Pannons. The name of the Roman province of Pannonia comes from the name of Pannonii people. The Pannons belonged to the native inhabitants of the north-western part of the Balkans before the Celtic expansion, and may have been related to the Illyrians. The Mecsek region was also inhabited by the Pannons during 6–5th century BC. Their burials were found in the vicinity of Beremend and Szentlőrinc. The Pannon population of Southern Transdanubia came under Celtic rule in the 4th century BC and even the archaeological traces of their material culture disappeared. From the entire territory, including the Mecsek region and the area surrounding Pécs, more or less uniform material culture of the Celts are known until few decades after the Roman Conquest. Archaeological material of the Celts: The Celtic tribes that already inhabited Western and Central Europe took into possession the territory of Hungary as well in the 4th century BC then managed to occupy the whole Carpathian Basin at the turn of 4th and 3rd centuries. From the second half of the 4th century there are archaeological data concerning the settlements of Celts in southern Transdanubia and in the region of the Mecsek. Parts of three Celtic cemeteries came to light on a relatively small area of the Pécs Basin which offer insight into the archaeological heritage of the invading Celts settled down in the 4th century BC (Pécs–Basamalom dűlő, Gyárváros, Public Cemetery). According to the archaeological data known so far, at the turn of the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC and in the second century, during the so-called “Middle La Tène Period”, the Mecsek region was populated by the Celts to a similar extent as in earlier times. The sites of this period are mostly cemeteries (Kővágószőlős, ​​Pécs–Vasas), while archaeological material associated with settlements is not yet known. The late La Tène – period (1st century BC) The Celtic Hercuniates tribe may have arrived in South Transdanubia after the attacks of the Cimbri in 114 BC, and they supposedly settled down south of the Lake Balaton on the territory between the Kapos valley and northern slopes of the Mecsek, as well as on the Somogy–Tolna hilly area. The circulation of their unique coins between 1st century BC and 1st century AD and the spread of the so-called “Regöly and Dunaszekcső type coins” indicate that the late Celtic population had trade relations with the Hercuniates tribe, but it is unlikely that this area was under the rule of the Hercuniates. The existence of trade relations between Southern Europe and the Mecsek region in the 1st century BC is attested by a bronze vessel of Véménd, the Roman Republican denarii of a treasure found at Jakab-Hegy, as well as some grave goods unearthed at the Power Plant cemetery site in Pécs. Archaeological material of the late Celtic – early Roman period: – The archaeological finds found at the partially excavated cemetery at Pécs Power Plant can be mentioned here: The Celtic burials can be dated to the second half of first century BC and the first decades of the 1st century AD. Besides the abundance of weapons ingraves,the relatively large number of Italian import objects (rings with gems, iron bucket handles) is also striking. The younger graves of the cemetery – judging by the imported Roman bronze vessels (strainers, ladles) and the coin of emperor Nerva found in grave no. 36 – could have been made at the end of the first century AD and in the following decades. The archaeological material of the late Iron Age La Tène culture helps us to understand the process of the Roman Invasion and the establishment of Pannonia province. Summary 345

1./ On the southern slopes of the Mecsek and in the area of the Pécs Basin a concentration of settlements can be observed in the late La Tène period, just like in the Drava–Danube–Sava triangle and, in the territory of the centre of Scordisci near the estuary of the Sava. 2./ Archaeological research has long been engaged in the study of the survival of the conquered late La Tène native population in the Roman period as well as their effect on the Roman stone monuments, artistic objects and on religious life. The grave goods of Pécs–Power Plant cemetery highlights the dominant Pannonian and Illyrian elements of the Celtic native population. It can be assumed that during the LT D period and in the first century of the Roman occupation mixed Celtic-Pannon population lived south of the Mecsek. This is consistent with the fact that the names of native people survived in Roman age inscriptions showed Illyrian and Pannonian features. The Pécs Power Plant cemetery in the southern foreground of the Mecsek which dates to the time after the Roman occupation shows the continuous presence of La Tène era native population in the 1st century AD. New settlements and cemeteries (Pécs– Vasas cemetery and pottery kiln) were established more or less in the same time as the Roman-age burials of the Power Plant cemetery in Pécs the 1st century AD. The settlement at Bicsérd, however, with its pottery kilns can be considered the 2nd- century heritage of native Celtic inhabitants. 3./ In the graves of the Power Plant cemetery started in the second half of the first century BC many different types of Roman import objects (bronze strainers and ladles, rings and gems, keys, mount ornaments for caskets) were found in larger number than in the LT D period. The appearance and quantity of the Italian imported objects are similar to that of the earliest Roman forts established along the roads leading from Italy towards the North, across Noricum and Pannonia (Emona, Poetovio, Carnuntum) and alongside the Amber road. The Italian trade, therefore was just as thriving in the Drava–Sava valley on the territory of the conquered Celtic and Pannonian tribes as in the vicinity of the earliest military camps in the first decades of the 1st century AD. This trade used the same route as in earlier LT-D period, but with more scarce Italian metal import vessels and weaker circulation of Roman Republican coins. However, the circulation of the the early Samian-ware did not affect the eastern part of Drava–Sava Valley and the Mecsek region, therefore this type of objects did not come to light, not even in the recently unearthed material. 4./ The use of settlements and cemeteries continued even after the conquering campaigns of the Romans against the Pannonian – Scordiscii – Celtic native population, until around the end of the 1st century AD in the Drava Valley, and on the north of it, in the Mecsek region and Kapos–Koppány valley (Regöly, Szalacska) as well. Only after the end of the first century new settlements or cemeteries established in the Mecsek region, namely in the close vicinity of the La Tène settlements used continuously during the 1st century BC and the first century AD (Pécs–Vasas, Bicsérd), preserving the earlier dense population of the southern slopes of the Mecsek. It seems that in the late La Tène-age, the trade relations and roads starting from northern Italy already existed or just developed in the first century BC (Aquileia – Emona – Poetovio – Drava Valley – Osijek/Mursa – Mecsek (Sopianae) – Szalacska) survived after the Roman conquest and could have played a major role in the development of the later Roman road network. The province including the Mecsek area and Kapos–Koppány valley formed in 1st century AD became one of the inner regions of Pannonia province, further away from the border fortress system, the limes and the earliest and most important military roads. In spite of this, it has maintained its trade relations with northern Italy, even after the Roman conquest, and the Italian import intensified even further.

IV. Settlement History of Sopianae Zsolt Visy

Pécs and its surroundings were situated on the territory of the Hercuniates and Andizetes, however, it is difficult to mark the border between them. According to András Mócsy, they were separated by the ridge of the Mecsek Mountain, but the Celtic dominance around Pécs indicates that the Hercuniates could have also taken the southern slopes of the Mecsek under their rule. In the history of Sopianae the period from the beginning until the end of the 2nd century was the most uncertain and also the most controversial one. The higher number of graves dated from the 2nd century, unearthed at recent excavations, helps to prove not only the existence of the settlement, but to specify its approximate location as well. According to the finds of cremation and early inhumation graves excavated at Hal Square and at the courtyard of the Cistercian Nagy Lajos Secondary School, there was a Roman settlement in the centre of Sopianae as early as in the 2nd century. The breakthrough came when excavations were carried out at Sopianae Square, where a number of open pit buildings were discovered by Gábor Kárpáti, which can be dated to the turn of the 1st and 2nd centuries and the first half of the 2nd century. Several semi-subterranean buildings were also found. Their timber-frame walls of ascending wooden structure were covered by sun dried mud bricks. Judged by the early pottery and two coins of Emperor Vespasian found in a store-room, these buildings probably can be dated to the end of the 1st century. Two early furnaces were unearthed at the court of the Anatomy Department of the University at Ferenc Fülep’s excavation. Although only the bottom of the furnaces (presumably used for baking) survived, but the early red, marbled and partially painted pottery and a coin of Emperor Domitian suggest an early (1st and 2nd century) use. The image of the 2nd century town was characterised mostly by simple sun dried mud brick buildings of indigenous nature, and hardly any of them had stone foundations. This settlement – traces of which were later found near the forum at the eastern part of the Roman town – had several pottery kilns. The vast majority of finds can be dated to the first half or the middle of the 2nd century. Only 100 m away from the site, at the excavations carried out at Sopianae Square by G. Kárpáti and G. Kovaliczky a number of new pottery kilns were unearthed. Provincial streaky painted pottery, typical of the first half of the 2nd century was found in the kiln, with coins of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius in the burnt out layer above them. According to the pottery oil lamps found here, lamps were also produced in the kilns and since the stone building erected above a burnt out layer can be dated to the age of Septimius Severus according to the Iulia Mamaea and Iulia Domna coins, the pottery workshop must not have worked any longer after the demolition of the district during the Marcomannic war. 346 History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

