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University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE AS a MECHANISM CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE AS A MECHANISM IN TRIBAL INTEGRATION AMONG THE MAYOS OF NORTHWEST MEXICO Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Crumrine, Lynne Scoggins, 1933- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 04/10/2021 06:02:48 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284663 This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-5138 CRUMRINE, Lynne Scoggins, 1933— CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE AS A MECHANISM IN TRIBAL INTEGRATION AMONG THE MAYOS OF NORTHWEST MEXICO. University of Arizona, Ph.D., 1966 Anthropology University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE AS A MECHANISM IN TRIBAL INTEGRATION AMONG THE MAYOS OF NORTHWEST MEXICO by Lynne Scoggins Crumrine A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY ... In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 196 6 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE'COLLEGE I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my direction by Lvnne Scot?pins Crmnrine entitled CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE AS A MECHANISM TM TRTBAT. TNTFGR AT TOM AMONG THE MAYOS OF NORTHWEST MEXICO be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Dissertation Director D^tfe ^7 After inspection of the dissertation, the following members of the Final Examination Committee concur in its approval and recommend its acceptance:* / / , • - , / A, / / c* :• 1L gjf- /srj hi 5" 4YKC'. z//- frf rtcg- Acr'.rtjit/f- *This approval and acceptance is contingent on the candidate's adequate performance and defense of this dissertation at the final oral examination* The inclusion of this sheet bound into the library copy of the dissertation is evidence of satisfactory performance at the final examination. STATEMENT BY AUTHOR This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to bor­ rowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or re­ production of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author. SIGNED: Ca^l. PREFACE This study is the result of a year's field residence among the Mayo Indians of Sonora, Mexico, and several years' study in Yaqui and Mayo culture and society by my husband, N. Ross Crumrine, and me in which there has been a constant interchange of ideas and information. From November 3, I960 through December 15, 1961 Ross and 1 main* tained residence in Mayo country, returning for two short periods from one to six weeks to Tucson. In addition to his substantial contribution of work and thought to this dissertation I want to acknowledge the positive effect of his confidence and dedication both during and after the fieldwork period. The generosity with which he has shared both work and creative energy has made possible the writing of this dissertation, as well as the field research. The fieldwork and the writing on which this dissertation is based was financed under a Social Science Research Council Predoctoral Fellowship supplemented by a National Institutes of Mental Health Fellowship. Much of the writing was done during the tenure of a Wenner-Gren Predoctoral Research Grant. These financial sources have permitted a freedom in research for which I am truly grateful. iii iv For personal, economic, and moral support above and beyond the call of duty in the form of special comfort to my family during research and writing, special mention ia due to Norman R. Crumrine and Gertrude F. Scoggins. Acknowledgments in the scholastic arena are more than deserved by each member of my dissertation committee. I am grateful to Dr. Malcolm McFee for many helpful suggestions in his reading of the final draft. Dr. Richard Woodbury, United States National Museum, "Wash­ ington, D. C., on my committee at the inception of the work, provided particular encouragement to the development of thought at an early stage of field research and writing. To him I am indebted for infusions of courage at disheartening moments and for many insights, particu­ larly into Southwestern Indian economy. Dr. Edward P. Dozier has given an understanding and appreciative reading and it has been reward­ ing to have had the benefits of his critical understanding. To Dr. Harry T. Getty I am grateful for his interest, honest appraisal, the generous dedication of time and extension of kindness both in the early stages and later, as deadlines approached. To the director - of the dissertation, Dr. Edward H. Spicer, I want to give special credit for sharing his penetrating understanding of both the data and the theory involved in this dissertation, for it has been developed in large part as a dialogue with him. I join so many of those students who have worked with him in appreciation for the time, talent, and human concern he finds for students and colleagues. Though their scholastic discipline has at times Beemed severe, I am grateful to all these people for the degree of maturity this process of rethinking may have brought about in my anthropological training. To the people of those Mayo communities in Sonora and Sinaloa with whose social organisation this dissertation is concerned I offer heartfelt thanks for hospitality, at times tolerance, and fre­ quently faith and generously given insights into social life and symbolism. I defer to Mayo custom in not singling out particular individuals for public acknowledgment, though their names are well known in the pueblos where they serve with dedication in offices and sodalities. Offered not in place of friendship, but with it, like a promise being fulfilled, this is the continuation of an effort to demonstrate to others part of the esthetic complexity and essential intelligence of design for survival in the Cahitan way of life, in religion, language, political, and economic institutions. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS viii ABSTRACT ix Chapter I. THE NATURE OF MAYO SOCIAL ORGANIZATION .... 1 Introduction .................. 1 Hypothesis 6 Basic Economic Structures of Mayo Society .... 11 Social Structures Involved in Ceremonial Exchange . 16 Basic Social Structures ........... 16 Pueblo 17 Kinship and Residence 18 Sodality 26 Church, Cult, and Pueblo Internal Organization 27 Authority and Command . 29 The Cult System ' . 30 II. THE NATURE OF MAYO SOCIAL INTEGRATION. ... 35 How Ceremonial Exchange Operates 35 Definition of Terms . 35 Types of Exchange 37 Integration of Pueblos Through the Patron Saint Exchange, An Example 44 Summary of Types of Ceremonial Exchange Described 52 HI. ANALYSIS OF EXCHANGES AS INTEGRATIVE MECHANISMS . 55 Ethnic Integration 55 Integration of Mayo Units with Other Mayo Units 55 Significance of ai Fiesta Type of Distribution in Mayo Ceremonial Exchange 59 Mayo-Mestizo Integration 65 vi vii TABLE OF CONTENTS--Continued Chapter Page The Nature of Integration Achieved in Patron Saint Exchange 67 Mechanical Social Integration 67 Complementarity of Cultural Patterns .... 69 Cult Segmentation 70 IV. AN EXPLANATION OF MAYO SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN TERMS OF CULTURAL ECOLOGY ....... 77 Succession of Periods 77 Prehispanic Periods 80 Spanish Contact Period, 1533-1771 ..... 88 The Autonomous Period, 1770-1887 92 The Relocation Period, 1887-1961 96 Persistence and Change 105 Relation of Changing Ecological Factors to Features of Mayo Social Organization 113 Topographic 114 Inter group Competition 115 Demographic 117 Economic. 119 V. MAYO INTEGRATION TODAY: TRIBE, CHIEFDOM, OR STATE SEGMENT? 122 Reconsideration of Initial Hypothesis 122 Traits Leading to a More Complex Level of Organization 128 Mayos as Mexicans: A Tribe Within a State ... 134 Conclusions 137 GLOSSARY 147 LIST OF REFERENCES 152 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Mayo Ritual Kinship Terms of Reference 141 2. Organizational Chart of Mayo Social Units within the Pueblo During Intervillage Processions 142 3. Internal Organization of a Mayo Sodality, the Patron Saint Fiesteros of Banari, with Reference to Two Spheres of Authority, (a) Economic, (b) Ritual .... 143 4. Levels of Integration Effected by Some Types of Mayo Ceremonial Exchange 144 5. Procession Formation of Church Groups to Arocosi, Espiritu Santo Fiesta 145 6. Summary of Some Patron Saint Exchanges Between Five Mayo Pueblos . 146 viii ABSTRACT The social organization of the Mayos of Northwest Mexico is characterized by a number of social units complexly related to one another. The most important of these are a native variety of Catholic church, saints' cults, a large number of sodalities whose membership does not seem to be ascribed by kinship in any highly fixed way, loosely structured residence groups combined with bilateral kinship organisa­ tion, and ritual kinship. Authority and command structures within the pueblo church
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