ARMENIAN ELECTION MANIFESTOS Inesa Rubinyan

Home , 2018 in Armenia, Mission Party, My Step Alliance, Naira Zohrabyan, Political alliance

POST-REVOLUTION: ARMENIAN ELECTION MANIFESTOS A qualitative text- analysis of three Armenian political parties’ 2018 election manifestos from a feminist perspective

Inesa Rubinyan

Development Studies C (Bachelor Thesis)

Department of Government

Uppsala University, Spring 2020

Supervisor: Li Bennich-Björkman

Words: 12341 Pages: 38

Abstract This thesis aims to examine the 2018 election manifestos of Armenia’s three ruling political parties’- My Step Alliance’s, Prosperous Armenia’s and Bright Armenia’s views on main political points and especially if and how gender and gender equality was represented. The theoretical perspective used in this thesis is feministic perspective while a qualitative text analysis is used to examine the material.

Keywords: text analysis, gender equality, Armenian politics, election manifesto

Preface The idea behind the topic of this thesis developed from my interest in women's rights and gender equality. I would like to thank my supervisor Li Bennich-Björkman for her patience and support. Writing this thesis would not be possible without the support from my family and my beloved ones.

Table of Contents List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………………………..…..…….5 1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………..…….6 1.1. Gender inequality in Armenia…………………………………………………………...…………………….6 1.2. My Step Alliance and women……………………………………………………………...………………….8 1.3. Bright Armenia and women…………………………………………………………………..……………….8 1.4. Prosperous Armenia and women……………………………………………………………………………...9 2. Aims and research question …………………………………………………………………………………….9 3. Theory ………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….10 3.1. Feminism…………………………………………………………………………………….……………….10 3.2. Feminism and politics………………………………………………………………………………………..11 3.3. The political and the personal………………………………………………………………………………..12 3.4. Feminism and the nation …………………………………………………………………………………….12 4. Previous Research…………………………………………………………………………………….....….13 4.1. Women’s disadvantages …………………………………………………………………………….……….14 4.2. Hindering factors……………………………………………………………………………………….…….14 4.3. Political parties on women’s issues…………………………………………………………………………..16 4.4. Resistance against women entering politics………………………………………………………….………16 5. Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………………...…….17 5.1. Selection of cases and material…………………………………………………………...………………….19 5.2. Delimitations……………………………………………………………………………………………...….20 5.3. Method critique………………………………………………………………………………...…………….21 5.4. Concepts……………………………………………………………………………….…………….……….22 5.4.1 Equality………………………………………………………………………………………….………….22 5.4.2. Gender……………………………………………………………………………………………………...22 5.4.3. Gender Equality…………………………………………………………………………………………….23 6. Results ………………………………………………………………………………………………………..24 6.1. My Step Alliance…………………………………………………………………………….……………….24 6.2. Bright Armenia……………………………………………………………………………………………….26 6.3. Prosperous Armenia………………………………………………………………………………………….28 7. Analysis……………………………………………………………………………………………………….29 7.1. My Step Alliance………………………………………………………………………….………………….32 7.2. Bright Armenia……………………………………………………………………………………………….32 7.3. Prosperous Armenia…………………………………………………………………………………….……33 8. Discussion and concluding remarks………………………………………………………….………….33 References…………………………………………………………………………………………..…………….35

List of Abbreviations Bright Armenia = BA European Union = EU International Labour Organisation = ILO My Step Alliance = MSA Non-governmental Organisation = NGO Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe = OSCE Prosperous Armenia = PA Republic of Armenia = RoA United Nations Economic Commission for Europe = UNECE United Nations = UN United Nations Population Fund = UNFPA United Nations Development Programme = UNDP

1. Introduction

Background Armenia went through rapid changes that have taken place in the country since 2018. The oppositional parliamentarian Nikol Pashinyan started and led a non-violent movement against the country’s president Serj Sargsyan, who by changing the constitution had the desire of becoming a prime minister with vast power to rule. He had previously stated he would not continue being in power after being incumbent for ten consequent years. Although in April 2018 Serj Sargsyan got chosen by the majority of the parliament to become the prime minister in a parliament where his Republican Party had majority, the civilians on the streets in almost every corner in Armenia had already self-organized and were gathering in hundreds of thousands to protest and demand the resignation of Serj Sargsyan (BBC, 2018a). Days later, after repetitive demonstrations which grew in numbers by every day- Serj Sargsyan did resign and Nikol Pashinyan came to power after weeks of mass protests in April-May 2018, and appointed new ministers (NYtimes, 2018). He later chose to step down in October 2018 so that the parliament, according to the constitution, would have to dissolve in order to have new snap elections (ibid). Pashinyan’s bloc My Step Armenia (MSA) won more than 70% of the votes at the country’s parliamentary elections gaining majority while a low percentage of 49% of the three million population came out to vote (BBC, 2018b). The Republican Party did not make the 5 % voting limit and instead it were two other parties- the moderate Prosperous Armenia (PA) party that won over 8% and Bright Armenia (BA), a liberal pro-Western party, that won about 6% of the vote, that entered parliament besides MSA (ibid). As 30% of the parliamentary mandates, according to Armenian law, must go to the opposition, PA and

BA had to share these mandates depending on their votes from the election (ibid).

1.1. Gender inequality in Armenia

Women have had disadvantages and less opportunities in education, health and employment through history, although it is noticeable that their opportunities have grown the past decades. Many governments and organizations are working hard to promote and protect women’s rights and gender equality. Gender equality is considered an important component or even a consequence in the process of democratization, depending on whether democracy is considered to be the outcome of certain processes or if itself leads to certain consequences.

The topics on equality and equal rights have grown to play a more important role for Armenian parties, NGO’s, the media, individual human right’s activists and organizations due to the country’s progress in democratization since 2018. The Economist ranks Armenia’s freedom level 5.54 in 2019, 4.79 in 2018 and 4.11 in 2017 (2019), on a scale of 0-10 (where 10 is the highest level of freedom). Gender-based violence and abortion that have been sensitive and almost secluded phenomenon among Armenians have also been more highlighted in the media, social media and even by parliamentarians (HRW, 2020).

According to a 2015 United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) report on studies and surveys focusing on gender and/or women’s issues in Armenia, most of the studies show that different forms of violence and discrimination against women in Armenia does take place on a structural and significantly high level that slow down the progress of gender-equality. Patriarchal and “traditional” social norms and perceptions regarding masculinity, femininity, gender equality, sexuality, relationship with family members, division of household tasks and acceptance of violence against women prevail in the Armenian society (ibid: 18). Armenia’s unemployment rate is the one of the highest in European and Central Asian countries (ILO, 2019). According to the Statistical Committee of the RoA, in 2017 17.5% of women were unemployed (ILO, 2019). The gender pay gap has been reduced in many countries between 2000 and 2016, but in Armenia, despite a remarkable reduction from previous years, the gap still remains very high (33 %) (UNECE, 2018).

