Liang Qichao's Japan and Research in
Learning of the Field National
Sang •r<• Bing
Zhongshan University
Minghui by Hu translated
beginning twentieth studies the field of national the of the in From century,
• [] learning scholarly (guoxue ) relations world. Japanese China had close with the in
• f• N1 important pioneer learning, Liang (1873-1929) Qichao's national As in
an career
overlapped development learning. Indeed, Liang's the first with of national half of the
learning studies in Japanese disconnected from the field of national be this cannot
closely, Liang influence. Qichao's However, looked if the of interaction with world at
Sinology exchange Japan in much intense less than the academic between China
was
was
general. Sinology Liang's Furthermore, gradually Japan and in Japanese relations with
increasing Liang passed. Sinology time Japanese distance This
between and apart grew
as
Liang Studying Japanese resulted effective in when indifference the role died. Japan of in
learning Liang's
only identify foreign origins research national in enables of the
not to
us
thinking, advantages disadvantages his foreign but also and of the elements. such to
assess
concerning Liang's There has been academic achievements limitations and controversy a
since his time. became The after nebulous
death. his
It controversy
ever own
even more
significant, though, Liang's is discern for Japan, academic ties this task will be try to to to
and future beneficial scholars well.
to us as
Pioneer and 1. Founder
Strictly speaking, Liang's began learning academic the field of national research in
following Japan. exile his in four His life divided into itself be the 1898 stages:
can
Republican
early revolution, Reform Movement, the the and his last 1911 and
years; era,
periods scholarship politics. all four between hovered moved and When he from
away
politics, Liang
scholarship. political closer activities be further
His divided
to
came
can
moreinvolved political criticism political into involvement and direct The affairs. in in
political became, affairs he involved research, the less he academic in and vice
was versa.
simple. Liang Although of"relying The criticized traditional Chinese habit the
reason was
authority,"
nevertheless it writings. how
their scholars continued
to construct
most was on
• :• • Liang •, Wanmucaotang When studied the he lectures listened the
of such
at to
•-• l• O((1869-95), [•-• Qianqiu (1858-1927) Kang Youwei and then
but
as men
dialogue. recalled, could only he later in As but could listen them "I could not to engage
t• • • ._-•_., ''1 questions. charge Shiwu of in ask the
them When he xuetang not
any was
ideological Liang focused exhortation than academic discussion. "When he
more on on
scholarly single [though, Liang] from Xunzi discuss attacked scholar did
matters,
every
''z -•-down through Ming, Qing dynasties
Song, the and Tang, with Han,
vengeance.
a
(and mimicry ofKang Youwei's Wanmucaotang This sounds like words from the
sentence
political Liang's political propaganda). mostly their known for hence students
were
reputation exceptional only
activities. achieve would academic The who
was
an case
• •J •i carefully, Although (1885-1956). his studied with his Yang Yang huda teacher S
3 •,,NI •
(1864-1927). scholarship Liang's Dehui turned be like
Ye out to enemy, more
Liang After of the failure of the Reform forced from the Movement, 1898 center
was
criticism, escaped point political time, Japan. and this in addition his in From to to power
Liang devote had time research. to to
more
Liang Zunxian Huang 1902, the and of letter In
autumn wrote to
summer a
[] ,• suggesting launching (1848-1905), Guoxuebao
the of be called
to
newspaper a
q.• ,1• Ming learning). Liang, (National and elaborated Huang, this task. Their Ma
upon
[] ]• (guomin ). national citizens should the
"nurture We
to
purpose preserve
was
](e•_ [] polish scholarship expand (guocui ) and order national and in
the old
to
up
essence
bring
saying approved Huang idea, of honor it." such words! such "How
great to are an
stabilize nation he also had However, the basis of such words." We
two
can our on
thought. objections. First, implied grand general refined "the of Guoxuebao and
contours
project haphazard suggested result, hectic, This Huang be done in manner." As
cannot
a a
they thought learning. history Second, that first national Huang of Chinese
compose a
incapability insularity that old suffered "China's and rather from than the
ways arrogance
preserving learning.'" suggested "open they of her thus door that the wide and invite in He
knowledge" knowledge and wait for few flourished before until this
years
a new new
learning advocating proposal
national succeed, pioneer China. This in but did did it
not
4 learning. notion the modem of national
Liang's opposition The motivation behind wish Kang Guoxuebao to to create
was
uphold proposal Youwei's Confucianism increase China's and for Confucius. respect to
Liang After the politically Reform Movement, differed Kang and 1898 occasion.
one on
beginning Liang published jiao At the of 1902, suoyi Kong fei lun" "Bao
zun
,!•t •
•1• J)fl, (Preserving raising Confucius), Confucianism and China's for
respect
essay
an
directly Liang attempted his conflict with in Kang. teacher refine traditional Chinese
to
learning looking by into histories, Classics the find and for and evidence make respect to
•-[- Liang Qichao, zishu" "Sanshi
;• 3•2
(Literary
shuju, (Shanghai: Zhonghua Works from Studio) Ice-Drinker's 1916), 44, juan an
26.
p.
1• 2
•'¢¢J• • Liang, Qingdai • gailun, Yinbingshi zhuanji (Specialized in xueshu Works from
an
Studio) Zhonghua (Taibei: shuju, Ice-Drinker's 1927), 6, 62.
p. ce
• • • • • Shuda, huiyilu See Yang [] (Shanghai: Zhiwei Guji chubanshe, 1986);
weng
N]• •J• "Xiyuan • [] 7)2 ji" ]g xuewxing •i• (Account Xiyuan), of studies in Siwen 9.9-10
(September-October 1927), 1-35.
pp.
4 Bing Sang See
g• N •: • • [] IN learning (Western learning Qing studies early and the late national in
and
• • J:• ]IJ]: Republic), (1996), Lishi 30-40. 5 yanfiu pp.
glorious According Liang, Chinese time in Confucius
there
to
unnecessary. was no more
period proliferation Warring history period. of this achieved such than the That States
a
Liang argued thought. that ideas freedom of "the attributed first and be foremost to can
precisely the freedom of that believed he in Confucius is Confucius that
reason was
"5 enhancing for Confucius thought. preserving Confucianism and The idea of respect
was
critique, accepted
Liang replied Kang's time exactly opposite for he the this. When
to
to
a
learning starting
advocating Huang's proposal by Chinese and focus traditional to
not
on
mentality knowledge by reforming promotion the China's national the of
most
as new
criticizing Confucius, Liang
However, the nation. still insisted task
urgent to
on a save
point disagreed. Huang with which
even
motive•namely,
Liang's second national form order in the
protect to
to
essence a
citizenry--was experience primarily deriving Japan's idea from with national
own an
•). •- =]=_ [] (kokusuishugi Liang published national March of the
In
year,
essence same
dO • • • • • • J• • •, [] • Zhongguo sixiang bianqian his xueshu dashi" zhi "Lun
g)• • J• congbao scholarly thought) (Outlines changes (no. 3), of Chinese in Xinmin
on
scholarship argued early the in intellectual and he that ideas and the of
essay are essence
spirit. Liang purposely proclaimed audience that the national in mind "in the with
young
a
forthcoming decades, learning introduced; will worried that be I
two not not
am new
rather, scholarly Failing do that ideas will be enhanced do
I
not to
worry our own so
simply worships slavery that have the and will of will that ancients
gotten
out mean we a
slavery worships foreign, that the into another and therefore has
contempt
our own race
;•).
advantage (zu gently argued gain." is Huang that the worth the then in I not worry
return:
comparing Japan, slightly. China Japan In scale differs and the have did
not
?e• • learning (Ribenxue [] Japanese Japan ). Medieval looked Tang and the Sui to up
dynasties, the whole nation Japan and Europe tumed the When modem revered East. to
America, [Japan] the whole and the After nation turned chased after West. the nation to
West, galloped both the and shadows the East the soul and wandered, and of nation also
the if inebriated nation the nation calmed lost dream. When in down and
as was
or
stabilized, thereupon existence, became it then the of its and idea of national
aware a
emerged. essence
Liang by Kang letter saying Huang's rehearsed which Later that argument sent
to
a
early Meiji
also Japan proposal focused the tradition. "the destruction of However, to on
national the has arisen idea of in
The national
is
recent preserve
years. essence a essence
perfectly today, promoted fine but it if mentality had been national decades the
two
ago,
''6 sufficiently have would Liang addition, been receive it. also favored In not to open
Buddhism discussions and had Japanese with several monks about how the to
nat•on save
Buddhism. with Liang's This foreshadows reversal Orientalism after he returned from
congbao (February 1902), InXinmin 2 59-72.
pp.