Some of the early gravestones are of native origin. Two of the three gravestones found with names of wives of native veterans, who were Roman citizens. Since the ”hic situs est” formula characterizing the early gravestones does not occur neither here, nor on other gravestones, but the D (is) M (anibus) formula occurs on the front of the inscriptions, none of the gravestones can be dated to the 1st or to the beginning of the 2nd century. The descendants of the native of Atrev (a/us), Cata have Latin names: Aurus, Vitalis. A native origin is suggested by Aelius Messius, Flavia and Ingenua Caesernia Firmilla cognomen as well, although the latter stone, reflecting complex family relationships, dates from a later time. These individuals are often associated with the Celts, so they provide an excellent group of sources to get some insight into the social composition of the native vicus and nearby villages developed in the area of Sopianae. The earliest altar is probably the Silvanus altar erected by Iul(ius) Rufus in 163 AD, according to the names of the pair of consuls Laelianus and Pastor. It was also him, who erected altars to Jupiter and Terra Mater, perhaps at the same time. There are not any data concerning Sopianae’s declaration to become a city, only one uncertain, indirect source may refer to this: A fragmented inscription from Laskó which perhaps mentions Sopianae. The possible reading of the group of letters seen on the lost inscription cives So[…] or cives Co[…] (CIL III 3293) is cives Sopianenses, which could verify that Sopianae was a town in the 3rd century. Apart from the evaluation of the lost inscription concerned, results of recent excavations undoubtedly prove that Sopianae as a town already existed in the 3rd century. It seems to be confirmed by the fact that above the timber and sun dried mud brick structure and the related 2nd century finds stone buildings were erected. These houses with regular and more or less similar orientation were lining up on the area of the former vicus, forming well specified street system. Several public buildings, baths and shrines were found or became known by the increased number of finds. According to the archaeological material, they are primarily from the Severus-era, or as late as the age of Commodus. Later these buildings were completely destroyed, in many cases in a visible way, and over their ruins the late Roman era came about in the 4th century, with buildings of different orientation and structure. The great destruction in the second half of the 2nd century marks the line between the two markedly separable stone periods. Accordingly, the first stone-period can be dated to the turn of 2nd and 3rd centuries, while the second one to the turn of the 3rd and 4th centuries. The stone buildings became known on the territory of Sopianae were standing in a system assuming a regular street structure and their identical orientation suggests conscious urban planning. The most important and best known of them is a public bath, excavated by Ferenc Fülep in the 1960’s. Further stone buildings were found during the excavations at Sopianae Square and other parts of the present day town. According to the preliminary dating these mostly date for the 2nd century but, after a more thorough research of the documentation, it turned out that the majority of them were probably built in the 3rd century. The southernmost building of Sopianae found so far was unearthed in the former Majláth Street. The first phase of the multi- period building presumably dated to the beginning of the 3rd century. This hall with more than 30 m long walls may have been a horreum. In Citrom Street the excavation of a larger area was possibly due to the constructions taking place there. Here at Gábor Kárpáti’s excavations one east-west orientated street came to light with buildings on both sides. The 30 m long and 3 m wide street was of SW-NE orientation. The top cover of the road was missing and the excavated surface was covered with small stones and gravel. Both sides of the street were lined with large stones. It was renewed once, when its orientation was slightly modified towards NW, while on the north side a ditch was added to it. The eastern end of the street was blocked by the late Roman town wall therefore the street must have been constructed earlier than the wall, i.e. in the 3rd century, together with a row of houses alongside. Since this wall blocked not only the eastern side of this street, but also cut across building no. 38, the 3rd century town was larger than the late Roman town, that was squeezed within with the walls. On the southern side of the road five buildings were partially excavated. Building no. 37 could have occupied an area of approximately 30 x 30 m, but only its eastern zone is known. A buttressed wall was found here, which could have been the eastern wall of a major building. The wall runs parallel with it indicates that a three-nave basilica must have stood here, and this removed eastern wall could have been the outer wall of the eastern side-navel. To the west from here a large foundation was unearthed, which most likely could have been the foundation of a statue. To the north-west from this area several rescue and preventing excavations took place in connection with various construction projects, which gradually provide growing insight into the past and construction history of Sopianae. Unfortunately, these excavations were always partial. The relatively small houses of today’s town centre still show the layout of the medieval town and the size of the area that occasionally becomes available for archaeological excavations on sites of demolished buildings is never identical with the size and location of the larger Roman houses. It appears that the largest buildings of Sopianae could have occupied as many as 3–4 medieval plots. A large late Roman house and its bath-wing were unearthed in Teréz Street and walls of an earlier stone building also came to light there. This house, called building no. 3, occupied at least an area of 9 x 15-m. The orientation of the walls made of small stones deviates by a few degrees to east from the north. Floor level has not been found, but based on the coins found in the layer of the house Gábor Kárpáti dated its construction to the end of the 2nd century. The buildings described so far kind of surrounded the area where the town centre is presumed. Here, partly under the so- called “Palace of Post Office”, partly under the Jókai Street running in front of it, walls of a large building were found during the construction of the Post Office Building in 1902–1903. Even results of recent excavations could not help with the interpretation of this mysterious building. Its size is unknown. The southern two-thirds of the some 50-m long building was made up of five north-south-orientated rows of identical rooms. The building was approximately 32 m wide. Just like the size of the building, the date and the intended purpose also remains unknown. There is no doubt that the large late Roman building must have been an important public building. Considering that this site was in the town centre, it is quite likely that the previous building that stood earlier on the same site had played a similar role, and was one of the public buildings or shrines surrounding the forum. At the western edge of Sopianae square, a special find, a collection of altars belonging to theBenificiarius station was unearthed. At the area of about 10 by 10 m 28 altars and square slabs used to serve as foundations of the altars, were found in a double row. In the middle of the row of stones, arranged in U-shape, there was an east-west orientated corridor with an entrance on the west. The only altar with inscription was found knocked down in two pieces on the left side of the entrance. According to its inscription it was erected during the consulship of Perpetuus Cornelianus in 237. Since the single altar was found in the inner row of the double row of Sopianae, this must have been placed there during a later period of the station. The altars of the outer row date to an earlier period. Summary 347

It is exceptionally fortunate that the Antonine Itinerary described the important roads of the Roman Empire. One of these passed through Sopianae. Three other Pannonian roads, which either started from Sopianae or passed through it were also described in the itinerary. These roads emphasize the importance of the town and prove its existence and significance. The most important road that passed through Sopianae connected Sirmium (Sremska Mitrovica/Szávaszentdemeter) to Treviri (Trier) across a range of provinces. Another road linking Sirmium with Carnuntum (Deutsch-Altenburg) also passed through here and two other roads branched off from them towards Brigetio (Szőny) and Aquincum (Budapest, Óbuda). The end of the 3rd century marks a turning point in the history of Sopianae. Although relevant research evaluating the signs suggesting it differently, they usually agree that the centre of the civil administration of the newly created Valeria Province, established after Diocletian’s administrative reforms, was in Sopianae. In order for this to happen Sopianae must have been an important urban settlement previously. One of the signs is the money circulation, which, in fact, significantly increased during Gallienus in the 260s. A circumstantial evidence is found at Ammianus Marcellinus: “Maximinus regens quondam Romae vicariam praefecturam apud Sopianas Valeriae oppidum obscurissime natus est patre tabulario praesidialis officii orto a posteritate Carporum, quos antiquis excitos sedibus Diocletianus transtulit in Pannoniam”. Maximinus began his career at around 360 and from 370 to 371 he was vicarius of Rome, then the Prefect praetorio of Gaul. Finally Gratian had him beheaded in around 376. Maximinus was born around 335–340 to Carp ancestors, who were settled into Pannonia inferior by Galerius in 295 after being defeated by the Romans. One of the clues for the much-discussed whereabouts of their re-settlement is right in the text quoted above, because if Maximinus was born in Sopianae, then this region should be considered as possible location in the first place. Since he worked as a clerk (scribe) in his father’s, the praeses’ office, even if it cannot be considered undisputable evidence it still seems obvious that the office was in this town. Another phenomenon has also caught the attention of researchers concerning the 3rd century legal status and significance of Sopianae. Namely, the Antonine Itinerary goes back as early as to the 2nd and 3rd century, but it got its final form in the nineties of the 3rd century, just before the introduction of the reform of public administration, because the provinces are mentioned in it by their old names. As the reform took place in 296/297, the itinerary must have been completed in 294/295. First Aladár Radnóti then Tibor Nagy and Endre Tóth have also pointed out that Sopianae gained higher than average importance due to the fact that two roads started from here to Aquincum and Brigetio. Tibor Nagy explained this by Sopianae’s already existing legal status as a town, while Endre Tóth offered another explanation, namely placing concilium provinciae here a few decades earlier. However, after more thorough examination of all described Pannonian routes and their logical topographical order, it is not peculiar at all that Sopianae was mentioned in four routes altogether, since in two instances it was just a station on the very same transversal road. It the other two occurrences it was very logical to mention Sopianae as a caput viae, similarly to Savaria, from where the road went towards the very same two legionary fortresses as from Sopianae. Although there is not any direct and clear evidence regarding Sopianae as a provincial headquarter, yet the research associates its significant leap in development, enrichment, tangible welfare of the population, and evident wealth ofthe leading class in the late Roman period with it. Earlier it was suggested only by the late Roman cemetery finds, and first of all, its built and richly decorated burial chambers. However, results of recent excavations, carried out in the town’s area came to a similar conclusion. According to the finds and coins unearthed, the intensive building process in the 4th century is evident in the entire Roman town, but because the excavation results are not fully evaluated yet, the different archaeological periods cannot be separated with full certainty. On the sites of the buildings that were undoubtedly standing in the 3rd century partly their renewal, and partly their reconstruction can be seen, while in some other cases new houses were built with completely different ground plans and orientation in the 4th century. Their relative chronology, namely, whether they were sub-periods within the late Roman period, also needs further research. The structure of the town and the layout of its roads had not changed in the late Roman period. Its centre continued to be at the crossings of today’s Jókai and Rákóczi Streets, where its forum was built surrounded by important office buildings. At the site of the demolished or destroyed earlier basilica on the southern side on the main road and the Forum a much larger, more than 55 metres long, three-nave basilica was built with buttressed walls. Its entrance was on the eastern side, while a large, semicircular apse joined to the building on the west. Later, but still during the 4th century, by using its partially ruined walls, a horreum was erected above it. On the northern side of the main street (cardo maximus) similar observations could be made during the excavations carried out in Citrom Street. Gábor Kárpáti dated the second period of building no. 34 to the 3rd century, while the eastern part of the same building was probably cut through by the town wall built in the late 4th century. Under the houses on the eastern side of Jókai Street even richer archaeological finds and more valuable ruins were found. Building no.1 was unearthed during the excavation under the building-block facing Teréz Street. It was a large house, with a central courtyard, while the living quarters and workshops were arranged along the sides or around the court. The review of the chronology of the bathhouse, excavated by Ferenc Fülep (building no. 15) and the surrounding buildings showed that the bath was built after Marcomannic War while its renewal, using sun dried mud bricks took place after the attacks of Germanic and Sarmatian people around 260. Over the levelled ruins of the 3rd-century bath the remains of a building with a slightly different orientation and thinner walls were found. The partially made terrazzo floor level was about 1 m higher than that of the earlier building. Several clues suggest that the town wall of Sopianae was built at this time, i.e. in the second half or during the last third of the 4th century. During the planning and the actual building work those living quarters of the town that happened to be a little bit further away from the road could not be taken into account, therefore they were left outside the town wall, as it can be clearly observed at the Citrom Street excavations. Here the town was extended further to the east. Some buildings were cut through or reduced in size during the construction of the wall in order to keep the ideal line. The road, excavated at Citrom Street was blocked by the town wall and it also cut through building no. 38, situated on the southern side of the road. On the outer side of the approximately 10 m long and 2 m wide road section the beginning of a ditch was observed. The line of the road could not be followed southwards, despite that due to the building of a new shop, a large area became available for excavation. No Roman buildings were found here at all, proving the direction of the town’s boundaries, however, a north-south orientated ditch was found on the site which could have been the ditch of the town wall. The northern wall of the town is at the intersection of Teréz and Jókai Streets, where several small sections were excavated. 348 History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