Gender equality is a complex phenomenon and concept, but there are several methods to measure it through United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Gender-related Development Index (GDI), Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM), the Gender Inequality Index (GII), the Gender, Institutions and Development Database (GID-DB) by Jutting et al. (2008) and the Gender Gap Index by the World Economic Forum (Hausmann et al. 2007). Although there are no legal barriers to gender equality in Armenia, Armenia’s GII value still shows that women are unequal men.

It is also worth to note that the presence of women in the parliament is to some extent guaranteed by the new Armenian law that states:

“According to Paragraph 14 of Article 133 of the “Transitional Provisions” section of the RA’s Electoral Code, political parties and each party within an alliance or coalition of parties should not include more than 75 percent of any gender; starting from the first name and each set of four candidates on a party’s (or alliance’s) national proportional list needs to include at least one male and one female.”

This law is not considered to be a gender-quota and is neither called so. The percentage of women in Armenian parliament have been 3,1 % the lowest in 1999 and 35.6 % the highest in 1990 (The Global Economy). The percentage of women in parliament in 1990 is difficult to compare to the years after, as in 1990 Armenia was still part of the Soviet Union. After the 2018 parliamentary elections, 32 out of 132 members of parliament (24 %), are women. 23 are from MSA, five from PA, and four from BA.

1.2. My Step Alliance and women MSA (My Step Alliance) is a political alliance, formed in August 2018 by the Civil Contract party, the Mission Party and various independent representatives from the civil society. The leader of the alliance is the Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan.

Although there were several women in Nikol Pashinyan’s political team, when appointing new ministers to replace the previous ones, only two women out of seventeen minister positions, were appointed, for labour and social affairs and culture. After the snap election in December 2018, Pashinyan formed his second government, twelve new ministers were chosen by Pashinyan to replace the ministers from Pashinyan’s first government. This time, only one of them was a woman. My Step had overall 48 women (27 percent) out of 182 candidates that were running for the snap elections in 2018 (EVN Report, 2018), and three of them were in the top ten of the MSA electoral list (Ampop, 2018). Lilit Makunts was one of the two women offered a minister post in Pashinyan’s first government but she later became the head of ruling MSA faction in the National Assembly.

1.3. Bright Armenia and women Bright Armenia is a liberal, progressive, pro-European party which was formed in 2015 by the politician Edmon Maruqyan (Lansford, 2019). Mane Tandilyan, a BA deputy was offered the position of being a minister for labour and social affairs in Armenia when Pashinyan chose the first ministers after becoming prime minister, but Tandilyan resigned after less than two

8 months. She represents one of the most important figures in BA and was placed on the second place in the “national list” for the 2018 snap parliamentary elections. The electoral list of 155 members of BA included 45 women (Factor, 2018), three of them being in the top ten of the list (Ampop, 2018).

1.4. Prosperous Armenia and women Prosperous Armenia is a liberal conservative political party founded in 2004 by the businessman Gagik Tsarukyan (Lansford, 2019). The party supports the preservation of national, traditional, family, church and state values (BHK.am). Naira Zohrabyan is one of the key figures of the party's political team, being previously in the positions as the head and secretary of the PA faction in the parliament (Hayeli, 2019). The electoral list of 161 members of PA included 48 women (Parliament.am), only two of them being in the top ten of the list (Ampop, 2018).

2. Aims and research question Previous scientific research has been done on gender equality in Armenia but not specifically on a certain or several political parties’ view of gender and gender equality in Armenia. No scientific study has been found to have thoroughly analysed MSA’s, BA’s or PA’s ideologies on any specific matter either.

Konstantinidis argues in his 2008 article, that agenda formation or agenda setting refers to the process which by the interaction of the media, public and political agendas form what it worthy of government consideration (ibid:324). For parties, one of the important battles during an election campaign is to influence the public about the most important issues for the country, even though it is not easy for a party to claim a new issue or not include an “old issue”. For the political behaviour of citizens and for casting their vote, parties that are taking up issues that are of main importance for the public’s agenda are those who win elections (ibid: 325).

In this thesis, three Armenian parties’ election manifestos from 2018 will be analysed in order to reveal what were the main concerns on the Armenian political agenda-settings in 2018 are, but also by mainly investigating whether gender-equality was part of that agenda based on the

9 findings in the election manifestos. It is due to the country’s recent progress in democratization that this thesis finds it interesting to investigate the dominating political agendas and looking for to see if gender-equality has been a part of the political agenda, when analysing election manifestos. It is relevant and significant to study gender-equality in Armenian politics as gender-equality is an important component for any democracy. Given the fact that Armenia has gone from low ratings in democracy indexes to higher during the last two-three years, it would be interesting to know if and how the ruling parties’ MSA’s, BA’s and PA’s political manifestos from the latest parliamentary elections in 2018 view the main political points and especially if gender-equality is one of them. The manifestos only from 2018 elections were chosen as very little research has been done on politics and gender- equality after the 2018 Armenian Revolution, even though many political changes happened in the country.

This thesis will use qualitative text analysis and a feminist perspective to analyse the views on gender and gender equality of three political manifestos. This will be done in order to understand what political agendas the parties present and specifically if gender equality is to be found in their agenda based on what is said about gender equality, gender, men, women, family politics and/or women’s rights.

The research questions addressed in this thesis are:

• What is the agenda-setting of each party’s election manifesto? • Is gender-equality manifested in the election manifestos on any level?

3. Theory

3.1. Feminism Feminism is a concept that can both be viewed as an ideology or a movement for social change, even though the opinions on what the concept really is are split. In this thesis, the feminist perspective will be used as a theory to analyse how the terms equality, gender and gender equality are used in the election manifestos. This is done due to feminism’s mail concerns which are to define, establish and achieve political, economic, personal and social equality between genders.

Feminism critically analyses male privilege and women's oppression in all societies (Offen 1988). According to Östholm, the concept can be used both in in analytical way and historical, depending in who the user is (2006: 7-8). Feminist politics have been divided into many schools, but the most prominent ones are liberal, socialist and radical. The main difference between these schools of thoughts rests in the understanding of what the causes of women’s oppression are, which could be “the law, capitalism, or just men holding on to their privileges (Yuval-Davis, 1997: 7).

The two key points, of feminism are first the notion that society treats women and men unequally which disadvantages mostly women’s opportunities, and second that this should end. The oppression against women has existed in economic conditions, in history, in social structures, in the viewing of sex and sexuality and preconceptions about gender. Feminism is generally viewed to be a concept that acknowledges the above-mentioned general oppression against women and calls for a change (Gemzöe, 17). Further, the discussion is concentrated on how women are oppressed although Gemzöe states that the structure of inequality is not static and instead is always changing.