• 6 •q- • • • -J- Wenjiang Ding Fengtian Q•chao changbian and Zhao
eds.,
Liang •,
manpu
• • • • • •: (Chronological Biography Liang (Shanghai: Qichao, Shanghai Edition) of Full
chubanshe, 1983), renmin 275-93. pp. 7
good post-World although Liang refashion- that, illustrates Europe. also It War I at
was
origins demanded, thought. ing himself the situation of his still the
trace as we can
• z]z. • []
(the principle guocuizhuyi time The of the in which
century turn
a was
(guocuizhuyi) essence) greatly linguistic and Japan. flourished This national in of the term
surrounding triggered Liang's national desire the the it doubt
circumstances to
preserve no
learning Nevertheless, national China. of of how used the
concept
essence a one
factors, creatively depended important person's specific each There
two context.
were
on
friendship. Liang first "made friends with
Japan, and the After arrived in he
many
was
extremely they close, Liang Japanese. There almost if several with whom
were as was
Liang bones; flesh and dozen shared the friends whom and there than
same were more a
''7
they directly Among if Japanese treated brothers. scholars who them
two
as were were
[• • • Liang' conception (1857-1907) learning: Kuga of influenced national Katsunan
s
a
]•
• •
¢• Koj6 opposition (1866-1949). for his and Teikichi Kuga known to
was
Westernization, advocacy Japanism of for his and his the national
strong support
essence,
7• journal literary [• Sinologists bring together Japanese used the Nihon and He
to
many
8
Liang only that emulated the Kuga Japanese scholars. told the German government
once
appeared education, civilized, approach of while this have fact it model and that in
may
completely actually following [Qin Japanese its The "was
government to rotten
core. was
Shihuang's] techniques burning disguised alive, burying books scholars of the and the all
Japan's in the of civilization. malicious mischief indeed times than
ten worse
name was
"9 policy Despite Qin. independence self-respect of Kuga's fact the the the that idea of and
Liang Japanese based the what learned from national him
how
to
essence, on was was use
liberty against relationship Kojr's Liang began early
with obedience. When
to
argue on.
•f•-•, charge Liang Koj6 ofShiwubao in translator from Japanese served
and
was as a
•'• • colleague Liang's
Koj6 graduate of hence time. that Saisaik6 of
the
at
was a was a
• Sinology. published Japanese close ties which had the world of he Shina In 1897
to
7• (•k .q• •. • bungaku History (A shi Literature), Chinese of the earliest work this
on
subject experience working certainly world. the in His for Shiwubao influenced this
Koj6 • • April • zaixing translation. 1897, translated In lun"
entitled "Hanxue
essay an
• •, (The Kangaku learning]) [Chinese rebirth appeared Donghua of which had in zazhi
• • • • published it issue and in Shiwubao. This of the rise and article described 22
learning Meiji of Chinese fall Japan Reformation, in after before and its relations the and
learning with learning. argued: well national Japanese Western The article
as as
Meiji learning period, prospered immensely [in the Before Japan]. Chinese What
learning nothing learning. scholars called from other that Chinese Aside
was
learning,
learning polity Chinese changed, there all. After the
true
at
was no
we
acquired scholarship
wisdom accordingly. from the West, altered and
our
7 • • ,•]]e, (Record Qingyi "Hanman lu" unknown) (February of toward travel 1900), the bao 35
through 2; pertaining this circumstances describes late 1899. p.
up
•, • 7•. drbun Tr-A ffl• ed., • • Concerning 3• I• kai f• kaikoroku (Memoirs Tai-Sh• [•
(Tokyo: shobr, China) 1968), 918; Try6 shigaku Hara Naohiro, 2, Goi vol. (East Kindai Nihon
p.
(Tokyo: shoten, Modem Japan) Asian Studies in Aoki 1976), 23-37.
pp.
•1• • 9 :• 1• • • • • • •d• "Jingshen jiaoyu ziyou jiaoyu ye" (Spiritual zhe education is liberal
Qingyi education), bao (December 1899), 3. 33 p.
learning Chinese condemned useless, and old books from and
Mencius
was as
philosophers and ancient other Nobody garbage.
treated would
were as
even
take look having bottom, them. However, learning after Chinese sunk the at to
a
is about Recently learning gained be resurrected. national has considerable to
learning. about and is overtake the rebirth of Western Hence momentum
to
learning eventually Chinese will
to pass. come
Koj6
study had China in worked and
for number of
to
gone
years newspaper
a as a
correspondent,
returning ky6kai and after T6y6 Japan he became instructor
to at
an
•d" •J• •[•
• • • (• • J• gakk6 1• shokumin Specialist (Colonial School of the
senmon
10 Association, University). Asian Takushoku later East when 1902, Rulun In Wu
(1840-1903) study Japan Koj6 Japanese the attempted educational went to system, to
to
persuade "you learning that histories, abolish Classics, should of the the Wu Chinese not
philosophers. Chinese and ancient educational The European of countries also systems
''11 learnings their made of national quotation, backbones.
this
From
use own
as we can
• learning" [] (kokugaku originated that the ) "national Japan. in The initial term
see
distinguish
learning Japanese learning. studies Chinese national from
to purpose
was as
Japanese they preservation advocated culture, When the of their Chinese could call it
not
learning learning" thus and "national used instead. Chinese borrowed The hence the term
learning and used it Chinese the national Hence, the three main countries in East to
mean
(China, Korea) Asia Japan, learning. and their each had national
own
Furthermore, Sinologists Liang. mainstream Japan also had in with May In
contact
• • Liang gl• by • 1899, invited (1873-1949)
Anesaki Masaharu the attend
to
was
meeting spring Philosophical Society the of Japan, presented he of and entitled
essay an
• •
L:• • •[• zongjiao gaige"
religious (On Zhina Liang "Lun China). • reform "-• in
met
n• •
)• ]3• •.L •. Hiroyoki (1836-1916), Society, Kat6 Sinologist Shigeno chairman of the
• •5 •j; •f• •: (1827-1910), Yasutsugu -]" [] _32 Enry6 (1858- Buddhist scholar Inoue
•1•-• •-• 1919), Miyake Japanese historian and (1860-1929). Yonekichi after the Soon
'• • • Qingyi meeting, Liang's published Yetsujir6's bao of Inoue
two
• )• -• • (1855-1944) (1866-1934), articles. Nait6 later Konan foremost become the
to
history University, Liang Chinese scholar of Kyoto after Reform the 1898 at met
Liang's Zhongguo zhengbian" Movement, review and of article
"Lun wrote
a
• 7• Reform) .,Ik. (On journal Nihonjin appeared Chinese [• which the in When Nait6
• Shanghai, • •2 2•; Liang Zhang Yuanji spoke traveled
(1866-1959). he about with to
a0
Koj6 "Sengaku • • •" • • • •i• • • kataru: • Teikichi (Discussion sensei" •
of
o
a
Koj6 • JY
Teikichi), Koj6 •E T6h6gaku former scholar: (January began 1986), 71 191-211.
pp.
for his translation work Japan; Shiwubao in while he still in 1896 moved late that he
to year was
China.
• •a • "Dongyou riji" •
Rulun, (Diary Trip [] Wu (renyin [August of Japan) 6/30 3, to
a
reprinted Yunlong 1902]), Shen in
?•6nt ]•
]:lJ (Collections of China) (Taibei: chubanshe, Historical n.d.), Materials Modem Wenhai on
37.367, 796.
p.
• Fogel, Sinology: of Joshua (Cambridge, (1866-1934) A. Politics and The Case Nait6 Konan
Studies, University, Council Asian Mass.: East Harvard 1984), 90-100; Naoki Hazama
on pp.
• •] •, "Chfigoku
Seiy6 juy6 kindai baikai okeru Nihon ni kindai bunmei ni kansuru
to sum o no
high expectations Liang
first, changed
Nait6 had of he later his mind he but
at to
as
came
interaction close between detest the Japan "China hands" Youwei Kang and well in
as as
own.13
Qichao. Liang Nait6 During thus door them closed the this and studied his
on on
• •-• friendly period, • Tingshi became Nait6 (1856-1904) with Kang and avoided Wen
Liang. political explanation This and scholarly would be The the action. for Naitr's
• • explanation, hand, background Xuehaitang derives the other from the Wen's in
on
i• (Academy Scholarship), Liang, of the different Sea of from those of and Kang far and
similarity scholarly • • • the Zhidong of Zhang (1837-1909). interests his of with those
important
reading. Liang The factor second After had Japan exiled and
to
was was
only began "widely Japanese while, studied
for short Japanese he collect books
to to a
read,
walking
hiking if he could all of
trail and with
beautiful the
not as cope was on a
felt before him." that "all before all the books had He before
I
scenery
seen never came
thought the and all theories had brain; of before it
all oscillated in I my
eyes,
my never was
seeing if dark, drinking sunshine in Liang the I
wine
stomach."
empty
as were or on an
quality claimed changed. "the that of ideas My brain then became and words
my
completely Liang different from Qichao, the earlier different if read
I I
person. were a as
day Japanese myself political scholarly just immersed and in
affairs and
newspapers every
''14 Liang if in only
I What
absorbed
books
Western
country.