As for the composition of the late Roman population of Sopianae, the fact that the town became the centre of the province played an important role, involving a substantial immigration concerning the governor’s office, its staff and employees, which increased the number of literate people. The town became more open, it was given a central role at provincial level. The officials were well-informed about both the local and imperial politics. The upgrade in official status and thereby the strengthening of the wealthy classes increased requirements for local opportunities. The number of better quality stone buildings grew and new ones were built, separate bath wings were added to the bigger houses. The improvement of the financial circumstances is evident from not only the construction of these houses, but also from the luxury manifesting itself in the graves. The fact that this luxury appeared especially in a large number of decorative cemetery buildings in the early Christian cemeteries is typical of the religious transformation of this period. According to the finds the graves of Sopianae can be considered rather poor, as the Christian religion had fundamentally changed the ideas of afterlife. However, the simplicity, represented in the lack of grave goods was compensated by the collectively or individually built graves of the wealthier, who in accordance with their religious conception often painted these buildings, consisting of subterranean and above ground units, with biblical scenes. In the Roman cemeteries in Pécs and County Baranya lot of such everyday objects came to light which are of foreign origin, and probably related to barbarian settlers. On the basis of the occurrence of iron spits, knives and other objects in the graves, the appearance of new ethnic elements can be considered in and around Sopianae. According to the opinion of Mihály Nagy, a group of mainly Vandal people may have been settled down farther on the south in Valeria Province. This settling down may not be limited to this particular part of the province, but the Vandals may have been a part of a larger and ethnically diverse group of settlers, who were let into the province by the Romans after the end of a war in 334. The last and most controversial settling took place after the Battle of Hadrianopolis in 379–380, when a group of many different tribes arbitrary occupied a piece of land and made an agreement with the Romans only afterwards in order to settle down in Pannonia. However, the exact location of the settlements of the Gothic-Alan- Hun group led by Alatheus and Saphrac is unknown. The idea that Sopianae and the surrounding area were involved in this event remains only one of the possibilities. On the basis of the occurrence of the burnished ceramics, it was previously thought that they were recruited as soldiers and were sent out to serve in different military camps along the limes. It has been proved however, that this kind of pottery was used even earlier and could be found in a great number anywhere in Valeria and in other Pannonian provinces, thus this suggestion has been dropped. Another possibility is related to the inscription of Amantius, Bishop of Iovia, found in Aquileia. On this find “all these peoples” (Bini populi) may have been mentioned. This Iovia could be Iovia (Ludbreg) near the Drava river or Iovia (Alsóhetény) in Valeria province, but whichever it was, it is still questionable whether this inscription is related to these peoples or not. From the 2nd century, Christianity began to spread in the Danubian provinces, its representatives were mostly Orthodox or Greek. In the late Roman period Sopianae and its surroundings became an important centre of Christianity. The famous cemetery chapels and crypts, the Christian cemeteries of the civic centre of Valeria, the newly discovered mausoleum of Alsóhetény show the growing importance of Christianity in the province. Surely the Christian Community of Sopianae was richer and more powerful than those of in the surrounding villages and villas, but it is also likely that it spread more extensively in the southern half of Valeria than in the North. It is also certain that the Christian community of Sopianae was led by bishops, since all major towns had bishops, and Sopianae certainly was one of them. So far, however, no finds came to light to prove this hypothesis. In spite of the many interpretations and research results, the issue of giving up and evacuating Valeria and the Pannonian provinces is still not fully understood, which is mainly due to the small number of sources. The continuous emission of coins discontinued with the death of Theodosius (395), but due to the ongoing wars the mint of Siscia supplying the region was closed as early as in 388. Earlier, the cessation of the emission of coins had been interpreted as the end of the Roman rule, and giving up the province of Valeria to the Huns was dated to the end of the 4th century. Later research date the event to around 420–430, adding that the province was transferred gradually, in several steps, and within the process, the withdrawal and termination of the army and the troops, the state administration, and a partial migration of the civilian population should be distinguished. An ever declining Roman life must therefore considered in Sopianae during these last decades. It is known that in 405, when a huge barbarian crowd marched through rampaging Pannonia province led by Radagaisus, the inhabitants of the province fled in masses, and they were trying to find a safer home for themselves in Italy. During these years, a part of the population of Sopianae, certainly the wealthy, joined the refugees, as it is indirectly testified by the Roman respect for the stonemasons suffered martyrdom near Sirmium in Pannonia. It is unquestionable that part of the upper class population of the province, the towns and Sopianae fled the region, but it did not mean the complete evacuation or abandonment of Sopianae at all. It must be taken into consideration that the middle and lower classes remained in the province for the defence of the still existing borders. There is little doubt that until the official handover of Valeria the maintenance of the provincial governor’s office and administration, together with the activity of the local officials have to be reckoned with. Life ceased gradually in Sopianae at the beginning of the 5th century and during the decades of the Hun’s rule, followed by the assimilation of the rest of the inhabitants in the population coming from the Great Hungarian Plain. The archaeological evidence of this is shown by the appearance of a new, decorative mesh decoration on the burnished pottery vessels, which is found in the graves of later cemeteries still displaying Roman features, and also among the later finds of Roman towns and villas. However, since the Roman administration no longer existed, the way of life had changed inevitably, and consequently, local customs first faded, then disappeared, the production of the Roman-type objects stopped, their place was taken over by new material and spiritual culture. Although the possibility arose many times and was reasoned by many, the survival and continuity of the Roman way of life, essentially disappeared, and a clear evidence of this lies in the fact that the former names of the settlements of Pannonia, except for the names of the major rivers, were not survived north of the Drava as the sequence of traditions came to a break. Sopianae was no exception. The name of the town has been forgotten and nothing more than ruined buildings might have attracted the memory of earlier ages (continuity of ruins). By linguistic analysis of ancient and medieval names of Pécs, József Schwing pointed out that the name Quinque Basilicae appearing in the 9th century and certainly applicable to Pécs must be of earlier origin due to the use of the word basilica. The name might have been given to the town after the five significant cemetery chapels built in the 5th century. Summary 349

