Geofrey Treasure. Mazarin: The Crisis of Absolutism in France. London and New York: Routledge, 1995. xv + 413 pp. $140.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-415-01457-1.
Reviewed by Michael P. Breen
Published on H-France (June, 1997)
Unlike his predecessor, Cardinal Richelieu, ing Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Michel Le Tellier, and the reputation of Cardinal Jules Mazarin, France's even Louis XIV himself. First Minister from 1643 until his death in 1661, In spite of these successes, however, many has sufered considerably at the hands of both historians continue to echo Mazarin's seven‐ contemporaries and modern historians. During teenth-century detractors. A. Lloyd Moote, for ex‐ the series of uprisings known as the Fronde ample, describes Mazarin as an "emotional", "un‐ (1648-53), thousands of pamphlets known as balanced" man who "provided poor leadership for Mazarinades denounced him as an opportunist the monarchy", and became a "personal symbol of who promoted an unpopular war to enrich him‐ royal tyranny...." According to Moote, "Mazarin's self and his family; a skilled seducer, who tyran‐ duplicity and disastrous method of governing... nized France from the bed of the Regent Anne of [made] harmony within the state and the admin‐ Austria; and an unscrupulous foreigner who cor‐ istration...virtually impossible." J. Russell Major, in rupted the young king with the poisonous doc‐ his most recent book, pilloried Mazarin as a trines of his fellow Italian, Niccolo Machiavelli [1]. "suave and ingratiating" man of intrigue (in con‐ Twice exiled under pressure from the Parlement trast to the "statesman" Richelieu), who "sought to of Paris and the Prince of Conde, Mazarin never‐ govern by persuasion, fattery, and bribes." When theless retained the complete support and devo‐ these devices did not work, Mazarin "tried to di‐ tion of Anne, Louis, and a sizable, well-placed vide his opponents by lies, false promises, and ap‐ clientele. By the time of his death, Mazarin had peals to their diverse interests. Few were fooled negotiated lasting peace treaties with both the for long by his outwardly obliging conduct, and Holy Roman Empire and Spain (securing valuable he soon became as distrusted as he was hated." territorial and dynastic rights in the process), pre‐ Uninterested in governmental or fscal reforms, served the "absolutist" innovations of Richelieu Major concludes, "All [Mazarin] wanted from and Louis XIII, and trained those who would di‐ France was money to pursue the wars he had in‐ rect the century's most spectacular reign, includ‐ H-Net Reviews herited and to line his pockets. He died the richest ordinate, Mazarin quickly gained Richelieu's com‐ man in France and was very likely the biggest plete confdence. Richelieu's faith in his new pro‐ thief who ever served a French king."[2] tege was such that he obtained a Cardinal's hat In recent years, however, some historians for him, made him a witness to his last will and have begun to challenge such depictions. Georges testament, and named him as a godfather to Louis Dethan's 1981 biography portrays Mazarin as a XIV. As their personal friendship grew stronger in tireless diplomat and dedicated "homme de paix", the months before Richelieu's death, Treasure who restored peace to both France and Europe. writes that "Richelieu could see Mazarin as his Mazarin was not motivated by "a perverted spir‐ successor, if not as First Minister, [then] certainly it," Dethan concludes, "but by a heart animated by as director of the great diplomatic efort that a generous passion and a lofty ideal." In a series would be needed to bring peace to Europe and se‐ of articles published in the 1980s, meanwhile, curity to France" (p. 55). Richard Bonney argued that Mazarin simply con‐ Mazarin's close personal bond with Anne of tinued domestic and foreign policies inherited Austria, meanwhile, virtually assured him of the from Richelieu and Louis XIII. Mazarin was "du‐ First Ministership when Anne established a re‐ plicitous", Bonney claimed, only to preserve hard- gency government after her husband's death. As won gains in royal authority. He did not "cause" two foreigners leading a caretaker regime in a the Fronde, he merely accepted it as the price of a time of military, fscal, and social crisis, it was al‐ more favorable peace with Spain. His enormous most inevitable, Treasure asserts, that Anne and fortune was not a mark of corruption and petty Mazarin would seek each other's support and un‐ venality, but rather the king's reward to his most derstanding. Sidestepping the long-debated issue loyal servant. Mazarin may have been "an Italian of an amorous relationship between the two adventurer", in Bonney's estimation, but he was (though noting that the best-placed contempo‐ also an able and devoted "French man of state".