3.2 Feminism and politics The starting point for feminist analysis of politics has mostly involved the notion that women have systematically been precluded from it (Freedman, 41). This exclusion has been both from exercising political power, voting and participating in political decision making, due to degrading assumptions on women’s emotional, intellectual and physical capabilities (ibid: 42). Susan Hekman quotes Okin and Elshtain, who argue that it is because of the belief that women are not rational that has resulted in the exclusion of them from the political sphere which due to men’s high rationality belongs to them only (Hekman, 1994: 54- 55). Although these assumptions have been modified and are less spread in modern days, feminism and feminisms believe that women are still not fully a part of society and in certain contexts do not have the same rights as male citizens do. Women have received formal political equality in most of the countries in the world, but they are not fully represented in political or legislative structures (ibid: 127). Here feminism differentiates between “the political” and the “private” or “personal”, further explained below.

3.3. The political and the personal Feminism has dived into the private space because many feminists, including Mackinnon (Mackinnon, 1983), argue that women’s intimacy and privacy has been under oppression as well and that has been the reason behind the expression “the personal is political”. Abortion rights was one object that became a political object when women started to claim their right of deciding over their bodies. Until today many women around the world still have not that right. The slogan of the 1960s and 1970s changed in the 1980s when “the personal is political” was invented. The meaning behind this slogan was that all politics went back to the individual, what was personal, and which is why the only legitimate way to fight against the structure was to lead an individual political struggle (Mohanty, 2007: 239). In other words, the political is connected to and has consequences in what is private, the relationship between a couple and division in household tasks. Sometimes the expression “the personal is political” is used as well and this is when political decisions or matters are viewed as personal/individual. In other words, the personal has consequences in public life, in power- relationships and overall has the capacity to influence the society. The gender quota laws were one of the first successes that modern women’s movement had (Lepinard, Rubio- Marin,2018: 246), as women proclaimed to be perceived as political subjects with the right to be present in politics (ibid).

Ruth Gavison (1992) challenges the way we use the terms political, public, personal and private as she questions what effects the usage of them has by viewing it from different perspectives. Mohanty writes that the idea of that “the personal is political” must be reconstructed (2007: 99). Gavison, seems to be aligned with Mohanty’s critique and writes that calling something "personal" defines that activity outside of the social, political, or public arena. On the other hand, the origin behind the slogan does not intend to be a “mere reminder of interdependence between the public and private realms. Rather, it is used to challenge the existence of alleged differences” (Gavison, 1992: 19).

3.4 Feminism and the nation It is important to differentiate the concepts state and nation, (Yuval Davis, 1997: 11) as it seems that no matter where we look, when analysing a society, there are always certain groups who are not considered to be full members of that society (ibid). Women seem to have double roles in the nation as they are both members of the collectively but also have to deal

12 with certain rules and regulations that only apply to them (Yuval-Davis, 1997: 37). This is mainly because the role of a woman, in many societies, has been and still is strongly connected to her biological reproduction ability- someone who reproduces “the nation” (ibid), as the continuous growth is desired for the nation for nationalistic, civil and military purposes (Yuval-Davis, 1996: 18).

According to Vickers (Mulholland et al, 2018: 331) nationalization gave men privileges while women had less political agency for instance through state’s institutions which have effects until today. Here, it is important to stress that the visions of “the nation” have always varied. Hence, while men have had dominance in national politics, women have not been able to change this dominance even after they got legal and political rights (ibid, 332). Although there is more to tell about the nature of nationalism’s intersections with gender and sexuality, this section’s purpose was merely to give a concise introduction of feminism and other concepts that feminism interacts with that might be of interest for the thesis’s findings.

4. Previous research

According to Article 14.1 of the RoA Constitution (2005): “Everyone shall be equal before the law. Any discrimination based on any ground such as sex, race, colour, ethnic or social origin, genetic features, language, religion or belief, political or any other opinion, membership of a national minority, property, birth, disability, age or other personal or social circumstances shall be prohibited.”

As already mentioned, not enough research has been done after the 2018 Armenian Revolution, in order to present what the research finds on gender equality, policy and women’s participation after the new parliament was formed at the end of 2018. Regardless, it is useful to understand how the development in the country in terms of gender-equality looked like before 2018.

The most common research that has been done on gender equality in Armenia has been by or in partnership with international organizations like United Nations (UN), UNFPA, UNDP, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), European Union (EU), World Bank Group, Freedom House etc. Although this fact, by itself is not an issue, it does raise a question on why research has been done less frequently by independent

13 academic researchers or NGO’s. Almost no scientific research has been done on gender equality policies or of specific or several political parties in Armenia. In this chapter, some of the previous research relevant to this thesis’s research question will be presented.

4.1. Women’s disadvantages According to a large study that was conducted within the framework of the UNFPA program in cooperation with the Institute for Political and Sociological Consulting (IPCS) in Armenia, in 2015- 2016, the authors find that although the “principle of equality between sexes is enshrined in the Armenian Constitution and is reflected in the national legislation”, women have disadvantages in most spheres of public, political, and economic life and are many times absent from the decision-making processes in the country (UNFPA, 15). The report’s objective was to present “findings of a nation-wide survey-based population study of attitudes, perceptions and practices of men and women regarding masculinity, gender norms, intimate relationships and marriage, sexual practices, health, and household duties in Armenia”. An interesting finding in the surveys was that the majority of the responders viewed at the times conflicting answers, as the majority would believe that men make better political leaders than women and that women were too emotional to be leaders in their communities (ibid, 49), showing the existence of gender stereotypes but also, on one hand overall support for women’s presentation and opportunities in politics, and on the other hand alarming views on justification of gender-based violence (ibid: 242). The study concludes that segregation in the labour market and gender-based discrimination are the root causes of the political underrepresentation and lack of economic empowerment of women in Armenia (ibid: 32).

4.2. Hindering factors As already mentioned, not enough research has been done after the Velvet Revolution in 2018, in order to present what the research finds on gender equality, policy and women’s participation after the new parliament was formed at the end of 2018. Regardless, it is useful to understand how the development in the country on the topic was described before My Step Alliance won majority in the elections.

According to a 2017 paper on legislative, anti-gender propaganda and community building strategies study by Ani Jilozyan, a writer and researcher at the well-established Women’s Support Center NGO in Armenia, the deteriorating factors and hindering progress of the main threats against gender equality in Armenia are several.

First is the absence of political will, as according to the study, Armenian officials did very little for gender equality in the society to engage and educate in non-discrimination and on the contrary, often denied the existence of gender issues and inequality (ibid: 36).

The second reason is considered to be the historical inheritance of Armenia. After the decline of state socialism and struggling economically, the state-building transition was complex as problems were politicized differently. Emphasis on gender policies and traditional institutions were formed based on what they were before the Soviet Union. During the Soviet Union, gender roles were defined at the request of the state. For women, this meant to be held accountable both for productivity at work but also for reproduction. Armenian, pre-Soviet traditional gender structures were accepted back, partly because of the resistance against Soviet Union local reforms and influences after its’ collapse (ibid: 37).