not
my as own was was on
politics, economics, philosophy, sociology Japanese, translated and but into also
new
interpretations Japanese history scholars' inspired of by Chinese and literature Western
"Dongyang theories. (Japanese history) entitled chapter shi" of In entitled
part
two
two
• )• • (History) "Lishi" yuedan Dongji his of E__. (Monthly book Japanese Notes
on
published Books), Liang in 1902, listed and works
assessed Chinese and
many on
history • •)• by Japanese )•j( Japanese • scholars, (1870-1931), Jitsuz6 Kuwabara such
as
• •u • • l•[• ]•,j Kojima • 2,• 1• (1866-1931), Kenkichir6 -• Sanjir6 (1864- Ichimura
•[] •_•_}'k •]• •---l•-• Toyohashi 1947), Fujita (1869-1929), Michiyo (1851-1908), Naka
d • fig • ,• •1] •'• t•g, [] (1873-1923), Tanaka Suiichir6 Ryfijir6 Takigawa Kodera o
• • I•N )ll i;• (1865-1946), l)lJ N Taguchi [] Kametar6 (1855-1905),
Ukichi
KI
•t 2)• d• N l•g • (1875-1919), l•g Shirakawa Jir6 • (1859-1930). Nakanishi and Ushio
nearly important list This exhausted the Asian historians Japan in time. the East most
at
The school, deeply Kyoto influential profoundly shaped which and studies Chinese in
Tokyo 15 Japan, modern
school and the formative both their in that time. stages at were
• • • • (Fo•tion audy reception •e modem of cMlizaion Ch•a We•em • modem
on
•rou• •te•acy Jap•), •e •ga• ken• joMn of ken• nendo He•se• hiho 6-7 ippan
6-7••••--•••• ken• • • hrko•sho sei•
•epoa Research •e Resuks •e General Research
F•d• for Scientific Work • Heisei 6- on
on
7), 8, 15.
pp.
l• •, • Tr-A • • N drb• • • kai N • • •., Zo• • •emoirs tai-Shi •ikoro•
Concerning Ch•a,
Continued) shobr, •o•o: Hara 1973), 2, vol. 759.
p.
•4
• ••(• •in•ibao lu," "H• • 35; •" "L• •benwen •i •e b•efits of
xue
•ud•g lap•ese), Qm•bao (April 1899), 10 3.
p.
• Miyake • • • YoneNchi, •g • • "B•ga• Michiyo N • • • hakase Na• • den"
•iography • • • of Literature, Michiyo), • N • Professor MWhiyo of Naka • Na• isho 10
sensitivity, in stunning and his Liang keenly scholars with identified these most comments
Asia Liang research that
their fight
East the head. knew nail hit the
was on on cases
written the best
have books that these "Hence,
all the innovative. current
among are men
T6y6 Chf•t6 Liang pointed shi Kuwabara's that histories." also Asian East
out
strengths of • different Middle-Level) the History, "encompasses (East Asian
historians..i. narrative, detailed its properly and in concise materials, arranging is in It
neat
novice, Ichimura
Kojima but According Liang,
judgment." insightful
in and to
was
was a
shiy6 T6y6
Tokyo.
University His Imperial in the historian famous
at
a
Asia, ignored of and the Asia) only East described China and (Concise History of
East rest
•.•5•
•-•
•, (Modem History of East incomplete. shi T6hO kinsei Tanaka's it hence was
Asia) the best.
was
history by scholars Japanese done Liang's the Chinese of While
assessment may
special paid scholars that Japanese lower, he indicated hand, been have, the other
on
general,
in society However,
avoid taboos. did local and in attention not
to
commoners
old-fashioned writings either China thought about
Liang their historical that too
or were
history and felt much emphasized comparative West, and of the East concise. He too
editions and Liang familiar with the indeed words, inspired by k. other In
was
(including Chinese point of the Sinology the bibliography of Japanese that assessment at
Liang's dimension. perspective intellectual them), focused the but his translations of
on
usually and history by Chinese is written fundamental view "Chinese not too
narrow was:
incomplete foreigners by concise and comprehensive, history is written but Chinese too on
by understand nutshell, be done outsiders. this task To ''16 details. historical In
cannot
a
works, prerequisite background Sinology his later became of Japanese intellectual the
to
a
• •. ,•
• History), [] (Discourse shixue Xin Zhongguo Chinese shi xulun such
on as
Zhongguo tongshi 5[• • plan Historiography), (New his write and
to
a even
(Comprehensive History China). of
and significant both modem Japanese Dong]iyuedan histories of work the in
was a
by Japan initiated scholarly and interaction between China Modem Chinese studies.
was
Shinichir6/[•" •_ I•[• • (1841-1917), Sinologists old-fashioned Takezoe famous such
as
•j•(1879-1915). • •-•1"• These (1833-1914), Senjin Shimada and Kan Oka contacts
both and Japan changed Westernized scholars in slowly fashionable and the
to
more
capable evaluating
be of Chinese scholar time, this it for China. However,
to at
was rare a
late-Qing scholarship. who became friends of literati evolution of Japanese the Famous
• •_• •/• Kaiyun (1833- (1821-1906), ._• Wang Japanese scholars--such Yu Yue
as
]• •[], incapable .• evaluating history Lianqing of the Zhang Dehui--were 1916), and Ye
had scholarship. those scholars who been token, neither By the of Japanese
to
were same
Shoujing Yang scholars, such old and and had connections with both
Japan
as new
[• •
• 1905), Rulun, (b. do (1839-1915), Tingshi, and able Chen Yi Wu Wen to
so.
only point scholarship, could Shoujing, Japanese who about Yang had written out
some
scholarship Ming learning followed shortcomings, Japanese the fact that such obvious
as
_•_ 1• •l• (1868-1936) Japanese
Zhang Binglin looked down his closely. at too nose
gaisha, 1915), Michiyo) (Tokyo: tosho kabushiki Surviving Dai Nihon (The of Naka Works pp.
25-33.
• • ']iaoyu" • •j• 1908), •6 (Shanghai: shuju, Ymbmgshi ed., Qingyi Guanzhi He wenji
(education),
79-82. pp. 11
• )t• devoting
• Zhenyu (1866-1940) Sinology; his attention Luo yet
not to
was
• [] scholarship; (1877-1927) __• Guowei Wang still With student. and
a no was
thought Liang schools him, Qichao precedents of in assist demarcated old and
to
new
demonstrates, reading scholarship in Japanese. skills This based his in Japanese
poor upon
issues, Liang could view, he be. such and how how hard had worked
smart
my on
they working topics; would Unfortunately, Liang's otherwise such in time
was on no one
Liang extremely good guide. have found
a
language, Although Liang avidly study that his Japanese he claimed did the
manner
day reading and of enabled forward him little bit
Japanese Chinese in "move
to
every a
''17 leap only Liang actually of touched the surface further bit forward month.
every a
political example, reviews, scholarship Japanese His for notorious. and culture.
were
simply Liang article, would extend and understood outline Japanese After of he the a
political the fit his of his Many the in
arguments reconstruct
to
purposes. essays press
•, • "• I• Liang (1863-1957), others, actually but from Tokutomi Soh6
among
came
Liang acknowledged Japan accused of Chinese students in Hence, the debt.
many never
being plagiarizer. Liang's scholarship exception this. Such works of his
to
as a was no
dashi," said, bianqian sixiang Zhongguo it is all and shixue zhi "Lun xueshu Xin
were
18 frame, scholarship. conceptual the Japanese based of Japanese his In
terms upon
surrounding scholarly this circumstances influence obvious. the However,
were
was
complicated, writings because the of Japanese somewhat scholars of him
to
more concern
frequently Liang, of also had these derived from Chinese
to course, access sources.
example, is difficult it in Hence, determine who what from whom. For got to sources.
described when Takeuchi differences Yoshio the between the northern and southern 1921
;tLJL•[,• scholarship China, Jiujiu Huang ancient he cited xiaoxialu in Yue's and Yu
3•, • (•. =-fif• J2J, N • • • • Ziyou (Ziyou's Zixia's Yizhou's Zixia shuo and Ideas
wenxue
Literature) important
origins--whether they began for the evidence the in
to
account as on
Dynasties dynasty--of Northern and Southern the end of Zhou the differentiation at or
scholarship. between southern northern and similar several This of evidence
to
use was
Liang's points Zhongguo sixiang bianqian dashi," in written "Lun xueshu zhi twenty
some
19
Liang's writings, earlier. If then Takeuchi either Japanese
work based years upon was
point they failed it both based themselves and did notice it. If Yu's
out to not
or on
Liang's piece Huang's works, Although appeared then Takeuchi's. far earlier than
rarely Liang's they actually paid Japanese work, cited scholars considerable attention it
to
(see below). Liang Liang's Japanese difficult cite because scholars found it work to
impressions Liang depended
reading. carded footnotes rule and his from
as a no on
17 Qingyibao yi," (April 1899), Ribenwen "Lun zhi
4.