[3] raries strongly doubted any secret marriage or Geofrey Treasure's new biography, Mazarin: sexual relationship [p. 193]), Treasure portrays The Crisis of Absolutism in France, is a welcome the minister-regent relationship as a political and and thought-provoking, though not entirely satis‐ psychological symbiosis reminiscent of Moote's fying, addition to the re-evaluation of the Cardi‐ recent depiction of Richelieu and Louis XIII. Anne nal's personality and accomplishments. Treasure's needed all of Mazarin's political skills to ensure Mazarin is a complex and often inscrutable char‐ that her son's throne would not be diminished by acter: a courtier shaped by his upbringing in the the pretensions of Parlement and the great no‐ Roman nobility and his early career as a Papal bles, or by a disastrous conclusion of the Habs‐ nuncio, and a gambler whose actions were based burg wars. Mazarin, for his part, needed the re‐ less on personal or political principles than on gent's unqualifed support to carry out these tasks careful, instinctive readings of individuals and sit‐ and to endure the frequent hostility he encoun‐ uations. Above all, Mazarin was a diplomat com‐ tered at court and in the countryside. Their mutu‐ mitted to peace, but willing to pursue war when al dependence even survived Mazarin's two brief he deemed it in France's best interest. Treasure exiles, with Anne secretly maintaining contact argues that Mazarin's decision to leave the Papacy and recalling the Cardinal as soon as the political and his homeland to serve the French crown was situation permitted. based on both his admiration for Richelieu and a Mazarin learned from Richelieu how to use certainty that his adopted home was the rising patronage and clienteles to govern the institution‐ power in Europe. A fast learner and reliable sub‐ ally de-centralized and heterogeneous French
2 H-Net Reviews state. Nevertheless, he lacked both his mentor's f‐ studies ranging from P. A. Chereul's Histoire de nancial resources and feel for the subtleties of France pendant la minorite de Louis XIV (1879), to French politics. The former, Mazarin dutifully ac‐ the recent work of Dethan, Bonney, and others, as quired, enabling him to cultivate clients who well as published primary sources such as would help see him through the dark days of the Mazarin's letters, Treasure organizes his study Fronde. The latter, he never fully mastered. By roughly corresponding with the major phases of training and inclination, Treasure comments, the Cardinal's life. Mazarin's political horizons were essentially lim‐ The author also focuses on Mazarin's piety in ited to courtly politics and foreign policy. The fre‐ the age of the French Counter-Reformation. A Car‐ quent mis-steps and erroneous calculations which dinal who was never ordained, Treasure's inevitably resulted, he argues, were largely re‐ Mazarin nevertheless demonstrated a convention‐ sponsible for the persistently high level of mis‐ al Christian piety which refected his childhood trust which Mazarin generated. Such lack of con‐ education by the Jesuits. Mazarin expressed his cern for domestic politics helps to explain, for ex‐ religious sentiments in terms of service to the ample, how the peaceful and relatively minor king and the cause of peace, and was quick to rec‐ protests of the Parisian sovereign courts in 1648 ognize Jansenism's potential threat to royal pow‐ over a series of fscal edicts escaped the govern‐ er. He was also quick to recognize the threats to ment's control and led the capital's fractious law- royal power posed by Jansenism's "mystical ex‐ courts to unite in the Chambre Saint-Louis, the cesses, covert political intrigues, [and]... pro-Span‐ opening act of the Parlementary Fronde. While al‐ ish bias" (p. 286). The fnal year of his life was ternately too maladroit and too crafty for his own dedicated to tutoring Louis in the craft of king‐ good, Mazarin never lost the confdence of Anne, ship. As with Richelieu and Anne, Mazarin's rela‐ Louis, and his leading clients. Their constant sup‐ tionship with the king was warm and personal. port enabled him to complete Richelieu's unfn‐ Deferring to "his minister's towering authority", ished domestic and diplomatic programs, and Louis "admired and trusted [Mazarin], fellow- made possible the most celebrated reign of the campaigner and guardian in difcult days. Bourbon monarchy. This ambitious son of an ob‐ [Mazarin] had secured the monarchy during the scure Roman noble family, in Treasure's eyes, was Fronde, and was laying the foundations for its fu‐ indeed the saviour of French Absolutism. ture greatness" (pp. 305-6). Long after his death, According to the author, a study of Mazarin the French monarchy bore the Italian Cardinal's as First Minister "must also be a history of the imprint. "In a sense," Treasure writes, "Louis XIV, realm that he came to serve" (p. xiii). Thus, most commanding, most professional and among Mazarin is structured very much as a "life and the most accomplished of kings, was Mazarin's times" biography which devotes a considerable masterpiece" (p. 306). portion of its