The third reason regards the perception that the state should not intervene in “family matters” (ibid: 39). After the independence of Armenia from the Soviet Union, the Western narrative of “state intervention in the family” was viewed as a foreign concept in Armenia and rejected by those who believed that the families shouldn’t be deprived of privacy and be dictated by any structure how to behave inside of their homes (ibid.). In that period of time, and for many even today, Western involvement in Armenian politics or the society was not welcomed, as the “family questions” should not be intervened, as well as that the famous feminist slogan “The personal is political” was doomed to be rejected in the newly independent country (ibid).

The fourth reason, although it does not need too much explanation, lies in the large confusion of the word gender. The misuse and misunderstanding of the word gender both by individual actors and politicians paved the way for manipulation in the society that was largely conservative, creating new stereotypes and preconceptions regarding gender equality, women’s rights and equality overall (ibid: 40).

Fifth- the growing dissatisfaction towards “European values” has also played a large role and became a factor that set back the progress of gender equality. This is mainly because, according to the report, the EU that is known for including and promoting gender equality, has come to be perceived as a cultural colonizer of Armenian traditions, according to some circle of groups and even politicians in Armenia, wanting to supress the traditional culture and values (ibid: 41).

The sixth point that the report brings up, is the absence of women’s movement, which according to Jilozyan, is an important issue, as forming a strong and autonomous feminist movement in the context of Armenia is difficult and many times dangerous to do, even though there are seeds planted for such a movement (ibid: 44).

The last three points that the report analyses are the dominance of nationalism, the concept of nation-army, and the background impact of neo-liberalism. As these three points, are to some degree intertwined, to summarize- they state that the dominating ideologies in Armenia are based on patriarchal traditions, religious and collectivistic mind-set. Combined they give little room for alternative gender discourses to develop in the society (ibid: 45).

4.3. Political parties on women’s issues In her 2014 study, Ruzanna Tsaturyan deciphers women in Armenian political discourse, and finds that political parties present in the Armenian parliament are not targeting women’s issues in their charters and program documents and instead are more focused on the need of keeping cultural norms, ethnic traditions and social order (ibid: 18). The research also suggests that public discussions over gender issues is conservative and traditional- oriented and that this does not surpass the politicians involved in the contexts where full awareness of gender rights’ and equality’s challenges should be expected (ibid.)

4.4. Resistance against women entering politics In their 2015 study, Irina Ghaplanyan and Anna Melikyan analyse the existing efforts, challenges and opportunities for strengthening women’s political participation in the RoA. The key findings of the research team are that there is a strong resistance to women’s political participation, expressed both by politicians, the media and the broader society and that different methods are used to justify why women do not belong in politics. They also find that quotas, that not officially targeted at women, do not improve women’s political participation

16 as it might be expected and that political parties seem to be inaccessible for women that are not “elite” (financially backed) or have active networks. The authors state that Armenian women do not represent a united power, which can also be connected to Jilozyan’s point on that there is no official women’s movement in Armenia. Further, the report states that The Gender Strategic Actions plans that the government has adopted, lack sufficient ways to be measured, monitored and followed by the public or other actors that are directly involved in politics. Finally, the report suggests that the majority of those who are chosen into high positions-men in Armenia should be engaged and educated on equality in order to change the denial of gender-related attitudes and challenges in the country (ibid: 25-26).

To summarize, the previous research on women’s political participation and political targeting of women’s issue, suggests that not enough was being done in Armenia to ensure women’s participation in politics and to tackle equality-related issues.

5. Methodology

Qualitative text-analysis To answer this thesis’s questions, qualitative text analysis was used for several reasons. This method is used to analyse texts in order to bring out the essential content by thoroughly reading parts of and the whole text in order to reflect on the content that it is providing (Esaiasson et al., 2009, 237). An important feature of this method is that it allows to both look at the text in whole and look after parts in the text that are more interesting than the whole and by looking at what is “hidden” in the text the method allows to ask questions about the hidden or missing content (ibid). More importantly, this paper seeks to explain what political points are made in the manifestos and if gender-equality is part of those points. If it is not, the results will discuss the reasons behind the absence of what was intended to be “measured” or found. This is a difficult challenge for this thesis as according to Bachrach and Baratz (1962: 951) some elements in political science are “unmeasurable”. They argue that for investigating the dynamics of a decision or non-decision-making, in this case specifically the inclusion or non- inclusion of gender-equality in the manifestos, power structures should be understood from the notion that nobody categorically dominates/decides everything independently. Instead one should accept that power structures tend to change over time and should be recognized by its two faces. By this, they mean that the researcher should not start by asking “Who rules” but

17 instead “Does anyone have power at all”? (own formulation and citation, ibid: 952). In this context, the indirect influence of why and how MSA, BA and PA choose to formulate their political points in the election manifestos might be difficult and even impossible to measure as here too, power is being analysed while being in an interaction with the media, public and political agendas that are formed. These processes all together determine if the issues, in this case the political points in the manifestos and the inclusion or absence of gender-equality, are considered to be worthy of (the future) government consideration. To understand how the political points in the manifestos were chosen and why, it is interesting to understand why an issue was perceived as important and another one not, in any context. The problem is that trying to explain the possible absence of something in any context is a challenge. This thesis will explore those challenges in the discussion.

Qualitative text-analysis searches after what the point of the text is and what arguments are used. The questions that we form are the building blocks of the thesis’s analysis tools, as they should be regarded as empirical indicators of the general phenomenon that we are researching about (ibid).

Further, a qualitative analyses of the images in the election manifestos is not included in order to analyse how many man and women are imaged and in what contexts, because one of the manifestos (BA) lacked images all together, and the second manifesto (MSA) did not include images on humans or the environment but instead had icon-like images for every chapter. The qualitative text analysis-method is therefore argued to represent what this thesis aims to investigate in a material consisting of texts in election-manifestos.

To analyse the texts in the manifestos the argumentation analysis could have been used as a method, which only searches to identify and scrutinize arguments (Bergström & Boréus, 2012: 146). This method could help to explain and understand the material and the arguments, but based on the aim of this thesis and the questions it is the qualitative text-analysis that is suitable to use instead to investigate how the three parties’ election manifestos present their political points and if they include gender equality.

The three political parties’ election manifestos will be investigated by looking at what is being said, and what is implied in those arguments by describing the deeper meaning of the reasoning behind those arguments. The concepts that have been presented in the theory

18 section will be the tools that will be used when analysing the terms equality, gender and gender equality.

It is nearly impossible to use a method that does not contain any weaknesses, especially when analysing texts and arguments in social/political sciences. For this very reason, the researcher should understand these weaknesses and discuss them in the thesis if the intention and the aim of the study is to have validity. Further, the researcher should also remember to reflect over their own preconceptions and understandings due to past experiences that have an impact on how the texts are understood (ibid: 251).

5.1. Selection of Cases and Material

The material that will be analysed in this section is MSA’s, BA’s and PA’s 2018 election- manifestos. It could be argued, that election manifestos represent parties’ own opinions and they are mostly very content-rich materials. The three chosen election manifestos represent the largest and single official documents from MSA, BA, and PA that represent how they planned to rule the country after the 2018 elections, if they would enter the parliament. This is the reasons behind why this type of materials were chosen.