10
p.
xue
•]]IZ, }/• •t• N •I, •[ •,•), ,8 "Liang (Xu Qichao" Xiaohong Zhuiyi ed., Bin Bin Bin Xia in
j•_ • • ]1• •7', Liang Liang Qichao (Remembering (Beijing: Zhongguo guangbo Qiehao) dianshi
chubanshe, 1997), 18.
p.
pkJ • •9 •, • • • •i
•j•
• • IN gakujutsu Yoshio '%lanboku Yakeuchi id6 tsukite" •- ni or)
no
-• scholarship), (On styles similarities differences between the the northern southern of and • and
3•
•[• •1• Shmagaku Liang's (June 1921); congbao
serialized from issue 1.10 in Xinmin essay
was
1902) (March number forward. 3 12
Nagging Japan Criticism from 2.
Liang's extraordinary scholarship performance of Japanese the China in
area on
ultimately ephemeral, quickly again. politics back for attention his drawn
to
was was
Republican During Republican period, Liang long for the worked for the government
a
period Liang political and announced his of time. retired from the realm intention 1917, In
by
scholarship corruption culture, distracted and from time time but he focus
to to
was on
published Liang advantage quantity large politics. took his fame of and of However, in
a
position Learning scholarship. of National assumed the of director of the Institute He at
University, acquired scholarship, teacher," Qinghua "great and fame but this time in
as a
politics. in not
During Sinological Tokyo factions Kyoto these the in both and had taken
years,
shape produce scholarship Kyoto continued without and scholars and end. The to
new
especially Guowei, active--in Wang school the of such Chinese scholars Chen
eyes was as
[• i•J [•,• •i•'•r •,• •_• (b. Yinque 1897), (1891-1962), (1890-1969), Shi and Chen Yuan Hu
international for aside Nait6 and Kyoto the from Paris. Chinese studies Konan
center
was
:• • •,• • following (1868-1947) studying by Naoki China advocated the Kano
methodology doing, of the had Kyoto their Chinese scholars. school In contemporary
so
especially China, both old and Wang extensive interactions with with in scholars
new
they learning possessed Guowei whom believed have foundation traditional in solid to
a
having methodologies Liang, the who By but mastered the also from West. contrast,
new
previously paid gradually Sinology, became alienated from Japanese had attention that to
probably world, Liang scholarship. scholarly shared because much with them in too
diary following Liang's death, After his offered Shi in in the Hu
entry
an
•'•: "• • Liang's "[Liang] Rengong of overall achievement: had talent great assessment
systematic training; good learning receive did but he loved but did interact with not not
political early, valuable friends. the teachers entered world became famous He too too
or
rapidly, responsibility. Liang highly Therefore, and assumed much influential
too
was
''2°
Throughout Liang by life, but achieved little himself. entire others his
very upon never
produce outstanding posterity. did and immortal If work for Xinmin
to count
one were an
• ]• •fi• extraordinary (Discouse people) work, the it shuo such should be
on as an new
actually only Liang's academic evaluate noted that it work. academic If
not
was an we
though, himself, work, then Hu's far off. would avoid Hu assessment not too not was
repeating the mistake.
same
Republican period China) early (both Chinese studies in the and in
overseas were
by positivism Sinology. and Parisian such European influenced school of Hence, the
analysis; extremely focused detailed evidential research and refined least this method at
on
analysis. synthesis would foundation further This become the for method avoided broad
a
general, precisely Liang's that it seemed be and this method that but
empty to too
was was
scholarly Liang usually criticism, political demonstrated his weakness. it research Be
or
training techniques. cleverness, rather than solid and his academic and research acumen
scholarly genealogy, standpoint, His Chinese orthodox biased from the be said be to may
• 20 •j• • ff•3 [] (Diary shiye gufen youxian (Taibei: Shi de Shi) of Yuanliu chuban Hu Hu rift
February gongsi, 1989-1990), the expressed points for of time different 2, Others of 1929. entry
view, persuasive
but Hu.
none were as as 13
writing ordinary. Liang of and the of the learned evidential methods and
out prose essays
offspring Although Xuehaitang of orthodox
Xuehaitang youth. his the in the
at
was an
by Yangzi Qing delta, influenced learning it also been the lower the in in late had academic
scholarship it, associated however, Beijing. Liang time entered China By and the South
of signs Liang "the students Xuehaitang commented that had of decline. with the
shown
''21
]lijg ?;g gb outstanding. Dongshu Guangdong, [Chen] all central but
was no one
were over
Xuehaitang Youwei's Liang follower of Kang the after and became
left two years
a
frequently that whoever view, it the extremist Confucianism.
New
Text In
my case was
gained literary reputation by rather than influenced Confucianism New Text
was a
geography becoming historical scholar, include the eccentric and this would competent
a
• Liang •, gradually (1794-1856) by Japan, Exiled in done Wei and others. Yuan
came
change, Kang's and institutional and of false editions of the Classics doctrines suspect to
discussing stopped he them.
criticism
Liang place propaganda political provided Furthermore, with and to
a
special period thought long of time rather than manifest his talents for literature and
over a
politics, usually rigorous scholarship. temporarily he retreated solid and When he from
gained reputation Liang being concise, conducted academic research. for broad and but a
fact unrefined. of in he based what and would often write dozens
He
pages vague was on
given Although writing completely concocted his he remembered
moment. at not
a was
Liang's Liang cloth, from filled whole work with and holes. "When
many gaps was was
teaching especially study last he liked the latest fashions. His his in observe and to
years,
lingered Learning, Moism, Confucianism Buddhism Song views between and and and Han
Liang Daoism, Metaphysics. well Science and While had been who
as as even one
previously trends, only the fashions." he had become who followed the
set
now someone
people Therefore, Liang philosophy "lamented establish fundamental that did of his not
a
depth
Liang only produce from others. different did in research but wanted ''22 to not own
production, continually write works for his and he confused the results of
mass
predecessors plagiarize Liang with his research. research. did in the of This
own name
provoke but could discontent from the scholars Japanese and criticism who cared not
giving about refined research credit where well credit due. 23
as as was
• • Early Qingdai Liang's Japanese gailun translations of include work
xueshu
•$•t• • • (Intellectual [] Zhongguo Qing Period) yanjiufa Trends • in and the lishi
"• 5• ti• • Studying (A History). during published Method for Chinese The former
was
Liang's time, posthumously. appeared and the Liang's second writings Beside these two,
virtually positive received colleagues. Japanese from attention his Occasional reviews
no
Liang's usually Qingdai of gailun work published harsh. xueshu
and it in 1921,
were was
• •: JY •i• by Japanese translated into in Hidekata Watanabe and Hashikawa 1922 was
21 t°• • Liang •t• Qichao, ;• xuefeng ;• :•g •" •3 "Jindai NI, t• (The geographical de fenbu" z_hi dili
spread scholarly styles), zhuanfi Yinbing of modem shi in
9:33.
;• }qk, zz NI, •--• •I] tg • Fenglin t4= xiansheng" Liang Miu "Zhuo (Eulogizing Liang Zhuoru Mr.
•4j•
Xueheng Zhuoru), (January 1929), 67 4.
p.
•
Japanese high opinion scholars did sinologist, have the renowned French Pelliot. Paul
not
a on
thought They that Pelliot acknowledging Japanese cited work of the scholars without their
•
misunderstanding.
• contributions. be This
• T6ru Haneda and Later Paul may a on,
Demi6ville
Pelliot's would defense. to come 14
t•J It• ;• J[[ (1894-1982). Although Liang's Tokio acclaimed Watanabe and Hashikawa
work, scholarly quite unexceptional. Japanese the world
of the the Even
response
was
Qing scholarship rarely Liang's school focused mentioned Kyoto members work who
on
,5• -• i][• • I[ publications. Krjir6 (1904-80) in their Yoshikawa recalls his in memoirs
Liang's that, Kyoto, in when seldom heard mentioned he student he the in
was a name
24 ignorance might Japanese classroom. be attributable scholars This the to
among
coming high differing opinion from Shi had Chinese their Hu counterparts. assessments
a
Liang's Qingdai gailun suggestions Liang provided this for revise xueshu and had
to
on
• ''25 Liang "intelligent Siling only produce book. noted that work. such could Fu Hu
an
N:i:•(•, thought hand, Liang solid foundation for other the work "awful. has the
on was no
scholarship only all, manipulation Liang sneaky his
but relied the work. at to compose on
always should that have known there would be who know better and could
experts
some
''26 • by summarizing Liang's qushi Minguo him. fooled be zhi shiernian
In
not
guoxue
• • -f---• • [] • J• [] Learning (The 1923), Orientation General of the National in Hu
$[• • i• (1878-1947) Liang occupied "first decried fact the that esteemed Puan
an
position Liang's time," only and he addressed academic that book broad "a at as
theorization without substance all kinds of theories He
empty to construct uses an
''2v
effort in favors. seek fame and story, to
an
Liang's Zhongguo fa published 1922, received and lishi yanjiu In
was some
published significant April Suiijir6 short review Japanese. from
Tanaka the in
response
a
ofShigaku (vol, publication 3). this issue that
1, book Tanaka claimed that the of
year
no.