V. Burial Rites in Sopianae in the Roman Period Zsuzsa Katona Győr

The largest cemetery of Sopianae, discovered as early as in the 18th century, is situated north-east of the Roman town on the southern slopes of the Mecsek Mountains. According to the dating of the majority of the graves and early Christian buildings unearthed there, the research named the cemetery Late Roman Cemetery, although a significant proportion of the graves are non- Christian, and it was not used exclusively in the late Roman Period. However at the Dóm tér (Cathedral Square) and St. Stephen’s Square, there were buildings and a group of graves that, by their symbols, could be considered early Christian cemetery. As a result of the ever growing number of excavations that have been going on since the early 20th century, today more than one thousand graves and more than two dozens of Roman cemetery buildings are known in the Northern Cemetery of Sopianae. (Fig. 1–3) The southern border of the cemetery was somewhere along the line of Apáca (Geisler Eta) Street, the western side was on St Stephen’s Square, behind the Cathedral, and the northern and eastern edges were around the Széchenyi square. It is remarkable that no graves or any traces of burial, cemetery buildings or even traces of settlement were found on the area of Mátyás Király and Zrínyi Streets. It cannot be ruled out that the town and the cemetery were separated from each other in the Roman era by a deserted lane. During some recent excavations larger parts of cemeteries were unearthed at Kossuth Square and and in Czindery Street. The Northern cemetery of Sopianae occupies a special place among the Pannonian late Roman cemeteries, due to the significant number of early Christian burial chambers, built graves and other cemetery buildings. In the Pannonian cemeteries many burial chambers have been found, but the largest number with early Christian symbols and wall paintings with biblical scenes can be seen only here, in Sopianae. Our Roman ancestors buried their dead in several layers around and between buildings, but sometimes further away from them. The graves can be found in different densities occasionally above each other in most part of the areas specified above, but – based on the present state of research – the buildings seem to be concentrated within two districts of the cemetery. One group is found at Dóm Square, to the south and southeast of the Cathedral, where the buildings were built very close to each other, forming almost lines is certain areas. The graves here are clustered around buildings. A different structure, and a loose arrangement of buildings can be seen along the northern side of Apáca (Geisler Eta) Street and at lower St. Stephen’s Square, where the buildings are more spaced, forming a loose line and follow each other in east-west direction. Interconnected cemeteries with a large number of graves are found among them. On the south-eastern part of Vörösmarty (Székesfehérvár) Street Apáca (Geisler Eta) Street and at Széchenyi Square several larger cemetery sections with over 100 graves were unearthed in a way that there are not any buildings in their immediate vicinity. The burial rites in the cemetery used over a long period are not uniform. Besides the predominantly inhumation burials, few cremation burials also occur in a relatively small area.​​ Earlier few graves suggesting the existence of cremation cemeteries were unearthed at Hal Square and Széchenyi Square. In 2002 in the cemetery of mixed rites but predominantly inhumation, 28 cremation burials were found at the western part of Széchenyi Square, in the courtyard of the Cistercian Nagy Lajos Secondary School. Within the group of graves the cremation graves are not separated from inhumation burials, but found scattered amongst them. The foundations of narrow stone walls of two buildings were also found at the excavations. The walls can be interpreted as remains of a graveyard or built tomb and dated to the late second and early 3rd centuries. In grave 21 a woman’s ashes were buried together with rich grave goods. Based on some of the finds and the rite itself the grave is probably dated to the very end of the 2nd or to the 3rd century. (Fig. 10) By the 4th century, inhumation burials became common. The most common types are the simple earth graves, built stone and brick graves, and their numerous variants. (Fig. 11–13) The brick graves have become very widespread in the 4th century, and they occur in great numbers in most of the Pannonian late Roman cemeteries. The well-built roof-shaped brick-graves with uniform bricks, can be considered as much cheaper, locally manufactured and improvised versions of the stone sarcophagi. Besides the regular and nicely built brick graves in Sopianae there are many, perhaps no exaggeration to say, makeshift graves, made from small stones and pieces of bricks. (Fig. 14) Stone-built graves and stone sarcophagi are less likely to occur in the cemetery, but they were used both inside and outside of the buildings. It is remarkable that the form of double burials when an existing built grave used again, in a way that the former grave was disturbed, occurs only at the sites at 12 St. Stephen’s Square, and at 14 Apáca (Geisler Eta) Street. The analysis of the grave types reveals that there are parts of cemetery, where the rate of brick-graves is very high. The farther one gets from the area of ​​the Cella Septichora, the higher is the proportion of the earth graves. (Fig. 21) It may be possible that the higher number of earth graves in some parts of the cemetery (at the area of Apáca and Vörösmarty Streets, in the cemetery in Kossuth Square and Czindery Street) can be simply explained by the impoverishment of the population. It is more likely, however, that other causes are behind these significant differences, especially, since the study of orientation of the graves came to a similar conclusion. The graves surrounding the Cella Septichora are oriented West-East almost without any exceptions, but at the western part of St. Stephen’s Square – Apáca (Geisler Eta) Street it is also the most common orientation. However in the cemeteries at Kossuth tér and in Czindery Street East-West orientation dominates. (Fig. 19) As far as we know, neither the forms of graves, nor the differences in the orientation offer definitive conclusions, because they are not suitable to separate religious or ethnic groups. However, they undoubtedly show that considerable differences of smaller areas should be expected within the cemetery, which might suggest ethnic or religious differences. The cemeteries on Kossuth square and in Czindery Street should be considered as independent cemeteries, not only geographically but also because they are different from the groups of graves of the northern cemetery in terms of burial rites and orientation. No Roman cemetery buildings, painted tombs or grave goods related to Christians have been found in any of the above mentioned cemetery districts. In the late Roman (northern) cemetery of Sopianae, dozens of buildings were built during the 4th century. Few details are available concerning the burials within the burial chambers because each was found ruined or looted. Inside the tombs the dead were buried in sarcophagi, built tombs, or stone and brick graves dug into the earth. According to the traces of burials survived in the crypts it is clear that at least some of the buildings were not meant only for single use. This raises the issue of safe closing, opening and accessibility of the crypts. The structure and relationship of the North-South oriented crypts and the memorial chapels above them have already been more or less understood. The exact 350 History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

interpretation of the entrance into the chamber, in the absence of previous archaeological observations has not been resolved. However, a few years ago, the excavation of the entrances of burial chambers no. XIX and XX helped to solve this problem. A shaft-like entrance and steps cut into the ground lead to the small vaulted entrance blocked by earth. They were all filled up with earth and stones after each funeral, on the one hand, in order to provide the accessibility of the chapel over the crypts, on the other hand, to ensure that rain water could not get into the crypt. Few gravestones were found only in the cemetery of Sopianae. Some of them can be dated to the early Roman Period, i.e. 1–2 century. The rite of erecting gravestones and the use of sarcophagi culminated in the 2–3 centuries. The late Roman period saw a reduction in the number of gravestones, their ornaments became poorer or disappeared entirely, and in many cases it was limited only to the inscription. In the early Roman cemeteries the use of ornamented, carved sarcophagi standing above the ground was widespread. In Sopianae the use of ornamented and simple stone sarcophagi cannot be considered common even in burial chambers, and their occurrence outside the buildings is even less frequent. Compared to those of the larger towns of Pannonia, the number of stone finds unearthed in Sopianae is low, while the number of sarcophagi is extremely low. The primary reason for this may be that in Sopianae the vast majority of the burials dated to the period when neither the erection of gravestones nor sarcophagi burials was common practice. The topographic studies of inscribed gravestones reveal that the town’s early cemetery from the period preceding early Christianity must be found somewhere in the north of the current line of Ferencesek Street, north-north-east of the Roman town. This hypothesis is supported by the known stone monuments and sarcophagi from 1–2 century. In the late Roman period the custom of giving grave goods to graves become quite uniform. Certain types of objects occur in high number at some places such as glass objects in Sopianae. Adding grave goods was a common practice in the late Roman period although the increase in the number of late Roman graves without grave goods by the end of the late Roman period is quite striking. The lack of grave goods can be explained by both the gradual spread of Christianity and the impoverishment of the population. The most common grave goods of women graves are jewellery, rings, bracelets, earrings, beads, and “accessories” such as hairpins, and hair ornaments. (Fig. 26, 28) Textiles are rare, and so are the remains of shrouds. The cross bow brooches usually made ​​of bronze, and other brooches are typical grave goods of male graves province-wide. In general, they were found next to the upper body, around the shoulder or between the shoulder of the skeleton and sides of the grave, i.e., where the upper body clothes were clipped with them. By 4th century, their use has become widespread, they are found not only in graves of soldiers, but also in those of young boys’. The accessories of belts, belt buckles and fittings are frequently found around the waist, but sometimes they occur in the corner of graves. (Fig. 29) The pottery vessels and glass grave goods containing food and drinks for the dead occur in the graves of women, men and children alike. (Fig. 34–35) In the late Roman period the number of glass grave goods increase not only in Sopianae but also in other cemeteries of Pannonia. On the one hand, the decorative glassware of high technical level, on the other hand, the number of low quality locally made thin-walled bottles was also on the rise. The glass findings include the drinking glasses of great artistic quality and sophisticated technique, cut and polished objects depicting scenes, and inscribed bottles as well. Besides the glass vessels, ceramic items were also put into the grave in order to store food and drink. The most common objects found in graves include jugs and jars, cups, bowls and pots. Besides the plain, undecorated gray and yellowish-brown pottery, the glazed vessels represent a higher quality, however, they were not artistic ceramics either. It is likely that in Sopianae there was a pottery district as early as in the 2nd century that provided the ceramic objects needed for the everyday life of the town and required by burial customs. On the area of the cemetery and the town hundreds of bronze and more rarely silver coins were found sporadically or at excavations of graves and in the different layers of the settlement. Coin finds dated to 1st-2nd centuries are very rare. Use of coins considerably grew by the middle of the 3rd century, under Gallienus, and it definitely refers to a change resulted in prosperity, and, consequently, the role of the town within the province became more important. The number of coins from the mid 3rd century increased in the cemetery, and the appearance of larger amounts of coins can be observed only after the first quarter of the 4th century. The highest peak can be observed from 351 to 361. Use of coins ceased at the end of 370, not only in Sopianae, but province-wide. The largest contiguous group of monuments is represented by the architectural finds related to early Christians of is the Pannonian archaeological material excavated in Sopanae and its cemetery. Compared to the number of buildings of Sopianae, the number of early Christian graves with grave goods, and objects decorated with Christian symbols is quite low. The most common symbol of Christianity, i.e. the Christogram occur not only on architectural elements, murals and mosaics, but on everyday objects (e.g. lamp hangers, lamps) and jewellery (rings, earrings) as well. The monogram of Christ, was not used exclusively by the early Christians. It was in use before the spread of Christianity, and there is a proof that it was still in use by the pagans even as late as in the 4th century, because, as the state religion symbol even then played a role. In the post-Constantine era, however, it is considered as a prominent Christian symbol. A pair of pendants with Christogram made of silver-plated bronze was found in 1982 in grave no. 4 in the cemetery at 3, Székesfehérvár (Vörösmarty) Street. (Fig. 37) Amongst the 3rd century immigrants from Syria and Asia Minor, there were also Jews, some of whom settled down in Pannonian towns. Later in the Pannonian diasporas expanded in other settlements as well. According to the few finds of Pannonia the existence of an independent Jewish cemetery cannot be assumed. So far only two graves could be considered Jewish burial. In 1976 in Dombóvár a grave was unearthed considered Jewish by the amulet decorated with menorah (seven branched candelabra). In 1982 a glass ring also with menorah decoration was found in the grave of a young Jewish woman at the site at 3. Székesfehérvár (Vörösmarty) Street. (Fig. 38) We can assume that the personal objects with religious symbols found in graves had their significance and represented the religion of the deceased. There are a lot of uncertainties in the identification of the late Roman archaeological finds offoederati ethnic groups. According to the current state of research, neither by the orientation nor the finds enables us to separate different ethnic groups within Sopianae’s cemetery. As for the iron knives, iron spindles of distaffs and other iron objects occurring in male and female graves, their occurrence has proved to be far too common and widespread to suggest associations to any foreign ethnicity. It is not for sure that they can be associated with forced settlement, but some metal-banded wooden buckets may have got to late Roman graves by Germanic influence. Towards the end of the 4th century, not only brief settlements of Barbarians have to be taken into consideration at the areas close to the border, but possibly internal migration as well, just because of the presence of the barbarian threat. In the 4th century not only its role in the public administration, but also the nearby settlement of Christians may have also contributed to the rise and prosperity of Sopianae. Summary 351

