Tafari Makwannen, Héritier Du Trône [Dossier]

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Tafari Makwannen, Héritier Du Trône [Dossier] ANNAI,'RS J>'tnuOPIE ...... ?. Bonacci Giulia (ed). Pouvoir et représentations : Tafari Makwannen, héritier du trône [dossier]. Annales d'Ethiopie. Volume 28, année 2013. pp. 15-238. Annales d'Ethiopie. Volume 28, année 2013. « Pouvoir et représentations : Tafari Makwannen, héritier du trône » 15 - 238 Introduction [liminaire] 15 - 18 Giulia Bonacci Plan Référence bibliographique A New Structure of Power: The Message revealed by the Coronation of Zawditu (1917) [article] 19 - 44 Hanna Rubinkowska Résumés Plan Référence bibliographique Feasting and Political Change: Tafari's Ascent to Power and Early 20th century geber [article] 45 - 67 Izabela Orlowska Résumés Plan Référence bibliographique Le voyage du rās Tafari en Europe (1924) : entre espoirs d’indépendance et réalités coloniales [article] 69 - 116 Boris Monin Résumés Plan Référence bibliographique A Failed State Visit: Letters of Rās Tafari and His Envoy to the German Government in 1924 [article] 117 - 131 Wolbert G.C. Smidt Résumés Plan Figures Référence bibliographique Rās Tafari dans la mémoire de l’immigration arménienne en Éthiopie [article] 133 - 155 Boris Adjemian Résumés Plan Documents liés Référence bibliographique L’irrésistible ascension du rās Tafari dans les imaginaires noirs [article] 157 - 176 Giulia Bonacci Résumés Plan Figures Référence bibliographique Addis-Abeba et le couronnement de Hāyla Sellāsē. Mise en scène d'une ville, réinvention d’une cérémonie 177 - 202 [article] Estelle Sohier Résumés Plan Figures Documents liés Référence bibliographique Legitimization of a Pretender to the Throne: A Short Amharic-French Biography of Hāyla Sellāsē I 203 - 238 Published in 1930 [article] Stéphane Ancel Wolbert G.C. Smidt Résumés Plan Documents liés Référence bibliographique Introduction Pouvoir et représentations : Tafari Makwannen, héritier du trône Giulia Bonacci∗ La période à l’étude, 1916-1930, coïncide avec l’ascension politique, qualifiée par certains d’irrésistible (Del Boca 2012 : 41), du jeune héritier au trône de l’Éthiopie, rās Tafari Makwannen, qui se voit couronné roi en 1928 et Roi des rois en 1930. Cette ascension est ponctuée par plusieurs grandes crises politiques, dont le coup d’état de 1916 contre leğ Iyāsu, héritier désigné de Menelik II, et des conflits armés avec l’opposition conservatrice. Elle est concomitante d’une ouverture toujours plus grande de la politique éthiopienne sur l’international et ses corollaires, des ambitions de politique étrangères renouvelées, et des risques représentés par les visées coloniales européennes en Afrique de l’Est. Ce double prisme, envisageant la période à travers des dynamiques internes et des dynamiques externes, structure en grande partie l’historiographie de la période (Marcus 1987 : 22-58). Tout comme une double attitude est souvent perceptible dans les écrits sur cette époque, entre une admiration frôlant l’adoration, et un dédain touchant au mépris. C’est souvent la dextérité politique précoce du rās Tafari qui est soulignée dans l’évocation du louvoiement du jeune homme pour assurer à tout prix sa prééminence sur la scène politique éthiopienne, à partir d’une assise politique inédite, sa position auprès de l’impératrice. La désignation d’un héritier en même temps que le couronnement d’un monarque place cette période sous le signe de l’ambiguïté de la séparation des pouvoirs (Bahru Zewde 1991 : 129). En réprimant par les armes l’opposition avérée de plusieurs personnalités politiques, et en prenant fermement en main l’administration et les institutions éthiopiennes (Clapham 1969 : 16), Tafari travaillait consciencieusement à son ascension sur le trône. Ses relations avec l’Europe, oscillant entre hospitalité et hostilité (Marcus 1987 : 59), ont ∗ Historienne, chargée de recherche à l’Institut de recherche pour le développement (IRD), UMR 205 URMIS, Migrations et Société, Univ. Nice Sophia Antipolis, Univ. Paris Diderot, IRD, Centre français des études éthiopiennes (CFEE) à Addis-Abeba. 15 Giulia Bonacci largement contribué à lui donner une stature politique internationale. L’abolition de l’esclavage (1922), l’entrée à la Société des Nations (1923), et le voyage en Europe (1924) avaient comme objectif de préserver l’indépendance du pays et de transformer l’image de l’Éthiopie dans le monde. On ne saurait trop souligner l’importance de ces étapes, notam- ment celle du voyage en Europe, qui occupe près d’une quarantaine de pages dans l’autobiographie de Tafari (Haile Sellassie I 1976 : 81-123), et dont une des conséquences a été d’associer intimement et durablement la destinée de l’Éthiopie à celle de rās Tafari, devenu en 1930 Roi des rois et dernier souverain d’Éthiopie. Ce dossier se penche sur le règne conjoint de Zawditu et de Tafari pour en revisiter les enjeux politiques au prisme du pouvoir et des représenta- tions qui lui sont associées. Le pouvoir politique, en Éthiopie ou ailleurs, forme un espace extrêmement propice à l’étude de ses représentations. Dans les nombreux rituels de la cour éthiopienne, couronnements, banquets (geber), audiences, processions