My Step Alliance does not have an official webpage and it is instead Civil Contract’s homepage that contains information about the party, the structure, charters, programs and news. The official 2018 election manifesto is not found at the Civil Contract’s webpage and the webpage is unable to automatically view in English or other foreign language. The MSA election manifesto was the only document not to be found in MSA’s home page. By searches in Google, Armenian news-channels were referring to an official MSA link from their home page were the manifesto should be presented. When following those links, the MSA seemed to either have removed the manifesto link or the news-channels were referring to a non-existing link. In further search for the official election manifesto, one of the news- channels- Hetq.am (2018) where in an article about all the parties who had published their election manifestos, referring to a link via the words “MSA’s election-manifesto”, which when clicked on- viewed the MSA election-manifesto as a PDF-file. The link, in this case was “saved” by the news-channel as a PDF-file from another source (likely from MFS homepage, before it was removed), and contained their news-channel name in the beginning of the link, showing that the link was not MFA’s official homepage but contained the MSA 2018

19 manifesto. Here, although the 2018 MSA manifesto seemed to include all the pages from beginning to the end, the PDF-file could not be stated in this thesis to have been found through an official MSA link. This makes the PDF-file found at the news-media channel and its content, a secondary source, although the document- according to this thesis’s researcher’s objective view seemed to have been directly imported from the MSA official homepage, probably before it was removed. Regardless, to the researcher, nothing in the PDF document’s design or in its text appeared to be aberrant or could suggest that the document had been manipulated by the news channel that referred to and uploaded the manifesto. In this thesis, it is impossible to state when and why this document was removed from MSA’s official homepage, or why the 2018 election manifesto was missing from the main source but the document representing the MSA 2018 election manifesto from Hetq.am was used in the analyse anyways, given the above reasons and conclusions.

The full election manifesto of My Step Alliance was not found at the Central Electoral Commission of the RoA either, which is a “state body in charge of organizing elections, as well as RoA referendums ensuring their legality”. If found there, the document could maybe have been referred to as a main source too.

Bright Armenia’s and Prosperous Armenia’s election-manifestos were easily found through getting access to their parties’ official home pages which both were accessible in English and Russian as well, besides Armenian. The election-manifestos were also to be found on most of the Armenian news channels and media outlets that wrote about the content of the manifestos and referred to the official sources.

5.2. Delimitations Only the MSA, BA and PA political parties’ 2018 election manifestos are analysed due to the following reasons. During the snap elections of 2018 in Armenia, three reformist parties that supported the snap elections and the 2018 revolution were MSA, PA and BA (EVNreport, 2018). Out of the eleven political parties and pre-electoral coalitions (PECs) that were registered for the snap elections, MSA, PA and BA were considered three of the five competitive parties that would enter the new parliament, which they did. This made these parties of interest for this thesis.

Further, according to Armenian Election Study (ArmEs) by Turpanjian Center for Policy Analysis, the voter behaviour in Armenia that measures public perceptions and attitudes towards political processes in the country, it was concluded, that compared to 2017 elections, a transformation had happened for the Armenian voter as an increased optimism was measured (ibid). Further, according to an OSCE report, the International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) stated that the 2018 parliamentary election day proceeded peacefully, free of pressure on or intimidation of voters and was accessed positively by almost all IEOM observers. Given these reasons, the 2018 election manifestos were more interesting to analyse compared to the years before as the elections seemed to be more surrounded by progressivism and optimism and thus making the probability of the election manifestos to contain gender- equality related issues and proposals higher. Whether this was true will be investigated in the results and analysis sections.

This thesis, due to time limitations and analysing materials that are mostly in Armenian and thus need to be translated by the thesis author, focused on the election-manifestos from each party that arguably represent the parties’ ideas, intentions and objectives. The documents vary from 16- 56 pages, listing most of the tasks that the parties had intended to deal with after the 2018 Armenian Revolution, containing future aspects, promises and assumptions on what Armenia should look like. The documents are therefore fitting materials to start from to investigate this thesis´s questions but future research including more variety in material choice is encouraged in the section of discussion as well.

Note: this thesis’s author’s first language is Armenian, thus no external translation methods were used to interpret and understand the material, previous research and etc. that was written in Armenian language.

5.3. Method critique

What this analysis does not intend to do is to present an absolute truth about what the parties’ views on political issues and gender-equality are. The parties’ definitive intentions with gender-equality might not be something that the party would have wanted to portray in their election-manifesto. Their aims with gender-equality in Armenia might have had different results in practise after being elected to parliament in comparison to what will be found in the

21 election-manifestos from 2018. This can be a potential reliability issue for the results of the thesis. As this thesis will not analyse events and decisions made on gender-equality after 2018, a discussion will instead be conducted at the end of this thesis, to understand the results and offer a possible reasoning of the parties when they conducting the election-manifestos the way they did. Understanding, explaining and revealing agenda- settings at the same time as revealing the existence or absence of the main concepts- gender equality, puts therefore difficult methodological challenges on this thesis and could cause problems with validity. This will also be discussed in the results.

5.4. Concepts 5.4.1. Equality In the analysis, a broader presentation of the usage of the concept equality and its problems will be presented. The concept, that is broadly used in the media, by politicians etc. is complex because equality may refer to political equality, gender equality, racial equality, social equality and economic equality. In the Western societies, the term equality sometimes replaces the specific term gender equality. In Sweden, for example, the word gender equality as one word- jämställdhet, while the word equality has its own concept- jämlikhet. Both terms as frequently used in the media and by different actors but when mentioning one of the concepts, the reader or the audience most of the times understands the difference between overall equality or gender equality. In the Armenian language, the word equality is more frequently used in all kinds of areas, even though the terms gender and/or sex equality (Սեռական հավասարություն, գենդերային հավասարություն) is used to specify gender related areas. In the analysis the aim will be to understand if the concept of equality in its direct form is used by MSA, BA and PA.

5.4.2. Gender According to Connell and Pearse (2015: 24), most of the discussions in the society on the term “gender”- the focus is on the cultural difference between men and women which are found mostly in the biological differences between male and female. Nonetheless, gender is described to be a social structure that is multidimensional as it involves both identity, sexuality, power, work, all at the same time (ibid: 27). The authors claim that a definition that is based on a dichotomy can be very exclusive and eliminate differences- men in between and women in between (ibid: 25). This, it is claimed, would result into making our perceptions of the gender being delimited into two types, even though the reality does not base its

22 perceptions on dichotomy the same way(ibid: 24), especially when our differences in between have large impact on social relations. The social sciences have shown that it is possible to let go of these differences and instead focus on the social relations between individuals and groups (ibid: 27). It is also important to note that gender is in constantly ongoing process as the views on what is female and male change in our societies with time. To conclude, Fagerström and Nilson (2008:7) argue that sex is considered to be determined by biology while gender is socially and culturally constructed.