regarded chapters scholarly world, the welcome in and and 2, 4, essential 5
event
was a as
reading history, Liang's for of Chinese but criticized idea that scholars he historical
scholarship general things focus of relations should the between and causal pattern on
especially than individual historical rather critical facts. Tanaka of the
events
on was
chapter singled Liang's historical identification and he mistaken of
the
out
sources,
on
J• calligraphic styles )• inscription • the of Buddhist Juyongguan of in and
stone
texts
• •. • 5•: [• • • Mogaoku (1888-1950) invited Okazaki Fumio Later Kuwabara
long publish Ch•goku Jitsuz6 work, "Ry6 of review the entitled Keich6 shi rekishi
to
a no
d? •
51• • • • • • [] •)• • kenky• ( • yomu" ) (Reading Liang • h6 •2• 6•
o
• •J• • Zhongguo Qichao's yanjiufa) journal Shmagaku (vol.
lishi 12) the in 2, in
no.
z4
• K6jir6 t•, •- • • "Ryfigaku • )11 (Through • Yoshikawa study), made" in -•
overseas
• • • • •1• • K6jir6 K6jir6) )11 (Collected zensh• Yoshikawa (Tokyo: Works Yoshikawa of
shob6, 1975), History taught Chikuma Qing Naoki "The 22:361. Kano of
a course on
Scholarship," taught History Nait6 Historiography." and "The of Chinese Konan The
a course on
Qing greatly emphasized.
era
was
qh z• • •± •'• • •j• [] [• Zhongguo kexueyuan jindai •.• Minguo yanjiushi shehui yanjiusuo shi shi
5/• •-• • • (Republican History Section, History Academy Modem Institute, Chinese Social of
i• • (•J • Sciences), ed., [] (Diary Shi) Shi (Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, Hu de of Hu rift
1985), 36.
p.
26 qh SJ: • • • •j• Zhongguo kexueyuan [] [• yanjiusuo • jindai Minguo yanjiushi shehui shi shi
5• • • •)• (Republican Section, History History Academy Institute, Modem Chinese of Social
i• •: •r • • • ed., • Sciences), laiwang (Collection Shi shuxin Hu from and of Letters ji Hu
to
(Hong Shi) Zhonghua shuju, Kong: 1983), 1, vol.
178.
p.
•7 • [] J•z [] )• •-IJ • ribao, Mmguo [] Guoxue
(October 1923), zhoukan 10, 1. p. 15
Although
positivist approach. European embraced standard
Kuwabara the
year.
same a
28
Tokyo style school.
professor University, the his closer Kyoto he
to
at
was a was
historiographical of and Liang's praised methods the West Kuwabara claim the "use to
to
argued that, historiography Kuwabara task." renovation of Chinese the
urgent
as see an
only Kuwabara unique style China." Liang modern scholar, in his "erected
not
own as a
largely studies appreciated Liang's historical that traditional Chinese criticism
were
Liang scientifically historical evaluated unscientific, admired how also but
sources.
suggested analysis, that Liang's syntheses and he basis solid of the Kuwabara liked
on
occasionally key demonstrated issues, Liang's appropriately summarized and book
many
Liang's points eight of "outstanding of criticism also had vision. Kuwabara However, ''29
concerning interactions book, between mistakes East the last four of which factual
were
scholarship argued Liang did read the but Kuwabara that cited and Western West. not
pages." different original Liang number of made "mistakes and hence
sources, on a
opinion "scholarly" Liang heavily well Kuwabara also claimed relied
that too
upon as as
scholarship.
international epigraphy, of irrelevant the world old-fashioned which to
were
hinted, would, sharp Kuwabara become This kind of uncensored criticism and
as
"nagging" Liang.
to
fl[• • • ;• •N 1888) (b. (1922), Ishihama Juntar6 November the
of In
year same
•g,• •j•/J\ • studies, (Short published "Seikagaku Xixia sh6ki zoku"
note
essay, on
an
dragged Liang's Shinagaku (vol. again continued), 2). Ishihama 3, in
out
once no.
Mogaoku, Buddhist cited Tanaka's identification and Juyongguan and mistaken of in texts
time, Ishihama's article off small and Kuwabara's criticism For
support. set tremor
a as a
• ,•1.1 • scholarly (1880-1973) Zhang Japanese Chinese circles. Shizhao both and in
• • (vol. Liang's journal diayan Kuwabara's criticism work the of in 1, summarized
no.
2J3 "• • ,• 7• Jiangong Tianxing complete ) 34), (pen-name then Wei translated the and
•-• • Y.• • later, pinglun (vol. 49-50). few when criticism
in Xiandai A 2,
years nos.
• • Liang, writing biography (b. 1895) Wang qz of he still credited Senran
was a
fa correcting Zhongguo Jitsuz6's critical for
Kuwabara yanjiu lishi
many
essay on
although places. dates, translation, fact, did and of mistakes Kuwabara in In not
names
actually Liang's Zhongguo review, his his the in hint that lishi carried
strong
say essay so
examples yanjiufa nothing suggested his review that the in had it. Kuwabara also in
new
concerning Liang's carefully Liang's studied, raised book should be and mistakes
meticulously identified.
relatively complex had of the Kuwabara weaker China than other members
a
contemporaries, Among school. his Kuwabara Kyoto Chinese found he had in most
Liang. separated gulf with from felt him Kuwabara Yuan, Chen but 3°
great was common a
•
2s •- )• •j• • • • "Sengaku (Discussion • • Jitsuz6 • kataru: Kuwabara hakase" of •
o
• J:j yg, Jitsuz6), scholar,
T6h6gaku (January 1975), former Professor Kuwabara
49 109- pp. a
28.
J• qh •/i• • '• :• •j [] • z9 )•, • yanjiuzhe "Zhongguoxue • Jitsuz6 renwu" Kuwabara zhi
•l• • • (The China), those study (May J.H.C., 1917), duties who of transl. Xm 3.3 qingman
pp.
•,• original appeared (March Taiy6 1917). 1-12; the in
30 • [7• jl•, ed., Chen China." Someone called Chen "the See Zhichao of Yuan Kuwabara
once
•_ •r • • • • laiwang • (Collection Yuan) of from and Chen shuxin letters Chen Yuan fi to
Nait6, (Shanghai: Guji
chubanshe, 1990), While for often he had Kuwabara 169. respect great p. 16
by gently also contentious said Kuwabara would criticize that those 3• It who nature.
was
purely academic, sincere malicious and but that he those rushed with who into
was were
recklessly.
Liang's strengths print Kuwabara used his attack weakness. 32 to
own
Liang Liang's Kuwabara's attack had another dimension: However, book
on was
exceedingly began attacking Japanese by Zhang rude scholars. Kuwabara's to
revenge
generations Binglin, Sinologists dismissed Japanese both the old of who and the
new
altogether. Zhang "showing knowledge Kuwabara described off his which is
as new
merely Liang only mockery should from half and half cooked. This scholars." invite
raw
studying history foreign Liang Chinese records, believed that in examine should but
one
only ignoring documents, European Islamic focused and while Japanese their on
Liang
the cultural of Japan, claimed: look "If then will counterparts. system at
we we
peripheral fifty [the Chinese] discover Japan that
culture would It
to
years ago.
was our
scholarship thinking help be Japanese find refine that could and
to correct
rare our own
today." argued position laughable is because Kuwabara that this Chinese research
on
history dynasty Tang after Japanese should the records well. consult both and Korean
as
especially disrespect Liang's popular bothered What Japan: for Kuwabara "Those
was
y•, ff•, •f. • • history • Try6 --published books--such Shina shi Japan and shi in
as were
quality the bookstores rushed into be assessed. The of them is low
to too
en masse.
publishers
popular history translated Chinese books into the these textbooks used in
our
schools tremendously serious consideration without reevaluation. This is and indeed
time, scholarship actually enjoyed shameful for that Japanese national citizens." At
our
a
high reputation, Liang's international scholarship and Japanese blunt dismissal of
very
Liang's praise in scholarship stood stark this. Japanese Kuwabara used of in to contrast
yuedan Dongji Liang's it with earlier
view. He twenty
contrast current to
years some
change Liang's scholarly might the dramatic showed that in be attributed attitude his
to
anti-Japanese politics.