etc., l’attention donnée à l’emplacement, à l’habit (Sohier 2008), aux attributs du pouvoir (armes, médailles, couleurs) ou à la préséance, servait à représenter l’institution politique et formait ainsi un langage symbolique qui était partie intégrante de la politique. La mise en scène du pouvoir royal éthiopien a subi des e évolutions importantes dès la fin du XIX siècle, notamment suite à l’introduction de la photographie à la cour de Menelik II (Sohier 2012), qui signalait l’importance donnée par le souverain à la représentation de son e corps simultanément charnel et politique. Au seuil du XX siècle, l’importance et la multiplication des représentations du pouvoir éthiopien est soutenue par l’émergence d’un autre public que la noblesse éthiopien- ne ou le peuple de l’Éthiopie urbaine : les Européens et au-delà le monde sont devenus les spectateurs avides de cette royauté africaine associant simultanément, dans l’esprit colonial de l’époque, « barbarisme », splendeur et arrogante indépendance. Les médias européens et améri- cains sont devenus les relais de ces représentations du pouvoir politique éthiopien, en texte et en images, reproduisant le langage symbolique produit par la couronne, langage symbolique à son tour reçu et perçu de diverses manières par les lecteurs et spectateurs de ces médias. Un pas plus loin dans la mise en abîme nous pousse vers les représentations produites par des groupes ou individus, étrangers dans le pays ou vivant aux Amériques. Ce sont là encore d’autres images qui sont en jeu, produites par le travail de la mémoire et de l’interprétation, qui attribuent au pouvoir éthiopien encore d’autres prérogatives ou responsabilités. En somme, la multiplication des regards est mise à l’honneur dans ce dossier. Les regards de la cour assistant à un couronnement ou à un geber, les regards d’un journaliste ou d’un homme politique sur la route de Tafari à Paris, les regards portés par un vieil étranger à Addis-Abeba, ou par une congrégation de juifs noirs à Harlem, et finalement, le regard porté par l’héritier devenu Roi des rois sur sa propre mise en scène et en image. 16 Introduction Alors que la première guerre mondiale déchirait les nations et que l’internationalisation des médias et des économies bouleversait les équilibres politiques, le seul État souverain et indépendant en Afrique s’offrait à cette multiplication des regards. Chacun des articles de ce dossier ouvre la porte à une ou plusieurs des représentations associées au pouvoir royal éthiopien, plongeant dans l’épaisseur de sa mise en scène et renouvelant ainsi notre compréhension de la volonté politique du jeune rās et des multiples façons dont elle a été interprétée. L’article de Hanna Rubinkowska interroge le couronnement de l’impératrice Zawditu, en 1917, qui formalisait la continuité politique et réaffirmait le rôle du christianisme dans la légitimité du pouvoir royal éthiopien, tout en s’adressant, déjà, aux puissances politiques étrangères. La cérémonie introduisait le règne partagé entre Zawditu et Tafari et mettait déjà en scène celui-ci au centre des cercles du pouvoir. Le geber, grand banquet rythmant la vie politique éthiopienne et représentant la centralité du manger dans ses sociabilités est étudié par Izabela Orlowska. Les geber des couronnements de Zawditu (1917), puis de Tafari (1928) deviennent le reflet extrêmement ritualisé de l’État éthiopien, dévoilant l’équilibre des pouvoirs régionaux et nationaux, et les subtiles transforma- tions imprimées par les souverains. Deux articles se penchent sur les voyages de Tafari à l’étranger, qui représentaient à bien des niveaux un bouleversement dans la politique éthiopienne. Boris Monin fait l’analyse détaillée du voyage de 1924, durant lequel Tafari, tout en prenant plaisir à découvrir la France, essayait de négocier un accès à la mer pour son pays. Se heurtant à l’alternance politique française ainsi qu’au lobby colonial, cette tentative s’est soldée par un échec politique. Wolbert G.C. Smidt montre lui comment un échec politique, ou plutôt un non-événement politique, l’absence de visite de Tafari en Allemagne à l’occasion du même voyage, remplacé par une délégation éthiopienne, peut révéler l’habileté diplomatique de celui-ci, les liens entre Allemagne et Éthiopie se voyant malgré tout renforcés. À partir de sources orales produites par les Arméniens d’Éthiopie, l’article de Boris Adjemian traite du travail de la mémoire dans la reconstruction de la figure héroïque du rās Tafari. Tout en soulignant les continuités du pouvoir éthiopien dans l’attention portée aux Arméniens, il dévoile les ressorts du mythe décrivant l’adoption de quarante orphelins arméniens, constituant la fanfare royale, et son importance pour les membres de la communauté arménienne demeurés en Éthiopie. En s’attachant à l’empreinte du rās Tafari dans les imaginaires noirs aux Amériques à travers des exemples précis, Giulia Bonacci démontre combien les actions politiques de l’héritier du trône et ses invitations à venir s’installer en Éthiopie signalaient déjà les dynamiques à l’origine du mouvement rastafari, dont la naissance est généralement datée à 1930.
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