In the Armenian context, on state/judicial level, the concept of gender is described in Armenian law and is partly based on the UN definition of gender. The definition in law states: “ Gender- the different sexes of people- with acquired, socially fixed behaviour, point of view of the social relations between women and men, which is expresses in public life in all areas, including politics, economics, law, ideology, culture, education, science and healthcare” (Law of the RoA on ensuring equal rights for women and men and equal opportunities, section 1, art. 3, 2013, Arlis.am, my translation).

According to a large sociological survey on gender, the word gender is widely associated with homosexuality and sexual perversion in Armenian society, which resulted to less respondents when the researchers of the survey where doing their field work and some responders would refuse to answer questions when the word gender was used (YSU, 2015: 10).

These differences on the concept were mentioned in this section, in order to give a theoretical explanation to the concept of gender but also to demonstrate the differences between what type of meaning a concept can be given in academy and judiciary while it still can, in certain cases, be misunderstood and even be unintelligible for the broader public.

5.4.3. Gender equality It was in the twentieth century that gender equality became an important topic for the UN, especially because of the UN Decade for Women during 1975-1985 that focused on the policies and issues that had an impact on women in different areas. At the end of “the women decade” many initiatives were taken to integrate women into development (Inglehart, 2003: 3). Gender equality means that women and men have the same rights, responsibilities and opportunities in all areas of life. The concept does not imply that women and men are the same but that they have equal value and should get equal treatment. According to Inglehart, a

23 predominating culture of gender equality, tends to change the climate in the society by transforming rights, reforms, roles and opportunities in the legal system, workplace, public space, institutions, household and families (ibid, 10).

6. Results The amount of results presented on each party has been relative to the amount of text written and political points made in each election-manifesto. MSA had the longest manifesto, followed by BA, and PA. Referencing to pages in the election manifestos will not be included in the results.

6.1 My Step Alliance

Political points In the preface, MSA states that they are participating in the rapid parliamentary elections of December 9, 2018 to finalize the non-violent revolution that took place in April-May during the same year in and in order to consolidate the victory and return the power of the people to back to them. Further, they list the different obligations that the alliance had promised to the citizens during and after the revolution, which they consider to have completed. The removal of the ex-president and later prime minister Serj Sargsyan, the start of the fight against corruption, the removal of artificial economic monopolies and holding rapid parliamentary elections are one of those obligations. MSA further asks for the vote of the people in order to finalize the listed plans and intentions for the country and its citizens.

In the ideological thesis of MSA it is stated in the manifesto that the party wants to continue making serious efforts to reach the establishment of new public, legal and domestic relations for citizens, based on the rule of law to guarantee the equality of all people, full protection and applicability of human rights, equality of women and men, national-state identity of the Armenian people, independence preservation and development. In the political arena, having competitive and free electoral system is of importance as when the functions of the political governance are distributed through the free will of the people- equal opportunities will be created for the candidates to government. In the economic sphere, MSA wants the state to create conditions to form an economic and business field that is free and competitive. The key condition for overcoming poverty is seen through creating jobs, increasing salaries and being able to ensure prosperity to the citizens through equal and

24 competitive conditions for anyone with business skills. The Armed forces are of priority for the national security but the increase of the population of Armenia is also desired. This point is connected to the inclusion of the Armenian Diaspora (citizens who have emigrated from Armenia, even decades ago), as developing repatriation programs is believed to help the successful re-establishment of those Armenians who decide to move back to Armenia or those who already have. MSA wants the Armenian population of three million to double in the next 20 years by the above-mentioned repatriation and an increase in birth rate which is now low. Politics is required to be public, meaning that political processes and their content should be of public awareness, which can be maintained through freedom of speech, the free press and the free Internet. MSA states that law should become the new tradition for personal, group and public relations’ settlement, as contacting the police and the court will become effective tools for every citizen in order to protect rights and prevent crimes. Education is discussed with many proposals, stressing to ensure the introduction and implementation of inclusive education quality, in order to realize the right of every child to education. Creating new jobs and encouraging the citizens to work is also addressed. The party stresses the need of reduction of unemployment, increase of productivity in various spheres and expansion of competitive opportunities. Improving the quality and availability of services provided by the health care system, and the social services, including targeting these services towards changing the low birth rate in Armenia.

Gender Equality From the MSA’s main political points in its election manifesto, gender-equality does not emerge as an important topic or red thread, even though the ideological thesis of the political manifesto does stress the equality between men and women. They further reject the use of violence to solve internal or personal issues and stand for the protection of the citizens, including minorities. Securing the protection of human rights is also mentioned. Protecting women as a group, from gender violence or in other ways is not mentioned. When weighing the results, the overall picture shows an unconsciousness regarding gender-equality issues, in the election manifesto. There is no mentioning to be found on initiating any job programs targeted at including women. Health care is also prioritized with several suggestions, including the need to change the low birth rate in Armenia. Here, the willingness to change the low birth rate seems to be the only targeting towards women. As discussed earlier in theory (3.4) women have double roles in the

25 nation (Yuval-Davis, 1997: 37), and having a low birth rate in the nation is viewed as an enough serious problem, to be mentioned. Given the fact that no discussion on women’s overall health is found in the manifesto, it could be argued that women’s role in the nation, according to MSA’s manifesto is strongly connected to her biological reproduction ability- someone who reproduces “the nation” as the continuous growth is desired for Armenia for both nationalist, civil and military purposes. From the MSA’s main political points in its election manifesto, gender-equality does not emerge as an important topic or red thread, even though the ideological thesis of the political manifesto does stress the equality between men and women, which invites us to think that gender-equality will emerge further in the manifesto. When weighing the results, the overall pictures shows an unconsciousness regarding gender-equality issues, in the election manifesto even though equality is mentioned.

6.2. Bright Armenia

Political points Bright Armenia´s election manifesto starts with a liberal quote, in order to declare their ideological thesis. BA sees the need to build a progressive and modern political system that contributes to the development of the society, by forming democratic institutions in the interest of the citizens. BA’s vision is a modernized country with equal opportunities, where the individual is not a means but a goal. When proposing initiatives and reforms, BA suggests changes for increased pensions, introduction of labour institutes to protect workers, improvement of the business environment, tourism development, “green” economy development etc. In foreign policy, BA suggests larger cooperation with the EU, stressing the importance of cooperation with Russia and the US, but also other countries. In rule of law and fight against crime, BA sees solution in defining human rights, equality and equal opportunities by viewing these as necessary justice forms. Ensuring legal certainty in legislation should be in parallel with social development. BA offers the introduction and application of modern mechanisms for transparency, accountability and improvement of public relation activities. Ensuring the independence of the judiciary and the inevitability of justice are also views as tools to fight against corruption. Raising the level of legal awareness among the population is also seen as an anti-corruption mechanism. In the chapter on security and protection, the majority of focus goes to citizen’s receptance of personal security which are related to strengthening social, health, financial, informational, environmental and cultural