The security offered by the walled town could have attracted the population of surrounding communities. The inhabitants of rural settlements, small villages and villas, more exposed to the Barbarian’s threat and more difficult to defend, tried to find refuge within the walls of the town, on the one hand to escape from the threat, the other hand, due to falling into poverty. Alice Burger raised this possibility first, based on the analysis of the money circulation, because the exchange and circulation of coins increased in Sopianae just the same time when it ceased to exist in the nearby settlements concerned. The settlement of the population from the surrounding area would explain an interesting phenomenon: the size of the town became smaller in the late Roman period, however, the number of inhabitants grew. The increased number of graves in the cemetery and the need for opening new cemeteries (Kossuth Square, Czindery Street) prove this hypothesis. At the turn of the 4th and 5th century, due to the frequent Barbarian invasions, even the walled town was not safe enough. The town’s inhabitants fled mainly to the southern provinces, and Italy, which lead to the town’s rapid decline and depopulation. The existence and location of cemetery, however, still not became completely forgotten, a certain degree of continuity can be observed even with the burials.

VI. Buildings of the Late Roman Cemetery of Sopianae Olivér Gábor

This chapter addresses the history of Pécs in Roman times, with a special focus on the most famous monuments, the cemetery buildings from the 4th and 5th centuries. There is also an up to date research and literature review in this article. In the late Roman Period Sopianae’s population gradually converted to the Christian faith. The entire cemetery cannot be considered Christian, because occasionally pagan graves came to light alongside early Christian burials, while other graves are indicating a transition from one faith to another. However, it could be possibly said that the north-western part of the cemetery (now the Szt. István Square and the surrounding area) was almost exclusively used by early Christians during the 4th century and the first decades of the 5th century. The majority of the known cemetery buildings were unearthed here. These, along with their murals provide us with an unmistakable evidence of the appearance of the new religion. The cemetery of Pécs, was a so-called “sub divo”, horizontal (i.e. surface) cemetery. It was not a catacomb. The burial chambers were not connected to each other by corridors, each burial chamber had its own separate entrance. The buildings can be divided into four major groups: 1. surface buildings, 2. underground buildings, 3. two-storey buildings (most of the burial buildings found in Pécs belong to this group), 4. buildings, that were deepened into the ground. Each type of building had its own purpose. The dead were laid to rest in the in the crypt, the underground part of the building. The same applies to the buildings that were deepened into the ground. The above-ground parts of the buildings (cellae memoriae) were dedicated to the family members, relatives and friends of the dead and served as places of private family commemorations. The surface buildings were different in size and unfortunately in most cases only their foundations have survived. The smallest were more or less just bigger tombs. Only a few people could gather in them on family occasions when they remembered the dead, just like it used to happen in pagan times. However, the larger ones, where many Christian rituals were carried out were built for accommodating Christian congregations, in spite of the fact that the usual place of worships and the Eucharist service remained in the churches of the town. The underground parts of the buildings were preserved in better condition in the earth. Our archaeological heritage –now recognised as a World Heritage site – has been made famous by the wall paintings found in them. These paintings never intended to entertain visitors. In accordance with Christian doctrine all of their symbols and Biblical scenes were referring to the afterlife, i.e. to the Paradise. They depicted heaven and the road leading to it where, according to the early Christian belief, the dead arrived, and the living longed to be. And the road was nothing else than Jesus himself and the true Christian faith. Finally, while searching for remains of contemporary saints, three cemetery buildings are worth mentioning: At the northern end of the Peter- Paul Burial Chamber a small niche (fenestella) was found where the relics of a martyrs may have been kept. There are several pieces of evidence suggesting that the grave in Burial Chamber No. V. may have held the bones of a martyr. However no remains of a martyr were found in the Early Christian Mausoleum (Burial Chamber XXXIII), it may have been a final resting place of a Confessor Bishop. The early Christian buildings and paintings of the cemetery from Late Antiquity are shown to visitors at their original sites.

VII. History of Pécs from the End of the Roman Period until the Arrival of the Avars Olivér Gábor

This chapter addresses the almost one and a half century after the end of the Roman period. The beginning of the Migration Period was one of the most turbulent periods in the history of both Pécs and Hungary. Subsequent waves of people migrating from the East were drifted here rapidly and replaced each other very quickly. Their short presence left us with a relatively small number of archaeological finds, which are mainly known from their cemeteries and graves. The rule of the Huns lasted from the 430s to 454. They took over a probably purposely evacuated province from the Romans. The Huns were awaited here only by an impoverished class of the Romanized population. The Roman cemeteries remained in occasional use for a while, but those Christians who turned up in the vicinity of Pécs and Keszthely in the Avar period were actually descendants of Byzantine prisoners of war. 352 History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

In that part of Pannonia that was actually occupied by the vassals of the Huns the occurrence of genuine Hun artefacts are very scarce. While Attila’s town and palace remained on the Great Hungarian Plain, the Germanic people preferred to move into the still-standing houses and villas in Pannonia. No new stone buildings were built here. After the death of Attila, the Gepids and their allies defeated the Huns by the River Nedao in 454 and their remnants left the Carpathian Basin. The new rulers of South Transdanubia, the Ostrogoths arrived in 456, and forced Avitus – the last Roman emperor who visited Pannonia – eventually out of the province. They were lead by the three, so-called “Amalfi” brothers. One of them, Thiudimer, settled down in the Mecsek area. In a rather war-stricken Gothic period, the men fell in wars far away from home. That explains why are the Gothic graves, unearthed around Pécs, dominated by the presence of mostly feminine Gothic jewellery. In 471, however, the Goths left our country. Little is known about the time of the power vacuum they left behind. The Longobards were the next Germanic people that moved into this territory. From their surviving Chronicles we managed to learn not only about their history, but the rather complicated relationships of their ruling dynasties. Lead by king Wacho, they invaded South-Transdanubia in the forties of the sixth century. They were permanently engaged in conflicts with Byzantium and the Gepids. In 568, however, it was eventually their own allies the Avars, who forced them, along with Gepid refugees, to relocate to Italy, just like it happened to the Goths sometime earlier, although for other reasons. Lombardy was given its name after them. The majority of the archaeological remains of the Longobards are grave goods, but due to the extreme depth of their graves, it is hard to find them. Some groups of the Gepids and Longobards stayed here, and lived through the Avar period. Germanic types of artefacts still occur in the Avar cemeteries.

VIII. The History of Pécs from the Avar Period until the Foundation of the Hungarian State Andrea Vaday

Pécs in the Avar Period

Pannonia province first fell into the hands of the Huns, then of the Gepid and Longobard tribes, and finally of the Avars. In the geopolitical environment, fundamentally determining the occupation of the Transdanubian area, the Danube and Drava rivers provided a natural line of defence, rivers and stream valleys of County Baranya, the lands dissected by plains and low hills were suitable for both grazing and farming. Initially, the archaeological research was confined to the cemeteries. By 1956, Dezső Csallány collected as many as1100 sites, while in 1987 István Bóna estimated that the number of known burials can be approximately 35–40,000. According to the ADAM program ended in 1993 and yielding more accurate data, the number of graves exceeded sixty thousand at 2475 different sites. What is more interesting, details of 1068 settlements became known as well (Fig. 1). After the change of the political regime, until 2010, primarily during the excavations preceding large constructions, the number of settlements and cemeteries has dramatically increased (Fig. 2). In County Baranya the first Avar finds were found in 1887, then research launched in the beginning of the 20th century began to outline the archaeological profile of the Avars in the region. Following the excavations by Arnold Marosi, János Dombay, László Papp, and Valéria Kovács it was Ágnes Cs. Sós, Éva Garam and Attilla Kiss whose names were associated with regular and proper cemetery excavations and publications. These continued after the change of the political regime by the fellow researchers of the Janus Pannonius Museum of Pécs and many other professionals. The county was not researched evenly, the sites are concentrated around Pécs and in the eastern part of the county, outlining the actual collecting area of the Janus Pannonius Museum (Fig. 4). There are many ancient sources about the Avars – especially their wars – but the authors of the reports were influenced by their own ethnicity, and the current political interests. Their history was determined by the fear of the Göktürks who became stronger in Central Asia and started expanding westwards. In the second half of the 6th century they had been in contact with the Byzantine Empire, which exerted a strong influence on their culture as well. Their foreign policy was determined by their search for a home country, their expansion efforts, acquisition strategy and demand for prey. Their allied relations changed almost every year, the concluded “eternal military covenants” did not prove to be long-lived in most cases. The annuity received from Byzantium hallmarks the “golden age” of the Avar archaeological material. Under the leadership of their strong khagan, Bajan, in alliance with the Longobards they put an end to the Gepids’ rule in the Carpathian Basin. In 568, the Longobards fled to Italy in fear of their former ally. Thus, the Khaganate, as the leading political power in the Carpathian Basin, managed to take Transdanubia under their rule effortlessly. They either made peace with Byzantium, or there were fights between them​​. After the occupation of Singidunum and Sirmium they invaded the Balkans, looted, and took prisoners of war. Byzantium, however, after finishing its eastern wars, turned against the Avars in 601, beating the khaganic army on their own area. After a brief period of peace the Avar War began, ending with the victory of Byzantine at Constantinople and, as a consequence, the annuity paid to the Avars ceased. From that time on the political power of the Avars covered only those areas of the Carpathian Basin which had Avar population. In the last third of the 7th century another group of people, fleeing from the East, appeared on the eastern areas, and the expansion of the newly established Khazar Empire changed the political picture. The military inspirations of the Khaganate turned towards the west and north, extending their boundaries as far as the river Enns, while on the north they crossed the line of the Roman/Sarmatian ditches stretching along the Great Hungarian Plain. In the time of Charlemagne the duchies of Frankish Empire had common borders with the Khaganate, thus during their fights the Avars encountered strong and dangerous resistance. The Frankish campaigns in 791 and 796 and finally in 803 proved to be fatal to the Avars, who in the 90’s had been also weakened by internal fights. Some of them joined the Bulgarian army as mercenaries, while others settled down in the West, in the client Avar state of Charlemagne, created in 805. Summary 353