Liang actually indicated also understand that did He what
not
was
going Sinology. the in Japanese world of Kuwabara Japanese used the results of on
research relations between trade the China and Song Tang outside world in the and
on
Liang's judgment demonstrate misled that could fact in from his be derived to
eras
ignorance. result, Liang suggested development Kuwabara As attention the
to
pay a more
scholarship. Japanese of
Liang's political about By degrees. 1922, had shifted Japan attitude toward 180
Whether this scholarship affected his shift toward Japanese attitude needs further not
or
critique research. However, impact Liang. clearly Kuwabara's exerted second The
on an
Zhongguo yanjiufa edition anti-Japanese of lishi September the deleted materials. of In
• Liang •'• • long • j• that "Dacheng qixinlun kaozheng" entitled
wrote
year,
essay
a
•"
• (Evidential awakening studies piece, Mahayana Buddhism). the faith of in this In
on
systematically he by Buddhist studies scholars, read Japanese
such Matsumoto
as
• • 7qk I•[• )• q'• • (1869-1944), • Bunzabur6 (1879-1948), Shink6 Mochizuki ---
had with practices frequently history Naoki. Kano Chinese ridiculed the He in abusive arguments
and had professed reservations serious who about love for China. Kano
a
31 Krflr6 zenshft, Yoshikawa 17:292.
32 •" •_, •j: • Miyazaki •g -• Ichisada (Explanatory note), "Kaisetsu" in Kuwabara Jitsuz6
• •. • • • • )if,, zensha (Collected (Tokyo: Jitsuzr) shoten, Works of Iwanami Kuwabara
1968), 2:655. 17
;/• • • !• • (1870-1945), •,-j • and Daij6 (1851-1929), I--_ Senj6 Tokiwa Murakami
•, journals published •J •: ]" Sh•tsui such
Ryrtai in
Hatani
as
•t • • t•ff kenky• {• • •, •fl• Tetsugaku • •,, "•, Bukkyrgaku • Shftkyrkai and •
"let Japanese study Buddhism unprecedented
of revival of the Liang wanted his to to
use
just like is otherwise method, it for do without research understand that scholars
cannot
surprise
expressed Liang his exercise, also this seeing texts." reading From but the
not
this
could diligent. If always
been had worked
hard and scholars "Japanese that use
we
so
of
number time, the then in known
study of Buddhist entire the method
texts
set
to our
mostly study Buddhism Liang's of surprise
truly would ''33 colonies undiscovered
was us.
• ,• •. )'k (Outlines of the kry6 scholarship,
the such Hass6 Japanese based
as upon
• ,• •.• rarely (• Buddhism),
(Outlines he of but krry6
Eight Sects) the Butsuz6 gave
or
be Liang Japanese works "can cite did that the credit. them Some
not
argue reason
inability importantly, but, his scholarship,
Japanese dismissal of attributed his to to to
more
scholarship. Japanese understand "34
translating editing the and of intention Although Liang began with the this
essay
scholarly introducing Chinese the scholarship them and Japanese in established theses
to
scholarship reading
Japanese in synthesized his Liang world, ideas from the end in
new
detailed
Liang this time least organized However, material in his the and
at
manner. own
exceptional quite him.
for something
that
introduction what his his in
was
were, sources
one-third books, which
library, Liang Japanese personal had than 300 his In
among more
Qinghua (1923), zhoukan April of the concerned Buddhism.
In 35
next year
-•
•g.
•k. [• • [] (Annotated ),, compile Guoxue Liang
rumenshu invited
to
yaomu a
Liang Learning). Iwakichi's Inaba Introductory Bibliography Works National of put
on
5•. i• Qing • (Complete • History • •- =• of the • (1876-1940) Shinch6 zenshi
Liang documentary history works." and other Dynasty) "Political under the category:
may
revising indirectly, and respond while attempting criticism Kuwabara's have been
to to
Liang's comparison position. with Nevertheless, defending in simultaneously his
own
significantly scholarship understanding had of Japanese earlier, his of work twenty
years
understanding exponential Japanese especially in regressed, with the in
contrast progress
following published scholarship. in and the 1914, first Inaba's work of Chinese
over was
later, Indeed,
produced Japan. works in innovative decade there
ten years
numerous were
scholarly scarcely the thoroughly could outdated and work Inaba's represent was
Sinology the time. of Japanese achievement at
of apparently for the the criticism Tanaka's and Kuwabara's
assessment set
tone
ii• l•[• ;t• • (1897-1975) [] scholarly Takeshir6 Liang circles. Kuraishi Japanese in
• • • (edited by [] Qinghua publication luncong Guoxue reviewed the
guoxue
• :• • Learning] 1927) •-• • [] •:• in in [Qinghua National yanjiuyuan Institute of
scholarship, standpoint of Japanese Shinagaku (vol. 1927). the October 4, 3, From
no.
Beijing Beijing: Beijing University, learning
major national in of there three centers were
:•" • {• • J• • • awakening (Evidential 33 the of faith kaozheng" "Dacheng qixinlun studies
on
Yinbingshi zhuanfi, Buddhism), Mahayana 7:35-38. in in
•[j • • f• ¢tg •g t4= (t.} •- •, • ji" 34 xiansheng yinxiang "Liang Rengong Liang Rongruo
Qichao, Zhuiyi Rengong), Liang Liang (Impressions in 345. of
Mr.
p.
•r • qt_ • •j• 1• •, • Collectors) (Thirty 3• Book zangshu Modem =• Jing sanshi Jindai Su jia
Chuanji 1983), chubanshe, (Taibei: 102.
p. wenxue 18
Qinghua Qinghua University, University. published xuebao, and initiated in 1924, Normal
important opening Qinghua Learning National research articles. The of Institute of many
scholarly from within China and abroad. Guoxue considerable in attracted attention 1925
publication, by Liang. Naturally, luncong their formal and it edited this
was was
by caught first issue included combination the attention of scholars. The
many essays
Liang (mostly Liang's students) Qinghua graduates Wang Guowei and from and
[• (•?•13 (b. Qichang praised by 1903), themselves. those Kuraishi Wu Lu Kanru
papers
•3•, I•N ,• •• • :• • (1893-1974), (1904-44), (b. 1898), Shoushi Wei Juxian Chen
N• • [] appreciated (b. 1901). meticulous refined Xie Kuraishi their and and Guozhen
learning primary Western-style they of Chinese in research well the that
sources, as as
Liang's brought analyses only exception opening conclusions.
their and The
to
essay
was
•[]'• •'-- • I• 2•. •fJ Yangming zhixing heyi jiao" Yangming's (On "Wang Wang q:: zhi
unity &knowledge action). suggested Liang simply doctrine Kuraishi that used of the and
popular piece, his lecture materials write the and he added this should have been the
to not
J•-•-• • /.I\ quality. journal high Konagaya for of such Tatsukichi In
1938
case a
fa. praised Liang's Zhongguo Although Liang translated #shi yanjiu he first-rate
as a
political figure pointed Liang's China, he scholar and modem that book in also out
was
Liang Japan biased and outdated when West, commented China studies and the in
on
especially ignoring Sinology. his scholars Japanese the contributions of 36 to
Competing Enterprises Oriental Cultural 3. in Lead Take the to
Republican returning period, Liang After first of China the in seldom to
year
writings, Japanese have discussed did Japanese he interactions with
scholars.
many
nor
increasingly scholarly exchanges attitude odd His seemed in the active between China and
celebrity
Liang Japan. word, However, academic the cultural in and could
not as a
completely frequently this elude trend. sometimes attended social which He events, at
scholars Japanese Japan. also received visitors from with He He present.
met
were
during sojourn Tanaka Suiichir6 China, the latter's and made Imazeki with
contact to
•" ]•-• • g'•, ::• (Tenp6 1884-1970) Toshimaro long and Hashikawa who had Tokio
Beijing taken in activities cultural in Imazeki arrived China. in chair in part 1918
to
a
•
Corporation, responsible institute the research of investigating Mitsui which for =
was
conditions national in Each China. around China he traveled with and socialized well
year
especially
figures circles, known scholarly in those the cultural and in fields.
many
• }[• I•, ;Z• fl[•, by Introduced Liang's Kashihara acquaintance. Buntar6 Imazeki made • In
analyzing pamphlet scholarly small by the China world Imazeki of written 1922, in
a
Liang's thought research listed school by the north. of in book later
In
was as a new a
• • • )ft. • (•
Imazeki, gakugei Kindai (Scholarship Shina China), in Modem he or)
no
positive Liang's work? also offered evaluation of
a
36 Tatsukichi, Konagaya Studying kenkyfi (A Shina in History) Method Chinese h6 rek•shi for
(Tokyo: Kaiz6sha, 1938), 1-11.
pp.
•7
g-• • • omoide, Tenp6
[• ,•, "Gakumon •J, IN Imazaki • sensei kakonde"
r) •
c
no o
• []/U scholarship, 2• (Memoirs JY • Tenp6), Tdhdgaku surrounding of (January Imazeki • 33
1967).
(-• 3• •g. • • ]• •.•
gakugei Imazeki, (Scholarship Kindai
China) Shina (Tokyo: Modem in © no 19
Hashikawa lived China for Tokio in than first
worked for He
twenty years. more
• • •. •, Shuntian shibao the the General for and later for Committee newspaper
Enterprises.
Oriental Cultural regarded with the extensive "the He
most was as man
they scholars. modem Chinese
"Whether venerated old scholars ''39 contacts
among
were
Beijing
learning, politely of Hashikawa, all of the welcome bowed
youngsters
to
or new
d? they [] Zhongguo wenhuajie treated like old friend." and him the In
zongjian
an
renwu
3• •'t •(4J •- )k •, • (Compilation Figures compiled by World) of Cultural the Chinese in
Hashikawa, it "selected said that he scholars became famous modem who the in
was
scholarship, literature, domains of technical skills. includes and 4,600 It arts,
some
biographies. Many personal acquaintances. included of those in this work his ''4°
were
• [• • Yuanming known Hashikawa also scholar fine of the works of
Tao
was as a
(365?-427), regard this and in Liang. he certain academic interests with shared Hashikawa
• • 7•.