26 security. Other points are made on the effective and democratic control over the armed forces in order to ensure military’s effectiveness and transparency. When developing the institute of social security, the focus should be the gradual reduction of the number of socially vulnerable workers and the continuous increase of the minimum wage. Social security is according to BA best solved through ensuring sustainable economic growth. Free services, including medical care, should only be provided on the basis of social justice. For economic development BA stresses the need to have economic growth in terms of both quality and inclusion. In order to improve the business environment and protest the interests of the businesses, protecting legal interests and resolving disputes is a necessity. BA places the citizen of the Republic of Armenia in the centre of all reforms. To increase the labour market’s flexibility and eliminate illegal employment, the increase of quality workforce and promotion of the growth of professional mobility are seen as solutions. Special focus is given to including youth into the social daily life through different initiatives. Health security is also prioritized through increased service quality, making certain medical interventions free of charge, providing free and uncomplicated access to medical care for children and through encouraging the work of doctors in all regions. BA views education as a key precondition for the development of human capital and the country’s long-term sustainable development. To reach that, one of the key goals are to have a developed, high-quality and future-oriented national education system that meets international standards.

Gender equality Bright Armenia’s political manifesto sees most of the solutions for political points in modernization and progression. BA mentions human rights, equality and equal opportunities in several of the points made, without clarifying what they mean for BA, or how they define equality and equal opportunities. No mentioning of protecting women’s rights specifically is mentioned. Further, for social security and labour, no importance is given to viewing women’s social issues like discrimination when applying for a job. BA wants to raise the legal awareness among the population, but this is viewed mostly for fighting against corruption and for encouraging citizens to contact the police and the judiciary. No mentioning on raising awareness on other gender related issues are to be seen. From the BA'S main political points in its election manifesto, gender-equality does not emerge as an important topic or red thread, even though the election-manifesto does include

27 words like “equality and equal opportunities”, which would need a more detailed explanation. Gender-equality as a topic or awareness does not emerge further in the manifesto.

6.3. Prosperous Armenia

Political points The PA manifesto consists of 36 promises or suggestions. PA states that they know how to draw out Armenia from the severe social and economic current situation. PA will revolutionize the economy by attracting new and large investments and by creating new jobs. For this, PA needs broad public support. Most focus is given to raising the minimum wage on a dignified level, making sure that employment pensions must guarantee minimum living conditions. Protecting and helping big and small-scale businesses are of great importance, as many points include proposals suggesting different tax cuts and state support towards businesses. Encouraging new entrepreneurs and investments by creating new systems to protect investments are also many of the suggestions. Further PA proposes to adopt a new tax code, digitize services in all possible areas in economy and production, revolutionize the current technology and help farmers with high bank loans and interest rates. Cooperation with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is especially encouraged in order for Armenia to meet its economic and geopolitical challenges. Cooperation with Russia is also of importance. PA also wants to decrease the price of gas and electricity for citizens. Developing mechanisms in the educational system to make sure that the youth has access to loans in order to pay for their education is also one of the proposals. All citizens should be able to have access to quality health care services and special attention should be given to disadvantaged groups. PA expresses that it is necessary to look at the state policy for people with special needs and disabilities. PA stresses the need to make sure that women and families with several children get enough financial aid by giving more aid for every second, third etc. child, as this is considered to have a specific importance both demographically and socially for the country. Armenian citizens should also be able to get access to proper housing. Creating an independent and transparent judicial system are also one of the main points. Regarding security, PA sees the need of sharply increasing the number of contract soldiers and to transfer 5% of the expenditure part of the state budget every year directly to the development of the military-industrial system.

Gender Equality Prosperous Armenia’s election manifesto is more direct to certain groups in the society. PA projects are mainly concentrated on helping Armenia’s economy, individuals in businesses, farmers and investors. Guaranteeing a minimum wage is of importance and making sure that citizens pay less for gas and electricity are also a priority. The other two groups that should be prioritized are those with special needs (disabilities) and women who have children. Here it is interesting that the language used for the last group is different and more individual, showing the BA gives importance to increasing the birth rate in Armenia specifically because it is important for the country’s demography and social life. As this is the single time women are mentioned in the election- manifesto as a group- here also could the feministic theory of women having double roles in a society be implied. Having children, and giving benefits to those who have more than one or many children, could be interpreted into PA’s main concern with women which revolves around her biological reproduction ability so that she should contribute to and guarantee the continuous growth of the population which is desired for economic, demographic and social purposes.

PA'S main political points in its election manifesto do not include gender-equality or gender- awareness, as they do not emerge as important topics or are given any importance.

6. Analysis

MSA’s main points were revolving around tackling corruption, implementing new strategies in most of the mentioned fields, country’s security (both physical and economical) but also securing freedom of speech. BA’s main agenda was revolving around liberalism, human rights, economic growth and improving old mechanisms. PA’s political agenda was revolving around economic growth, creating investment opportunities for foreign investors and local businessman, as well as making electricity, gas, healthcare and financial aid more accessible or affordable for the citizens. The results showed that MSA and BA viewed the low birth rate as a problem, while the fight against corruption and accessible quality healthcare was a point shared by all the parties. Overall, economic growth and the well-being of the citizens was the main focuses of all the parties. This was measured though summarizing the main and most common political points made in the election manifestos.

According to the purposes of this research, through the results from the analysis, it can be stated that neither MSA, BA nor PA mentioned or considered gender-equality in their election manifestos while the above mentioned main political points were given the most importance to. It is not correct to state that any of the manifestos had male focus either (spoke to male citizens instead of women), but rather that most of the content was gender neutral. Equality and equal opportunities were mentioned by MSA and BA but were relatively poorly presented and not specified. Important areas for gender-equality and gender issues were absent and women focused areas were only connected to the economic and demographic problem of a low birth rate. Scientific reports showing year after year high discrimination against women, high levels of unemployment, inequality and high levels of violence against women, were not mentioned in any of the manifestos, showing that the parties did not view these as structural problems of the society that should be handled like or separately from other political points. Instead- most of the political agenda of the three parties revolved around creating and securing economic growth, fight against corruption and improvements in the health-and educational systems. None of the parties mentioned or stated gender-equality as a major political point, although MSA and BA centred their rhetoric around the individual by stating the importance of the citizen’s will and potential. It could thus be stated that access to equality as a theme was prevalent in the election manifestos for MSA and BA while gender- equality was not a theme, political point or a topic of discussion.

The findings on the absence of gender equality place us in front of a scientific problem as we find out that what we were looking for is absent. Gender equality was an issue that was not considered or seemed to matter in MSA’s, BA’s and PA’s election manifestos. How can this be interpreted?