After the early migration the number of mixed populations decreased, but Transdanubia did not become depopulated, a part of its population could live through the period of Avar conquest. The south-eastern Transdanubian region, protected by the Danube and Drava rivers and its marshes, were sparsely populated by the Avars, however it was particularly important strategic territory. The first Khaganic and chieftain centres could have developed during the fights, partly on thestrategic border areas, and partly in better protected inner regions. The assimilated allied auxiliary people, forced to assist in military efforts, were settled down here amongst the local population and under the supervision of Avar leaders. Heterogeneous ethnic composition is confirmed by the objects related to different groups of people: Longobard brooches, buckles, bells, combs (Fig. 5), Gepid jewellery and fashion items, combat and defensive weapons, vessels (Fig. 6) and east Slavic style plate jewellery. The Italian folding chairs, decorated with gold-inlay, and some of the bronze and clay pots could get there by donations and from booty. Some of them served as supply for the army, while others found their ways to the Khagan’s treasury. Byzantine gold coins appeared in the graves in Pécs and Baranya as well (Fig. 7). Written sources on the Avars’ “pagan”, “barbaric” and “godless” faith are scarce. Their representations of beliefs and objects show much in common with shamanism. In the graves different protective/guarding talismans, bull, rabbit bones, bird bones and claws hanging around the neck, miniature tools, pierced discs, rattles can also be found (Fig. 10). The animal figures of the animal-fight scenes – the totem animals of tribes – can refer to the tribal struggles of past times. The fabulous animal, the character of the winged, bird-headed, lion-bodied griffin also survived in the Avar decorative art, as well as on strap ends and belt mounts (Fig. 8). The legacy of the ancient world on the Avar objects is the so-called “Tree of Life or World Tree”, flanked symmetrically by open-mouth animals on either sides or without them (Fig. 9). For the first time they met the Christian world at Byzantium’s borders. During their conquests they took several Christian prisoners of war and subjugated fragments of tribes drifted or settled down with them. It remains unknown, however, when was the nomadic religion pushed into the background and to what extent by the spread of Christianity. The grave finds of the settled peoples, including the Gepids, some of whom converted to Arian Christianity, indicating the Christian faith of the deceased, while other grave finds still preserve the memories of the earlier Germanic faith (Fig. 11). In the late Avar period the aggressive missionary work was an important political tool of the Frankish politics. The sporadic earlier items with Christian symbols unearthed – mostly of Byzantine origin – do not attest that the Avar communities actually practicedthe religion, but, including the artefacts from the area of ​​Pécs, they could be related to the surviving or settled Christian Germanic people (Figs. 12–13) and the Slavs. A different group of finds is constituted by the so-called “box-fibulae” unearthed in Transdanubia, near Keszthely and in County Baranya. The latter also raises the issue of the religion of the deceased. Endre Tóth considered them the evidence of Christianity, while Falko Daim assumed that they were pilgrim relics. (Figs. 14–17) As the construction of Pécs has been going on for many centuries now only few traces – like little mosaic pieces – survived from the late Migration Period. The ruins of Sopianae were not suitable for habitation, however, many sites around the town refers to the importance of the area and the nearby villages (Fig. 18). The Avars tended to rob the graves of even their own wealthy people. They dug down to the skeleton from above towards the head and waist, knowing exactly where the jewellery and belt were in the grave. From this it was concluded not only that the graves were marked on the surface with some kind of sign that reflected to the social status and sex of the buried but it also proved that the grave robbers were the Avars themselves. In County Baranya burials of the local leaders of the various groups are known from the early, smaller cemeteries consisting of groups of graves, where sometimes the different groups are found quite far away from each other. In the late period these were replaced by rows of graves in the cemeteries with a high number of graves. The ancient, Asian traditions taken from the Eeast survived in the funerary rites. The swords, detached from the belt and quivers were placed next, the strung bow were placed above or beside the dead, sometimes the belt was unbuckled as well. Besides adding obols (coins) it appeared to be a widespread custom to put food and drink into the grave for the last journey of the dead. Although the contents of the vessels are rarely survived, the unearthed bones of cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, poultry, and eggs indicate the ritual practices. The bodies were carried to the cemetery on a wooden carrier or a ​​handbarrow made especially for this purpose. During the ritual, horses demonstrating the social status of the dead, the cattle and sheep suggesting his wealth, were coshed here, while the animals meant to be eaten at the funeral feast could have also slaughtered during the ceremony and prepared at outdoor fires. The food was partly eaten by the mourners at the feast, while the rest was placed next to the dead, who – according to the cult of the ancestors’ respect – remained the members of the community even after their death. The Avar graves have a wide variety of forms. The most common ones are simple pit graves. In the graves of wooden construction, or different pile structures, rested the dead covered in tomb shroud or placed in carpentered coffins or wooden boxes reinforced with iron clamps. The family members deceased at the same time were sometimes buried in the same grave. Concerning time and space, there are a number of variations in the horse burials. They buried their warriors together with their horses or in separate pit graves close to each other, with one or more horses with trappings or without. Occasionally, the graves were just symbolic, containing only the trappings (Fig. 19). The graves of armed warriors with their horses found in public cemeteries of Pécs Köztemető and Kővágószőlős emphasize the military importance of the town and its surroundings as well. The clothing of the Avars can be reconstructed with the help of the the grave finds. Men occasionally wore ornamented, metal mounted headbands and earrings. Wearing of two leather belts was a common practice. The less decorated one held the trousers, while the more ornate, mount-ornamented belt held the garments, and secured the sword suspension as well. The ends of the bigger and smaller belts and additional straps were decorated with different mounts. A tamga (sign of nationality) scraped on one of the belt buckles found in Pécs refers to the eastern origin of its owner (Fig. 20). Along with the belts made by Avars, Byzantine artefacts occur as well (Fig. 21). It was also typical to wear gold-inlaid Merovingian belt mounts and strap ends decorated with iron (Fig. 22). These may be originated from trade or looting. The leather or textile purses with bone or buckle clasps were from attached to the belt (Fig. 23). Women typically wore jewellery. They wore many different head and hair ornaments, hair nets decorated with small metal tubes, wide headbands adorned with small metal sheet pendants or other different mounts. They also wore tiaras, hair jewellery 354 History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

