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Strengthening Marriage and Two Parent Families Strengthening Marriage and Two-Parent Families 1 Strengthening Marriage and Two-Parent Families By Courtney Jarchow February 2003 Marriage is being discussed on the national social • Marriage has declined, while the rate agenda. This is a controversial subject with many of births to unmarried women has positive outcomes associated with healthy marriages steadily increased. at one end of the spectrum and unhealthy mar- • Young adults today do not believe that riages that can include domestic violence at the marriage is a necessary prerequisite to other end. The controversy also encompasses the having children. question of government’s role in the intimate de- • Two of the three family formation goals cision of whether to marry and how support ser- funded through TANF are not limited vices could improve marital relationships. The to income-eligible populations. positive outcomes associated with healthy marriages • Five states have used TANF funds to and the overall decline in marriage in recent de- implement marriage preparation and cades have elevated marriage as a social policy is- support programs. sue. Policymakers have begun to discuss how they • State marriage initiatives range from can strengthen the institution of marriage in their marital counseling, reduced marriage state both to support children in married house- license fees, and anger and stress man- holds and to reduce the social costs related to di- agement counseling to marriage bo- vorce. nuses. Government and marriage have been intertwined • Five states are including the faith com- for years in the marriage licensing process and di- munity in their provision of marriage vorce laws. The idea that they can help strengthen initiatives. marriages is somewhat new to policymakers, how- ever. Although the laws that regulate marriage and divorce are important components of the discussion of marriage, they are not the focus of this policy brief. This policy brief was designed to provide an introduction to the research findings on family structure and to identify some state policy options for encouraging healthy marriages. Quick Facts Policymakers, religious leaders and community organizations have recently begun to talk about healthy marriages as a public policy to improve outcomes for children and strengthen communi- ties. This movement is rooted in data that finds: • One-third of all births are out-of-wedlock. • More than 50 percent of first marriages end in divorce. 2 Welfare Reform • Nearly 40 percent of all children do not live with their biological father. • About 6 percent of children in married-couple families were poor in 1999 compared to more than 35 percent in single-mother families. • Forty-three percent of unmarried women have children with at least two men com- pared to 15 percent of married women. Research also has revealed many benefits associated with marriage. Marriage has been found to benefit adults and children both financially and emotionally. Children in two- parent families typically have better outcomes, and married adults have higher earnings and greater longevity. Other findings include: • Married people tend to have better physical and emotional health and are less likely to engage in drug and alcohol use. • Children living with two biological parents tend to have better cognitive and emo- tional development and school achievement than children living with a single parent. Children raised in single-parent homes are at greater risk of poverty, juvenile delin- quency and teen pregnancy and are more likely to divorce as adults. The decline in marriage and the benefits associated with healthy marriages for all family members have been driving forces behind supporting marriage as a public policy goal. This “marriage movement,” however, is not without contention. Marriage is a personal decision for people, and talking about it in public policy debates must include certain sensitivities. For example, 2,000 children die in episodes of family violence each year, and 140,000 are injured physically and emotionally. In at least half of these cases, there is evidence of both child abuse and domestic violence.1 Children who are raised in abusive households often learn that abusive behaviors are acceptable. A national study found that men who witnessed their fathers battering their mothers are three times more likely to hit their wives than those who did not witness such behavior. Children exposed to domestic violence endure depression, developmental problems, acute and chronic physical and men- tal health problems, and aggressive or delinquent behavior.2 In addition, living with a biological parent who is married is not as beneficial for children as living with both biological parents. Studies show that children raised in stepfamilies have lower levels of well-being than children raised with both biological parents. Lastly, many children are raised successfully by single parents. Policymakers are debating how policies can help sustain healthy marriages, avoid unhealthy