thirty-six chapters to social, cultural, Treasure, who has written several works on and primarily political developments in mid-sev‐ this period[5], clearly has a formidable knowledge enteenth-century France. This book is as much of both his subject and the scholarship surround‐ about the "crisis of Absolutism in France", as it is ing it. He manages to synthesize a tremendous about the individual who steered the monarchy amount of material into little more than three through these difcult times. Treasure presents hundred pages of text. There are times, however, his fndings in a rather straightforward narrative when Treasure might have been a little more se‐ form, occasionally mixing in interpretive chapters lective in deciding what to include and what to to guide the reader through complicated political exclude. This is particularly true in the section on and personal developments. Relying on secondary
3 H-Net Reviews the Fronde, where both the narrative and the his well-known historical context. Treasure's ac‐ book's central themes are often lost under waves count of the formidable obstacles Mazarin over‐ of anecdotes and personal sketches which are came will likely leave the reader wondering how never really integrated into the overall argument. any modern historian could take seriously the What makes this frustrating is the fact that Trea‐ proposition that Mazarin was simply an oppor‐ sure, at his best, also shows that he is more than tunistic liar, swindler, and profteer. At the same capable of ofering simple and elegant summaries time, however, it will also probably leave the of both relevant issues and recent scholarly fnd‐ reader with many unresolved questions about the ings. Unfortunately, Treasure's gifts as both a sto‐ enigmatic Italian. Treasure has succeeded in ryteller and a scholar never quite seem to mesh, sketching a thoughtful and plausible outline of and the cohesiveness of his narrative and the Mazarin, the individual, but others will need to force of his argument tends to sufer as a result. fll it in. This is not to say, however, that Mazarin is a Mazarin might have also beneftted from hav‐ poorly-written book. On the contrary, the prose, ing a more clearly-defned audience. In the short while dense, rarely lags thanks to Treasure's vig‐ bibliographic essay which follows the text, Trea‐ orous and engaging style. The author clearly has a sure says that he has several types of reader in fair for character and drama, and uses them ef‐ mind. If we take these to mean specialists, stu‐ fectively in crafting his biography. He also uses his dents, and a more general audience, it is clear vast knowledge of the period to buttress his por‐ that only the third group is likely to fnd this book trait of the Cardinal--one that ultimately seems far totally satisfying. Specialists familiar with the more plausible than the villain depicted by other work of Dethan and Bonney, for example, will historians. By situating Mazarin's life and career fnd little new here in the way of research or in‐ in the chaos of the period from roughly 1630 to terpretation. Bonney's articles, in particular, pro‐ 1660, Treasure demonstrates that the second Car‐ vide a much more concise and incisive analysis of dinal-Minister inherited a nearly impossible task the Fronde and Mazarin's role than the one of‐ from his eminent predecessor, yet managed to see fered in this book. Treasure also seems reluctant it through, albeit with considerable difculty. The to confront the debate over the nature (or even problem with this approach, however, is that the existence) of "absolutism" that has occupied so Treasure's interest in the "crisis of absolutism" of‐ much scholarly attention in recent years. He does ten tends to overwhelm the other focus of his not hesitate, for example, to describe Mazarin as book--Mazarin, the individual. More than once, holding, "to the absolutist course" (p. 92), without Mazarin disappears entirely for long stretches of clarifying what he means by this highly-contested the book as Treasure turns to matters that seem term. Finally, the book's curious use of endnotes only tangentially related to the Cardinal's life and also tends to diminish its scholarly value. The career. Once again, this is most evident in the sec‐ notes serve primarily to lead the reader to addi‐ tion on the Fronde, where Mazarin at times ap‐ tional information about a particular individual pears as little more than a bit player in a drama or event, while references to primary and sec‐ where he is (rightly) billed as having a starring ondary texts (of which there are many) are gener‐ role. Unlike A. Lloyd Moote's remarkable Louis ally left not cited, greatly limiting Mazarin's use‐ XIII, the Just, a work which clearly infuenced fulness for those lacking an intimate knowledge Treasure's study of the other great 'mis-under‐ of the scholarship and sources. This is easily the stood fgure' of the century, Mazarin never really most frustrating feature of this book. On the other succeeds in establishing an efective balance be‐ hand, students will probably be overwhelmed by tween the largely unknown historical fgure and the book's dizzying amount of detail and material,