set behind a bun made of attached tiny metal plates (Fig. 24). The hair jewellery and earrings were attached to the head-dresses by metal chains or a string of beads (Fig. 25). The hair net or veil was clipped to their hair by hairpins (Fig. 26). Earrings of different types occur in the graves (Fig. 27). Women and girls wore metal neckbands, from which sometimes talisman holders were suspended. Their many types of necklaces were made ​​of beads of different shapes, and sometimes supplemented with plates (Fig. 28). Among their bracelets the flaring silver bracelets with stamped decoration represents an outstanding quality (Fig. 29). Simple band-rings, shield-headed rings, Byzantine stone rings were also found. The outer dresses were held together by leather or textile belts with or without buckles. A chain often hung on the belt with a variety of suspensions. They could have worn soft-sole leather shoes, and short boots. The armament of the Avars in the early period preserved the elements of the ancient equestrian nomadic heritage. During the westward migration, however, to both their strategy and their weaponry were extended by new elements. The nucleus of their army was made of the armoured heavy cavalry of the upper classes. Their light cavalry and their infantry were constituted by their auxiliary people. The hand-to-hand combat weapons were the spear, broadsword or sabre, long and short double- edged sword, single-edged sword or long battle-knife and battle axe. The most formidable weapon was the bow. Their saddles were made ​​of wood with leather covers, the pommels were sometimes decorated with bone mountings. Their noble warriors wore sheets stapled or lamellar shingled armour (Fig. 32). Later the chain armour became more common (Fig. 33). Parts of armour were considered as symbolic weapon addition to graves of men. Belonging to the family of a distinguished warrior was indicated by pieces of armour and arrow or lances found in graves of women and children. The form of their helmet is preserved in the portrayal of the prince with a flag in the treasure of Nagyszentmiklós (Fig. 33) with a helmet different from Byzantine, Lombard and western styles. In the warrior graves of the Gepid auxiliary units of the Avars, metal shield-bosses occur. The Avars dreaded long distance weapon was the eastern nomadic bone mounted, rigid-corn reflexive bow (Fig. 34), which was used both in combat and hunting, modifying the tip of the arrows as desired (Fig. 35). The quivers were made of leather or wood covered with leather, which were strengthened with metal mounts (Fig. 36). In addition to the long-handled jabbing spear, a short-handled javelin was used as well. (Fig. 38) In Baranya ring reinforced spear tips were found dated to the 7th century (Fig. 37). Examples of the rhombus-shaped spears pierced on both sides appeared in the late Avar-age. Spears were also used for marking the graves as a grave sign stuck into the grave by their handles. The long, two-edged swords had primary importance during infantry battles, while the later long or short and lighter single- edged swords could be used by riders as well. The swords were carried in suspended wooden sheaths (Fig. 39). The short or long single-edged dagger-sword appeared in the late Avar period. In some graves with swords, spears, arrows, bows can occur in various combinations to indicate the wearer’s social status or their ranks within the military aristocracy, and their wealth. Battle axes occur from the early Avar age (Tab. 1, Fig. 40). The personal image of the individuals was provided by graves. It is completed by the finds of the settlements shedding light on the everyday lives of communities. The headquarters and treasury of the Khagan was surrounded, according to Frankish sources – a palisade-ditch structure – the Avar ring system, but the ring also served for military protection of tribal areas of dwelling. Early dwellings hardly have any surviving archaeological traces. In the period of settlement, besides keeping livestock, farming had a greater role, which obviously led to the formation of permanent settlements. The number of villages doubled by the last third of the 7th century, suggested by newer cemeteries still used in 8th and 9th centuries. Some graves found in Pécs and its vicinity suggest the presence of the Avars. Their houses were small, rectangular buildings. Their thatched or hay-covered roofs were held by vertical dug-in wooden beams with or without plastering. The furnaces, adjustedto the prevailing wind direction, used for heating and cooking and were usually built of stones. As for their pottery art, cemeteries and sites provide a comprehensive picture: 98–99% of archaeological finds is made up of pots, or fragments of vessels. Some of them are hand-made ​​(Fig. 41), but both slow, (hand-turned) and fast, (foot-kicked) wheels were used as well. In addition, a less common technique was applied, too: the edges of the handmade pots were touched up by wheel. Some of their pottery decorated by using combs (Fig. 42), pressing, or scratching suggests the survival of eastern traditions (Fig. 43). After the settlement of the Avars, the horse and cattle population of nomadic herdsmen – known from early Avar graves – were expanded by pig, sheep, goat and poultry keeping. Besides the unearthed bells, sheep shearing scissors, iron ploughs, digging-hoes, sickles, grind stones attest of keeping livestock and pursuing agriculture. The meat and milk provided food, the skin and wool were used for clothing, while bones were used for making various tools, objects and decorations in the villages. According to hatchets, axes, pulling knives, and wood-hollowers and other tools found, woodworking was also included in their daily lives. The Avars were advanced in metalwork, as it is proven by the tools found in the graves of goldsmiths and blacksmiths. Although fishing was pursued as well, the warriors of the cemeteries in Kölked could have used the harpoons and hooks as weapons as well (Tab. 2). In addition to childcare and domestic tasks, women were responsible for swingling, spinning, (Fig. 44) weaving hemp and flax, and sewing of clothing, for which they used iron needles. These were held in bone needle holders and wornaround their neck or on their belts. Both men and women could have used se hair clips. The jars made of antler were used for holding powders or ointments for the remedy of injuries (Fig. 46). The archaeological heritage of the Avars have not disappeared without a trace, it was related to the new populations, including the Hungarians, arriving from the East into the Carpathian Basin by multiple links.

Pécs during the Hungarian Conquest

The literature regarding the origin, language, historical data and interpretation of archaeological finds of the Magyars could fill a whole library. In the relevant archaeological works, beside the ancient, eastern steppe traditions both the intellectual culture and influence of assimilated fragments of peoples and neighbouring empires during migrations appear as well. Over time, research backed by various ideological and political backgrounds gave different shades to it, both in Hungary and in the neighbouring countries. Summary 355

By the mid-20th century 22 conquest and early Árpád-era graves and cemeteries were registered in the Carpathian Basin, which is only 2% of the entire archaeological material from that era in the Central Danube Basin. Among the sites of County Baranya (Fig. 47) the fully excavated cemetery of Majs stands out. The 10th and 11th century sites show a similar picture to that of the Avars’, also referring to a similar colonization practices. From the 11th century on, the number of villages and churches – therefore also the number of the cemeteries surrounding the churches – increased significantly, only during the Mongol invasion and the Turkish occupation were some of them destroyed. The linguistic research places the original home of the conquering Magyars to central and western regions of the Kama River and the Ural Mountains, the territory inhabited by the Ugrians. During their south and south-western migration from here, around the middle of the first millennium, the ancestors of the Hungarians had further new influence by arriving to the neighbourhood of Iranian, Turkish and Bulgarian-speaking semi-nomadic peoples. Later they migrated to Levedia, then Etelköz, the area between Lower Danube and Don rivers and next to the Khazar Empire (Fig. 48). A loose confederation of tribes led by chiefs was replaced by the influence of the Khazars, a system of double kingdom, under where beside the main ruler, the sacred king, a second king was the highest military person in power in the hierarchy. In Etelköz they got near Byzantium and Bulgarian Empire, hostile to the latter. The troubled historical events refer to both the struggles with the former two empires and, according to the written sources, to the launch of the 43 Hungarian predatory military campaigns. The Pecheneg threat and the Byzantine-Bulgarian pressure could both play a role in making the tribes look for a new area of dwelling, turning towards west between the southern (Byzantine and Bulgarian) and the northern (Slav) power zone, into the region of Carpathian basin bordered by Bulgarian and Moravian-Frankish power circles. The first stage of the conquest launched from 894–895 was the area of ​​Transylvania through the Eastern Carpathian passes then they occupied the Upper Tisza region. During their campaign they reached as far as to the the Danube and Hron rivers. However, further expansion was prevented by the Eastern Frankish and the Moravian Empires. Adapting to the new local power relations they took advantage of the rivalry between the East Frankish king Arnulf and the Italian king, Berengar. By the encouragement of Arnulf, they invaded northern Italy, where on 24 September 899 by the river Brenta they defeated Berengar’s Lombard army which outnumbered them three (!) times. The forthcoming historical events were characterized by winning and losing battles, making peace and forming alliances. During the predatory campaigns their armies rampaged through Italy, the Frank Empire and got as far as the Atlantic. The secret of their military success in Europe lay partly in their unusual manner of warfare. They suffered the first major defeat on 15 March 933 at Merseburg, but it did not end the further plundering campaigns. Just the 10 August 955 defeat at the Lech battle-field, near Augsburg put an end to the Hungarian raids on the West. Then they made their way towards east, to Byzantium, and during the war events between 959 and 961 they even attacked Constantinople, moreover in 968 the Hungarian troops got as far as Thessaloniki. The decisive victory by the Byzantine army over the allied Hungarian-Bulgarian-Pecheneg-Rus troops, however, marked the end of the adventurous conquests of the Magyars. Recognising the advantages of the Hungarian manner of warfare and the defeats suffered at the west and the east ended the plundering campaigns, greatly contributed to the transformation of the image of domestic politics in the Carpathian Basin. The profile of the nomadic Hungarian tribe-alliance, which, over time, was enriched by structural division of clans had been transformed by the 10th century. The society was based on clans, and the former subordinated relationship of main nomadic tribes and allied tribes had changed. The chiefs who got their wealth from the plundering expeditions possessed of the same rank as the prince. The chiefs with their large number of military escort (milites) and high-ranking officials (nobiles), torn the formerly unified principality into different zones of power. It was prince Géza, and then his son I (Saint) István who had to find solution to the domestic and foreign political problems. The suppression of pagan warlords, conversion to western Christianity, reinforcing German relations through marriage and the settlement of territorial disputes all served this purpose. The preparation and implementation of the foundation of a Hungarian Christian state is a new chapter in the history of Hungarians. Byzantine, Arab and Western sources, all describe the conquering Hungarians nomadic way of life, which was reflected in the archaeological finds. However in the climate of the Carpathian basin it would not have been necessary wandering on horizontal plains in order the change the pastures according to the shifts of seasons, but the lack of early settlements suggest that changes in their lifestyle were not made ​​immediately upon occupying their new home. Besides horses they bred sheep and pigs as well. Their livestock also determined the location of their temporary tent camps, i.e. by rivers and lakes for watering. Their archaeological traces, however, did not survive. The ruins of the Roman Pécs, just like in the case of the Avars, did not provide the opportunity for settling down for the Magyars, but the neighbouring territories had been offering land for dwellings The plains and hills were inhabited by the Magyars, while the assimilated and conquered populations primarily lived in the mountainous regions. The nomadic habits and the outdoor animal farming both contributed to the fact that summer and winter dwellings are recorded even as late as in the middle 12th century. From the cemeteries with high number of graves in County Baranya, only the fully excavated 1130 graves of the Majs cemetery, used between 970–1100 suggests the magnitude and population of the settlement. During many excavations the early Árpád-era villages, houses, outdoor fire places, furnaces, ditches with different functions, wells, storage pits and waste pits have been unearthed. The walls of small, rural, and partially subterranean houses were plastered with clay, were held by wood piles their thatched or twig roof overhung the size of the house in the ground, increasing the useful floor area of​​houses thereby. The vaulted or stone-built ovens were built by taking the prevailing wind direction into account. Due to their pasture-changing life style, initially, their agriculture was confined to growing only the fast ripening millet. Only later, in the period of permanent settlement, they started sowing long ripening grain, hay, while the mention of livestock suggests the appearance of stable animal farming. Their important source of income was the spoils of war and the taxes they were paid for the token of peace by the defeated and the peoples next to their border. The Arab, Byzantine and western European coins found in graves refer to war events, and less commonly to trade. The coins placed into the dead’s mouth or hands may have been obols, while pierced coins were used for women as jewellery or dress ornaments, for more prominent men, doing military service, they were decoration on clothing, shoes, and trappings. The treasure containing silver coin, tiny metal sheet, 3 gold coins, 23 pieces of hair rings with “S”-shaped ends, a gold ring, two gold plates, and a pot fragment decorated with incised wavy lines unearthed during excavation at Nagyharsány quarry in 356 History of Pécs from Prehistoric Times until the Foundation of the Bishopric