marriages, and improve child outcomes by promoting stable homes and reducing disincen- tives to couples who are considering marriage but are economically advantaged by staying single. A vast array of state and federal laws affect marriage. These laws range from tax laws, marriage licensing policies, divorce procedures, child support requirements, food stamps and welfare. By understanding the decline in marriage and what healthy marriages are, state policymakers can examine policy options that may strengthen families in their state. Strengthening Marriage and Two-Parent Families 3 The Decline in Marriage and Increase in Out-of-Wedlock Births Marriage-related policies have been a focus of recent legislation in part because of the negative consequences often associated with the increases in divorce, out-of-wedlock births and never-married single mothers who are raising children. As figure 1 shows, the rate of marriage per 1,000 people has decreased from 11.1 in 1950 to 7.6 in 1995. Simulta- neously, the rate of divorce per 1,000 people has increased from 2.6 in 1950 to 4.1 in 1995, after peaking in the 1980s. Figure 1. Marriage and Divorce Rates (1950-1995) 12 Marriages 10 8 6 Divorces 4 2 Marriages and Divorces per 1,000 Population and Divorces Marriages 0 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 Year Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2001. The decline in the marriage rate has occurred simultaneously with the increase in the divorce rate and the number of adults who are in unmarried cohabiting relationships. Some researchers have attributed these social changes to the easing of divorce laws, the increased independence and self-sufficiency of women, and the cultural shifts of the latter half of the 20th century. It appears as though the “need” to marry for social acceptability, financial stability or to start a family appears to have diminished in recent decades. For example, the percentage of cohabiting adults has increased seven-fold since 1970.3 Fur- ther, the percent of children born to unmarried mothers increased from 10 percent in 1970 to 33 percent in 2000. Research indicates that roughly 1 million children experience the divorce of their parents each year, and that less than 70 percent of children under age 18 were living with two parents in 1998, compared to 85 percent in 1970. Divorce is linked to academic and Decline in Marriage behavior problems among children, includ- • The number of married adults declined by almost ing depression, antisocial behavior, impul- 9 percent between 1970 and 1998. • Nearly one in 10 children in 2000 lived with a sive/hyperactive behavior, and school behav- never-married parent. ior problems. Mental health problems • 4.2 million households contain cohabiting couples. linked to marital disruption have been also identified among young adults.4 Does the decline in marriage indicate a lack of interest in marriage? Research indicates that the answer is “no.” Adults across socioeconomic boundaries still see marriage as a goal in 4 Welfare Reform their own lives and in the lives of their children. The shift from marriage may not be due to a lack of interest in marrying, but, rather, a belief that financial stability or that finding “the right person” are necessary precursors to marriage, regardless if a child is born to a couple. The percent of births to unmarried women has nearly tripled since 1950 (figure 2). In the early 1960s, less than 1 percent of children lived with a never-married parent—that figure rose to one in 10 children by 2000.5 Figure 2. Births to Unmarried Women (per 1,000) 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 Births per 1,000 Unmarried Women Births per 1,000 Unmarried 0 1950 195319561959 196219651968 197119741977 198019831986 198919921995 1998 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2001. Although the cause of increased out-of-wedlock births is unknown, it may be associated with the decline of the once-assumed relationship between marriage and childbearing. Research indicates an increased acceptance of casual sexual relationships and out-of-wedlock childbear- ing among young adults. For example, only 16 percent of young adults agree that the main purpose of marriage is to have children. The choices of younger Americans indicate that social norms do not equate sex with pregnancy or marriage with raising children. Fragile Families Low-income, unmarried couples who have a child are considered “fragile families.” The family is deemed fragile because it has a higher risk of poverty, economic insecurity, vulner- able relationships and family dissolution.6 Recent research focused on these couples and the well-being of their children has found that, although the majority of children born to unwed parents in large U.S. cities are born to parents in committed relationships, theses parents have many barriers to marriage and these relationships often falter. Figure 3 reveals that more than 80 percent of unmarried parents are in a romantic relation- ship at the time of the child’s birth.
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