• • •Jqq •_ also (Research zhushu kao Manzhou
Manchu wrote
wenxue
on
Literary Works), Liang's Qingdai gailun. and he translated This evidence xueshu would 4•
they
other, they liked that February but each fact did in At the end of suggest to
not.
seem
• J•; 1924, Liang :• Hashikawa after Changmin with had (1876- the home of Lin
met
at
1• 1926), • Hashikawa "Liang Rengong's personality told that is Wu Yu indeed
opportunistic. impartial pretends always be but in He his
fact interests. to
pursues
own
scholarship unsystematic. is His Nonetheless, trivial and Hashikawa continued himself ''42
during activities" "cultural occupation Beijing, Japanese the of also and this has been
immoral. criticized 43
as
After Japan World I, Indemnity decided War the funds China in Boxer to return
to
launch projects; various order cultural Japan under international
do to to
pressure
was
this, and Japanese it fit
interests well. China, people northern southern From in
to
as
educational, scholarly, highly cultural circles and projects. enthusiastic about these
were
representative Liang his of As sought participate. research also 1923, Irizawa
In
to
group,
•._-• •_ ),, (1865-1938), Tatsukichi president Tokyo School, the of Medical Okabe and
• • :• •t" Nagakage (1884-1970),
head the Cultural Affairs of China Bureau, both
were
commissioned exchange visit China and Chinese views with intellectuals. After to
traveling throughout south, they the Beijing early August. returned in Japanese The to
Min'yfisha, 1931), 25, 120-24.
pp.
•9 •[• -•, • Nagase • Makoto ;•k Zhongguo "Riben zhanwang xuejie •j• zhi [] (xia)" xiandai
q• • [] •- •j•
• --• (Trends
scholarship Japanese in China), Chinese edition contemporary
on
Osaka
•i: 3kl • gff• •] of mainichi shinbun (1939). • 2.8
• 40 •01• f• 1-•
Zengxiang r• [] (Introduction), Fu Zhongguo "Xu" wenhuafie in
zong•ian
renwu
• • • •, •¢4J •- )k, • (Comprehensive Personages Mirror of Arena) (Beijing: the Chinese in Cultural
Zhonghua faling bianyinguan, 1940).
41
"Gakumon omoide,
@ •,• • :• N] ,•, Hashikawa • • )11 kakonde" Tokio sensei
¢9
I¢
no
o
• ,• []/b scholarship, (Memoris surrounding • f• fly of Tdhdgaku • Tokio), Hashikawa 35
Oanuary 1968).
• 4z • [] (Diary Wu (Changsha: Yu) Yu ofWu rift 1986), chubanshe, Sichuan renmin 2, vol.
165.
p.
43
•
• •J• •L, ;•,j" • • Norimoto • Toshihiro • "Haruka ni •- Pekin • omou" [L ha
mura o
•-•
•Jl• (Distant Beijing), oboegaki memories of China) •- in (Notes (Tokyo: Shma Keisetsu
on
shoin,
1943), 70-71. pp. 20
Beijing banquet for Chinese Japanese
them and invited and hosted minister in
many a
meeting,
thirty Liang speech Representing officials. Chinese
officials these
at gave a some
which is indeed of the world. finest cultures in claimed: he culture in the "Out Eastern
one
expand Therefore, is, least, the world. make its in and of the finest culture It part to at
duty only of but also contribution East, known is the all nations in the greatness true
not a
glorious responsibility task falls such and else." His The the world. for
to to
us no one a
nation, point belong it individual did have culture that did
not to any any nor
was
tremendously cooperation. benefited called Japan boundaries. for ancient times had In It
Liang argued China, that China from but from Japan. China had much learn present at
to
following thought, proceed Japan learn from domains: historical should the in to
polity, documents, natural sciences. situation of Chinese and the the chaotic Due to
however, good China unable intentions of such issues. The
to concentrate
was on
China, would contribute Japanese in East, the and the world
government to
even an
private extremely significant China, that There time researchers in
at way.
were numerous
And, Chinese renaissance about financial Japanese and it seemed if
to
emerge. as a was
bring help aid would fruition. this 44 to to
Liang's by After influenced the decline of Europe visit in 1918, he to
was
began culture, rise of shif• Eurocentrism and the Asian and he toward the East to
promotion Liang's compatible Asian of the fundamental culture. became in East turn
a
proclivity legacy. Japanese with the scholars of Asian the cultural East
to
way preserve
Liang building suggested had occasions institute several culture the of of Chinese
on an
learning. plans compile institute national and of of of his collection One
to
an was a
writings abroad, [Chinese] from about Chinese and culture "to translate the research
on
learning by Americans, Although Europeans, national Japanese. plan this and ''45
was never
Liang realized, options did climate further involvement with of for Japanese create
a
enterprise cultural in China.
Sino-Japanese 1925, establishment with the of the In Committee General for
(later Cultural Affairs renamed Oriental for the General Committee Cultural
as
Enterprises), in enterprises with Japan's China, accordance cultural in agreement
on
organization library of Beijing placed Humanities the its Institute and in the
were on
agenda. contending This Among Beijing them, attracted •6 China. in
event
many
groups
University
advantage had the opportunity. take early this of in
As
most to
resources as
•j•
Shi, Jiang Menglin 1922,
(1886-1964), planned Hu and others had take to
over
project whole the university. the &the in
university national board The
it "7
to
name
saw
professors that working trained Japan, officials, in organize Japanese
with would
some
a
Sino-Japanese academic extremely association powerful became which active.
The 48 most
44 • • •:• • "Liang • • •_ Rengong • shiguan -• yanshuo" zai-Ri (Speech [] zhi Liang of
•j• Rengong Japanese Embassy), the (August 8, Chenbao 1923).
at
(-• 45 • •,, _qt_ •ff_ • • • Wang ershifla Senran qz pingzhuan Jindai (Twenty Critical Modem
Biographies) (Beiping: Xingyan shuwu, 1934), 204.
p.
• •-• 46
• details, Huang Fuqing For sh•ye Jindai Riben
wenhua shehui
zai-Hua
zhi
yanjiu
fi
see
3•4• • • • • •g •± • • • L.• • • I• • (Studies of Japanese Cultural Modem and Social
Enterprises (Taibei: China) in History, Institute Sinica, 1982), of Modem Academia 113-26.
pp.
•7 Shi 395. Hu de rift,
p.
• • 48 J• • • See Zhou (Diary Zuoren Daxiang (Zhengzhou: Zuoren) rift ofZhou chubanshe, 21
Beijing University Liang's April competitor Wang 1924, research
with the In group. was
Jiang Guowei Ruzao wrote to
help expressed cultural Japanese the have their intention recruit
The to to
prepare me
willing recommend enterprises project. university people be in
The here also to to me
are
charge (the this). Japanese who has However, I, told about
someone no me as
this business. did So association with intend involved in I do party get to not
any now,
reply it, university either. did It about it. When the word asked about
I
not not
say a me
Beijing University Liang's this take that both and research
to to want up
group
seems me
project, sharp competition affiliated and hence will do be with I
not want to
a ensue.
contracting Recently either such method is Japanese the realized side. that
a
Hopefully inappropriate. figure compromise solution they the future. will in
out
near a
49 right. develop quite spontaneously. is should let it What said We you
Beijing University fame recommended Wang The his that
to
to
was use reason
"putting library Liang. suggested the Wang with the circulated that Later compete
rumor
president authority humanities administrative and of the of research institute under the
Beijing Beijing University." general scholars outside This in caused discontent from
l•-•.•l•
.• University. Xinglang (b. Zhang 1887) Chen Yuan: wrote to
Beijing University exceedingly deep. factional conflicts indeed Those The at
are
University charge Beijing who have small minds and visions. the took in If
are narrow
charge, disagreements humanities within "New the institute would be allowed. The not
they nothing Culture Movement" advocated but vernacular literature and the
was co-
they Movement, first launched education of and When the Culture New
men women.
l• • I_1_1 Jingshan university historians such excluded from the because Tu all
as were
they disapprove Many
vernacular. that did with the of the of of
not
agree use us
Beijing University political decision. has become of and the
center movement
now a no
longer library Therefore, functions research institution. think and the the heads of I
as a
factions, politics they humanities research institute should stand above and and should be
open-minded truly Japanese have and have broad vision. heard that the intended I
to
a
•-J •,:•,
Liang. assign positions they (1850-1933) these Shaomin and think Ke I to
are
appropriate surviving dynasty, Liang former candidates. is adherent of the and is Ke
a
political them pick. They associated with Neither of has bones also
party. not to
any are
disagreement. open-minded and tolerate
Xinglang hoped opinions along Zhang that Chen could his Japanese. the If Yuan to
pass
willing public, Zhang indicated it. this decision made that he endorse s°
to were was
huixianglu-¢• •, 1996), Kucha, held collection of the in Museum; Lu and the Zhou Xun Zuoren
NJ fg )k • •: IN wenyi (Lanzhou: chubanshe, (Bitter Dunhuang Zuoren) Memories Tea: of Zhou
1995).