4 H-Net Reviews as well as its tendency to stray at times from the ter, and career of Giulio Mazarini. Treasure's bi‐ topic. Furthermore, in spite of the help provided ography is a challenging, thought- provoking, but by the endnotes, Mazarin still assumes a familiar‐ far from conclusive step in that direction. ity with the Old Regime that may well be beyond Notes: most undergraduates. A more general audience, [1]. On the anti-Richelieu pamphlets, or however, may fnd this book both enjoyable and Mazarinades, see: Christian Jouhaud, Mazari‐ enlightening. Such readers will like Treasure's nades: la Fronde des mots. (Paris, 1985). For a fowing, learned, and engaging style. They will en‐ broader discussion of anti-Mazarin sentiment, see joy the author's attention to drama, intrigue, and Richard Bonney, "The French Civil War, 1649-53," characterization, and will fnd this book to be a European Studies Review 8 (1978): 71-100; and useful introduction to both Mazarin and this peri‐ idem, "Cardinal Mazarin and His Critics: The Re‐ od, without being alienated by a great deal of aca‐ monstrances of 1652," Journal of European Stud‐ demic jargon or a relentless focus on scholarly de‐ ies 10 (1980): 15-31. bates. [2]. A. Lloyd Moote, The Revolt of the Judges: It has been nearly a full century, Treasure ob‐ The Parlement of Paris and the Fronde, serves in his preface, since the publication of the 1643-1652. (Princeton, 1971), pp. 68 & 168; J. Rus‐ last biography of Mazarin in English (p. xiii). This sell Major, From Renaissance Monarchy to Abso‐ glaring void in the Anglo- American historiogra‐ lute Monarchy: French Kings, Nobles and Estates. phy of Early Modern France can be attributed to (Baltimore, 1994), pp. 294-95. the relative lack of interest in the period between Louis XIII's death (1643) and the start of Louis [3]. Georges Dethan, Mazarin: un homme de XIV's personal rule (1661) among English and paix a l'age baroque, 1602-1661. (Paris, 1981), p. American historians. In recent years, however, 342. In addition to Bonney's articles cited in n. 1, specialists working towards a new understanding see idem, "Cardinal Mazarin and the Great Nobili‐ of the monarchy's spectacular growth have in‐ ty During the Fronde," English Historical Review, creasingly directed their attention to this crucial 96 (1981): 818-33, & "Mazarin et la Fronde: la transitional era and the century's fnal episode of question de responsabilite", in R. Duchene & P. large-scale resistance to expanding royal authori‐ Ronzeaud, eds., La Fronde en questions. (Aix-en- ty.[6] In doing so, they have reminded us of the Provence, 1989), pp. 329-38. undeniable importance of the "other" Cardinal- [4]. A. Lloyd Moote, Louis XIII: The Just. Minister, whose role in shaping the France of (Berkeley, 1989). Louis XIV has long been obscured by the brilliant [5]. Seventeenth Century France. (New York, reputation of his predecessor and mentor, and 1966); Cardinal Richelieu and the Development of who has too often been dismissed as a corrupt Absolutism. (London, 1972); and The Making of charlatan. Treasure is correct to remind us, how‐ Modern Europe, 1648-1780. (London, 1985). ever, that Mazarin "belongs to a very small group [6]. In addition to the works of Moote and of statesmen who have succeeded in their main Bonney cited above, see: Richard Bonney, Political objectives and afected the course of history" (p. Change in France Under Richelieu and Mazarin, xiv). Consequently, any study of French politics 1624-1661. (Oxford, 1978); Sharon Kettering, Judi‐ and state-building in the latter half of the seven‐ cial Politics and Urban Revolt in Seventeenth-Cen‐ teenth century must come to terms with the enig‐ tury France: The Parlement of Aix, 1629-1659. matic Italian who directed the king's councils for (Princeton, 1978); idem, Patrons, Brokers, and nearly two decades. The time is ripe for a careful Clients in Seventeenth-Century France. (Oxford, and thorough re-examination of the life, charac‐
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1986); William Beik, Absolutism and Society in Seventeenth-Century France: State Power and Provincial Aristocracy in Languedoc. (Cambridge, 1985); Orest Ranum, The Fronde: A French Revolu‐ tion, 1648-1652. (New York, 1993). Copyright (c) 1997 by H-Net, all rights re‐ served. This work may be copied for non-proft educational use if proper credit is given to the au‐ thor and the list. For other permission, please con‐ tact [email protected].
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Citation: Michael P. Breen. Review of Treasure, Geofrey. Mazarin: The Crisis of Absolutism in France. H- France, H-Net Reviews. June, 1997.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=1069
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