Rappert writes (2016: 2)

“Individuals, organizations, professions, and publics can be blind to an issue because of the lack of concern, can be blinded to aspects of an issue because of how attention gets selectively focused, or can be blinded by an issue because it detracts regard from other matters. Within the study of social and political life then, regard for what is being attended to needs to be combined with what is not: what issues are not considered, what is not said, what matters are rendered hidden, what grievances never get formed, what paths are never pursued. That might be because some questions never get asked,

pertinent information is never shared, forums for collective discussion do not exist, some individuals actively work against others knowing, and so on. All such social processes characterized by absence are—at least in principal—open to empirical and theoretical investigation.”

Drawing from this, a possible explanation could be that the Armenian politics are not ready to openly speak about gender-equality in their election manifestos. We cannot state that the discussion about or real actions for gender equality have not been taken place before or after the 2018 elections as this thesis did not intend to do investigate what the parties have said or done before or after the elections. What is found instead is the absence of gender-equality in the 2018 election manifestos even though gender equality is considered to be a central part in the life and development of modern democracies.

In the section of concepts in this thesis, results from a large sociological survey by Yerevan State University in 2015 were presented were it was found that the word gender is widely misinterpreted and understood by the Armenian society and some survey respondents would refuse to answer questions when the word gender was used (ibid:10). The Jilozyan 2017 article, mentioned in this thesis’s chapter on previous research, also stated that a large confusion of the word gender, its misuse and misunderstanding both by individual actors and politicians paved the way for manipulation in the society regarding gender equality, women’s rights and equality overall (ibid: 40). Thus, a possible interpretation on why MSA, BA and PA avoided mentioning gender or gender equality could be because of the fear to be misunderstood, causing non-wanted attention or intrigues or being rejected in the elections of 2018.

The logic behind this possible interpretation could be first simplified by an example by Bachrach and Baratz (ibid: 949) which will be presented in a simplified way. If someone has a contradicting stand on a decision or issue and would like to express this to others in the group who have power in the decision making, this person, despite their original desire to introduce a “new issue” (by contradicting an already made decision by the bigger group) might choose not to express their opinion or present the new issue. The following one or combined factors could explain why the person would change their mindset or not go against the group /group’s decision. First, because the person is fearful to be considered disloyal/a treater, second because they believe that their opinion is a minority, and third because their opinion would be too criticized and in the end not matter. Here Bachrach and Baratz demonstrate how conscious

31 or unconscious actions in public conflicts might create or reinforce power structures by giving or taking power.

To connect back to the possible result interpretation- the Armenian politicians in 2018 elections might have had according to the logic presented above, and as Konstantinidis stated in his 2008 article, not wanted to present or to claim a new issue in their election manifestos, which in this case would have been gender equality. This explanation cannot be guaranteed to represent the absence of gender equality from the 2018 manifestos, as this thesis did not find and did not intend to present whether the election manifestos before 2018 by these or other parties included gender equality in the political points. Thus, we cannot state if gender equality is considered to be a new “issue” or an old “issue” to Armenian election-manifestos and politics. Nevertheless, the total absence of gender equality for three major parties election manifestos for the 2018 democratic, post-revolution elections in Armenia does raise questions which might be answered more in debt in a complementary research where other materials like political law proposals, speeches, propositions etc. from the three political parties could also be analysed and compared.

7.1. My Step Alliance It is important to explain that the manifesto refers to “Armenian citizens, Armenians, citizens” and giving the fact that the Armenian language does not contain the gender specific pronouns she/he as in English, it could be argued that this makes the Armenian written language more neutral and less gender-targeted than it might have been with these pronouns. The MSA can thus be believed to have intended to pursue policies and conduct an election manifesto to target all potential voters without specifying gender. However, the structural perspective on gender-equality is still missing and most of the main political points in the election manifesto can thus be regarded as relatively gender-unconscious.

7.2. Bright Armenia When weighing the results, the overall picture shows an unconsciousness regarding gender- equality issues, in the BA election manifesto as well. However, in this manifesto as well, words like “Armenian citizens, Armenians, citizens” etc. are used, which as explained earlier, makes the written language more neutral and less gender-targeted than it might have been with these pronouns like he/she. The BA can thus have intended to conduct an election

32 manifesto to target every potential voter without making the manifesto individual to anyone. Overall, the structural perspective on gender-equality is missing and most of the main political points in the election manifesto can thus be regarded as relatively gender- unconscious, making the manifesto gender-unconscious as well.

7.3. Prosperous Armenia The overall picture from the results shows an unconsciousness regarding gender-equality and gender issues in the PA election manifesto as well. However, in this manifesto the written language is very neutral towards the reader as it does not have a tone that is to one specific group or everyone. Instead, interests of different groups like businessmen, entrepreneurs and farmers can find relevant points that speak directly to their interests among the 36 points. Here as well, BA might have intended to conduct an election manifesto to specific voters with individual economic or social interests without making the manifesto general for everyone. Overall, the structural perspective on gender-equality is missing and most of the main political points in the election manifesto can thus be regarded as vastly gender- unconscious, making the manifesto gender-unconscious as well.

8. Discussion and concluding remarks

This thesis argues that election manifestos generally do contain the main objectives, promises and views of a political party, no matter how the election manifesto physically looks like and how detailed it is. Analysing the three political parties’ election manifestos, it is argued that the parties did an effort to view their political agendas as detailed as possible, to present their political ideologies and to highlight those political points that the voters might have been interested in, which were presented in the results and analysis, but gender equality was absent from all the three election manifestos.

Alternative interpretations of the analysis could be that all of the parties were speaking directly to their voters, to the citizens and that the parties had certain ideas on what these voters would like to read in the manifestos or would like the parties to do if they would be elected. Another alternative could be that depending on the context (geographical and political), political parties do not necessarily have to present their views on every area that the voters might be concerned with. They might not include their ideological views on every topic

33 and specify their points in detail since normally- election-manifestos have contain limited number of pages in order for the public or media to have access to them, read them and analyse them. Boring the reader with too much information or difficult concepts might also be the case on why the parties did not include the words or topics on gender or gender equality.

A last explanation or alternative interpretation, connected to the first alternative interpretation of the results and on the analysis could be that the three political parties might have a gender focus but that this was not presented in the election manifestos as it was rather desired to present political points that the average voter would have been interested in. It is possible that through direct communications with the public, the parties have formed the manifestos to “fit” the average voter. Although this, contradicts the goals of the parties presented in the first pages of the manifestos as all three of them presented themselves to be those who with modern methods would lift the economic and social situation of Armenia. As gender- equality has been proven to be one of the main determinants for development, especially in democratic countries, missing gender-equality entirely from the parties’ election manifestos does question how they define modernization. As stated before, a further research on what the parties did after the elections for or against gender-equality would give a more complete version on their politics regarding the area of gender equality.

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Bachrach, P., & Baratz, M. (1962). Two Faces of Power. The American Political Science Review, 56(4), 947-952. doi:10.2307/1952796, online resource available at, https://www- jstor-org.ezproxy.its.uu.se/stable/1952796?pq- origsite=summon&seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents, (Accessed 2020-05-21)

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