1968 has great importance. Based on the denarius of Bishop Bruno of Augsburg, the treasures were probably hidden sometime after 1006. The 44 coins made by pile and trussell bear high significance because their pictures framed by beads both on the front and back and their circular signs attest the coinage of the Kingdom of Hungary in the 11th century (Fig. 49). The preserved remains of shreds found amongst grave findgs suggest the material of their – made of flax or hemp-woven fabric, leather, or felt. The reconstruction of conquest-era costumes – after the decisive work by Gyula László – were completed according to the mountings found in great number in new cemetery excavations on tiaras, hats, collars, borders of short kaftans and belts holding items of garment alike (Fig. 50). The prominent men wore pointed felt or leather hat with metal mounts, while common people wore canvas hat in summer and fur-edged leather hat in winter. The women wore tiaras – sometimes divided into segments – decorated with discs and pendants over their forehead. They wreathed beads, rings, sea shells, pierced coins in their hair. The discs in the hair plaits of the richer Hungarians were ornamented by the characteristic motifs of decorative art, the tree of life, palmette and figures of mythical animals (Fig. 51). The men tucked the loose legs of their trousers into their leather boots, while women into their soft- sole metal-mounted footwear. Beside their mount-ornamented belt the social status of the free men were also reflected in the decorated trappings. The sword, knife, and mounted purse hanging on a leather strap used for holding tinderbox, a striking iron, flint and tinder. Simple hair rings occur in the graves of both the rich and poor regardless of sex and age. Besides the „S-end” hair rings, used even as late as in the 12th century, found in women and children graves, in the conquest and early Árpád-era the spiral-pendant rings are still common, which they wreathed in their tails of hair, unlike the Slavs who wore them like diadem (Fig. 52). A typical feature of the eastern Transdanubian cemeteries of the common people is the late 10th and early 11th century simple pendants made of simple wire, with end-parts twisted back two times like a loop. Beads were worn on necklaces or sewn into neck- pieces of the dresses by rich and poor alike. The leaf-ornamented silver necklaces are less common. The neck bands and torques twisted from metal wire with hook-loop clasp were decorated with rings pulled over them, beads, and pendants, the characteristic type of the latter is the crescent-shaped, simple or decorated half moon shaped pendant the so-called “lunula” (Fig. 53). The common people wore open and closed shield-headed plate rings made of bronze and silver, hollow sphere or four-sphere- headed rings are less commonly occur in their graves, since they were usually worn by more prominent men and women. Their bracelets include both simple and cheap – the most common in the 10th century – and moulded wire bracelets with pointed tip, and plate-bracelets holding together the sleeves. Less frequent are the more expensive and more demanding design types, silver-sheet items with flaring, rounded – inlaid with glass or precious stones – rosette-ended items. Bracelets wreathed from several wires, ending in animal heads were also quite widely-spread (Fig. 54). Chains made ​​of links of various shapes were used as necklace, bracelet, head, and hair braids decoration, but also used for connecting chain earrings. Rarely the chain jewellery necklaces were decorated with heart or leaf-shaped pendants. The bottom hems of the trouser legs and sleeves were held together with silver or bronze bands. The dresses of men, and their weapons placed in the grave, their elaboration all indicated the social status of the deceased. Byzantine, Arab and Western sources all confirm that the strength of the Hungarian army of light cavalry lay in long-range combat weapons and archery. Their riders were armed with swords (saber), hand-held bows and spears worn over the shoulder. Armour protected the nobles’ breasts and the chest of their horses, while their heads were protected by helmets. On a painting in the crypt of the basilica in Aquileia a Hungarian riding warrior is depicted with his reflex bow, turning back in the saddle, wearing a sword on his left with a rounded tip helmet on his head, unlike the hemispherical helmet of the Lombard warriors with a long, flagged lance (Fig. 55). The ornate helmet unearthed in Pécs, a familiar sight in the graves of the 10th and 11th century nobles from northern and eastern Europe, used to belong perhaps to a foreign warrior belonging to the prince’s court, who could have been doing his service at the seasonal winter dwelling of the Prince at Nagyárpád (Fig. 56). The Hungarian military occupation is indicated by the long-range and close combat weapons found at the crossing of paths and close to important strategic crossings. The military equipment was uniform. Weapons unearthed from partial horse burials do not show internal divisions of weaponry. The seized weapons were rarely used, they were mostly melted and new weapons were forged from them. The eastern nomad reflex bow evoked fears from the enemy. The bone plates were attached to the limbs and grip of the bow, which were preserved in graves, together with the mount-ornaments of quivers and several arrow heads of a variety of shapes and functions, just like in case of the Avars. A relatively low number of spears were found at the cemeteries from the conquest period and the Árpád-era. Beside the long-handled thrusting spears, short-handled throwing spears, kept in a lance bucket, were also used. Prince Taksony reorganized the Hungarian army in the mid 10th century. The light cavalry, constituting the greater part of the army, and fighting with weapons brought from the homeland, was completed by armoured units of heavy cavalry recruited from the richer, equipped with new type of weapons, including western-style double-edged swords, spears, battle-axes. Spears and shepherd’s axes found at the cemetery Majsa were also typically used by warriors (Fig. 57). Their warfare was, however, still primarily dominated by archery. The arrival of the western knights, coming to Géza’s court together with the missionaries may have contributed to a shift in the focus of to heavy-weapon cavalry constituted by the Hungarian nobility, the Rus-Russian-born guards and Germanic knights. Weapons placed in graves become less frequent and finally disappeared completely since the Christians no longer followed the pagan tradition of adding grave goods when burying their dead. The conquering Magyars were pagans; according to relevant sources they worshipped the fire, sun, and earth. Traces of totemism appeared in the myths, as well. The burial ​​finds illustrate the conquerors belief in afterlife and their respect for the ancestors. In their world of beliefs the tree of life (the world tree, sky-high tree) plays an important role, connecting the living world with the after-life. Priests (shamans) held the contact between celestial and terrestrial worlds. The broken spear handle found in a grave at Bezdéd refers to the fact that they had been pursuing the practice of weapon destruction. According to the interpretation of relevant research this is explained by the belief of inverted world view or / and the fear of the dead. Food and drink were added to the graves for the final journey of the dead. Superstitious beliefs can explain the jewels decorating the rings and bracelets, which, according to surviving ancient tradition, had beneficial properties. A similar role could have been attributed to the cross, as well. Even after the conversion to Christianity the women, on their necklaces, wore talismans, kauri snails and animals teeth symbolizing fertility (Fig. 58.) Summary 357

Pagan beliefs are reflected in the decorative arts of the conquering Magyars, including the form of a bird with spread wings, dating back to ancient roots, which later became a well-known figure in Hungarian coats of arms. With conversion to Christianity placing “pagan” grave goods to graves gradually disappeared, instead of containers of food and drink, obols are placed into the graves, while talismans are gradually replaced by crosses worn on necklaces (Fig. 59). The image of cemeteries becomes plain, the eastern an Byzantine treasure-motifs disappear, however, their motifs related to Christianity well survived in architecture; in churches and secular buildings alike. In spite of the occupation of areas by the Magyars in County Baranya in the beginning of the 10th century – apart from the sporadic artefacts from Dunaszekcső – so far there has been no known sites where the object or cemetery typology analysis could prove the presence of previous conquering before the 960–970s. Military presence, however, is suggested by the gold- inlaid straight-bladed, double-edged long sword found in Magyarürög and dated to the 10th century, a more intact, and ornate version of which is the artefact found in Szigetvár (?). Unfortunately, the finds referring to the grave of an equestrian warrior unearthed at the excavations in the cellar of 4 Bányász Vértanúk Street, in Pécsszabolcs have gone missing (Fig. 60). The jewels found in the graves excavated in the town centre of Pécs, the hair loops with “S” ends, a half moon shaped metal sheet (lunula) pendants made of poor quality silver, the bronze torques twisted from three wires are not too varied, according to the period (Fig. 61). The transitional period between the era of the conquest and the foundation of the state is characterized by bloody internal struggle. The territory of the Hungarian settlement fragmented to “power divisions” of the Warlords was unified only during the reign of Prince Géza, and King (Saint) Stephen. The importance of the bishopric established in Pécs is highlighted by the fact that the archaeological sites from the 10–11th centuries are more and more frequent in the city and its vicinity (Fig. 62). A címlapon látható fotó a Zsolnay Örökségkezelő Nonprofit Kft. tulajdona (Jogelőd Pécs/Sopianae Örökség Nonprofit Kft.) A felvételt készítette Tám László

A hátlapon Pécs Szabad Királyi Város címere (1780) látható Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Baranya Megyei Levéltára A reprodukciót készítette Pesti András

A belső címlapon a IV. sírkamra fölött talált bronz krisztogram látható Janus Pannonius Múzeum, Pécs A felvételt készítette Füzi István

Angol fordítás: Cserna György Angol nyelvi lektorálás: Katona Győr Zsuzsa

Névmutató, könyv- és borítóterv, nyomdai előkészítés: Erőss Zsolt

Olvasószerkesztő: Radics Melinda

Terjedelem: 32,4 A/5 ív

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