• •, •] •y_ •-]•, • :• 49 :•: Guangying Wang Yinsheng ed., eds., main
Wu Liu and Ze Yuan
•t• • • =[• • [] 5E Guowei (Collected Guowei, Wang Letters) Works of shuxm quanfi,
shuju, (Beijing: Zhonghua 1984), 394.
p.
•0 laiwang shuxinfi,
Zhichao, Chen Chen 377. Yuan p. 22
appointed
actually Shaomin of the the chair of Ke
post to concurrent
was a
committee and of the institute the Committee for Oriental Cultural chairman General
instance, Enterprises. Guowei's Wang have reliable than this words been In
to
more seem
Beginning Liang's. high-level politician Naoki had 1923, discussions in with the Kano
• )•. k I-h Teiji recalled: mentioned later the Oriental Cultural "I Yamamoto Kano 74
Enterprises authorities gentlemen, the several occasions. for Except several old to
on
participate. hoped Wang They them of that would Chinese committee also told the most
doing begin research, Cultural Enterprises the Oriental that should Wang if wanted then
to
certainly people agreed. publicly take did Most of the indicate Kano ''5• part. most not
gentlemen 18, 1927, but who old when January those
received visit from Kano
were,
on a
J• -:• • • • 1867), including Shengduo Kang (b. Dong mentioned he several Li
names,
• • •, •[] • Zhang (1859-1934), Binglin, Zhang Zengxiang (1872-1950), Jin and Fu
Liang Qichao. Unfortunately,
impartial, but Shaomin he unable be used Ke not to
was
personal
favorites, only opinions. and of he listened others' "None the scholars" to
never
project." mind had in extremely disappointed that included "was in the Kano Kano
was
things this just impartially arranged, is the and noted that "if be then should
to
way
we are
suggested public also expressed times, observe. his discontent in ''Sz Kano he several and
that such Wang fair Guowei.
arrangement not to
an was
Liang 1929, provoked by died from Liang's illness. The social In
response an
impact Kunming death had far less of Wang than Lake Guowei's suicide in
two
years an
virtually Liang's Japanese earlier. scholars Tokyo death. indifferent both the In to
were
Kyoto scarcely Liang's passing
and there of This whatsoever.
report
new.spapers,
a was
sharply repercussions following Wang's with the Liang's death. The contrasts to
response
following death those less than shortly Shaomin the deaths of Dehui
Ye Ke
were even or
disjunction before. Liang's political This reputation between fame and and the
increasingly by interactive large relations between and China and Japan illustrates the
of Liang, Japanese attitude Liang's scholars toward it indicates and also continued
scholarly Japanese from alienation fact, the world. Wang's the main of suicide In
cause
Guomindang's Revolutionary that
the Army "reactionary ordered the of
arrest
was
Expedition
Northern scholars" the Tianjin. approach Beijing about
and These
to
as
was
Liang
escaping caused also Although again. Liang Japan consider had • events
to to
once
frightened by
been disguised Japanese the how itself the the of government
protector
as
slowly people encroaching Chinese but sovereignty Chinese
anti-
since the
was on ever
::•-[• •
(around Shikai Liang 1922), Yuan
still had choice but seek 54 movement to no
"(•
•1 j• g, ]]• •j; • • • • Naoki Kano @. qz Seian kun (Remembering omou" • Wang
o
• • • • • Jing'an), reprinted Shinagaku Sinology) in (Essays (Tokyo: shob6, buns6 in Misuzu
• piece 1973), originally published This 372.
(August Ge•bun in 1927). 18.8
There is
p.
was
]•,al•J-•, •t•, Chinese Pingyuan translation this qz. Chen
of in Zhuiyi Feng Wang eds., and
essay
a
• • •L [• Wang 5E (Rememberances Guowei (Beijing: Guowei) Wang Zhongguo guangbo of
chubanshe,
meaning dianshi 1997), through always but does the it should.
not
as
come
• •/•, •2 • •d Dong • Kang (Shallow Shubo Ships) of (Taibei: Book Discussions yongtan
Guangwen shuju, 1967), 55.
p.
•, •3 • • Zhang •1• • Xuguang "Huiyi • Guantang Wang •1:f143 •, [] xiansheng qz zichen" de
• •7•
(Remembering by drowning Wang Guantang) the suicide Zhmyi of Guowei, Wang in
277.
p.
• •, 54 • Qichang •J• •J• • "Liang • xiansheng •lJ • • t• Rengong (t• shouyi" Wu bielu 23
continued
scholars to with Japanese relations Liang's scholarship,
Japan. In in exile
Liang in hired institute
Qinghua
research
the
was, that
The confused. remain
reason
knowledge
of Japanese principally his
reputation,"
learning and fine "broad his addition
to
"familiarity
Qinghua
professor
be requirements at
was three scholarship. of the to One
a
Chinese
and languages Oriental
accomplishments in
research
Japanese with Western
or
close
languages European
of to knowledge
non-
Liang's Inasmuch were
culture. ''Ss
as
Qinghua
the
requirement.
At
fulfill this
imperfect Japanese
his
to had existent, he to
use
incoming
for
language
Japanese give the tests would Guowei
Wang institute, research
remained.
problem,
however, job.
The the Liang took died, Wang
After students.
over
Liang's
scholars
of the
in academics, and
friends eyes Liang's Japanese
of not
Most
were
viewed Liang
scholars
Japanese Among deteriorating.
continually
was reputation
was
and
culture,
Qing
admired Sinologists Japanese
politician.
primarily Moreover,
many
as a
become words
the "when that hope moment Liang's
unhappy with our they
were
world."
all the
rise revolutionary tide will the effective,
then
over
serious politics remains
and ideology
relationship between entwined a ensuing
The
style
of
political in the
criticism
by Scholarship driven
today, s6
scholars Chinese for issue
the Before
positive
negative than consequences. only
Qichao Liang generate
more
can
published
in Xinmin who those already criticized had Guowei Wang Revolution,
1911
people "These ex-ministers."
"exiled
and students" "trouble-making primarily congbao
as
political motivation.
of
only
is, scholarship sort but what possess know do some
not
than
ideas ideas, these academic most at certain more
they no have Although
do are
scholarship its for have
"only when argued
that then Wang perversions." plagiarism we
or
expand.
''sT and In flourish scholarship
will
political
for sake,
purpose, our not
any
own
really examine
If
nearly
mark predecessor hit the century
wise ago. we this
a retrospect,
against
argued (1902-78) have others •[•- t]-I and
though Yishan Xiao point--even this
actually
Liang"S•--the scholars
Japanese more "looked even down were who those
on
Liang's work.
standard
rigid academic deployed they to farsighted when measure a
Bridge • • (Collection
of •,
Rengong) in Si ji Liang q•ao catalogued of
separately
a (Gleanings,
Shen Collection), in
Literary
•Y:
(Zixiang's • • • Zixiang of Thoughts), wenzai 3 juan of
456-57.
81:808, congkan Zhongguojindai shiliao
ed., Yunlong,
pp.
NgTj•. N
• • •-![-g •]i;)• • •0•-r• •
jingguo"
zhiqu ji yanjiuyuan
•,, zhi "Qinghua •q•: kaiban 5• Mi
Wu
University), Qinghua Institute Research opening the of at the of history principles •_• and (The
:•lJ • (1925). • IN 351 zhoukan Qinghua
distinction
is
there
that
Some
place
in
take has •6 debate a recent argue issue
this
On years.
a
include scholarship
itself does Indeed, ideology. scholarly and scholarship ideogolical
between
of this However, scholarly
sort the of boundaries exceeds the especially when ideology, arena.
one
political.
scholarly social
and
ideology still is
not
or
world 7•: scholarly 9• in • 2•
• (On ]• the
•
xueshujie"
jilmian z_hi
Guowei, •7 "Lun
Wang
•1•
• • • (Collection ?Yyz •
of
• • []
2E
lunzhufi
Wang Guowei years), in meixue
wenxue
recent
• N] I_[I Beiyue (Taiyuan: Xishan
Zhou ed. Art), and
Literature Guowei by Wang Writings on
106-10. 1987), chubanshe, wenyi
pp.
bing
Chen jun da
shu,
Mi Wu zhi piping tongshi shi zai
Qingdai • I_IA '%Vei • Yishan Xiao
!•:•]7•?j•/e:• (Another Mi •f-•5•z•zggzN:•h•:•,•-N letter Wu
to
jun" Gonglu
[] NI,
Guofeng Gonglu),
Chen reply tongshi, and Qingdai book] to [my of criticism conceming a
1934). (June 4.11 24