i
Religious Thought and National Integration
in Pakistan
MUHAMMAD NADEEM SHAH
Ph.D: Roll No. 03
Session: - 2007
Supervisor
PROF. DR. UMBREEN JAVAID
Centre for South Asian Studies
University of the Punjab, Quaid-i-Azam Campus, Lahore. ii
Religious Thought and National Integration
in Pakistan
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the requirement for Degree of Ph.D in
Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore.
Supervisor Submitted by
Prof. Dr. Umbreen Javaid Muhammad Nadeem Shah
H.E.C. Nominee Roll No. 03
Centre for South Asian Studies Ph.D
University of the Punjab, Lahore. Session: 2007
Centre for South Asian Studies
University of the Punjab Quaid-i-Azam Campus Lahore.
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DEDICATED TO
My Mother and the memory of my Father, the late, Ghulam Sarwar Shah
iv
DECLARATION
I hereby declare that this Ph.D. thesis, titled as “Religious Thought and
National Integration in Pakistan” is the result of my individual research and I have not submitted this thesis concurrently to any other University or Institution for any degree whatsoever.
MUHAMMAD NADEEM SHAH
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CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that the research carried out in this thesis is an original work. I have personally gone through all the material reported and certify its correctness. Material included in this thesis has not been submitted in partial or full for the award of any other degree from any other institution. I endorse its evaluation for the award of Ph.D degree through official procedure of the
University.
PROF. DR. UMBREEN JAVAID
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CONTENTS
Sr. No. Page No. List of Abbreviations ix Acknowledgements xii Abstract xiv
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION 01-22
1.1 The Problem 09
1.2 Review of the Literature 10
1.3 Objectives of the Research 16
1.4 Significance and Scope of Study 17
1.5 Plan of Work and Methodology 18
CHAPTER 2
RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AND POLITICS 23-56 IN ISLAMIC STATE 2.1 Concept of State in Islam 26
2.2 Philosophy of Political Authority in Islam 27
2.2.1 Islamic Democracy 31
2.3 Religious Thought and Pakistan Movement 33
2.3.1 Iqbal‟s Islamic Thought and Pakistan 35 vii
2.3.2 Jinnah on Way to Islamic Thought 41
CHAPTER 3
QUEST FOR RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN 57-94 PAKISTAN 3.1 Religious Input by the Scholars (Ulema) 64
3.2 Constitutions of Pakistan and Religious 70 Thought 3.2.1 Religious Thought and Constitution of 1962 78
3.2.2 Religious Thought and Constitution of 1973 83
3.3 Religious Thought and Zia-ul- Haq Regime 87
CHAPTER 4
DETERIORATION OF RELIGIOUS 95-133 THOUGHT AND GROWTH OF COUNTER IDEOLOGIES IN PAKISTAN 4.1 Process of Disintegration in Pakistan 99
4.1.1 Disintegration of East Pakistan 103
4.2 Ethnicity and Sub-Nationalism in Pakistan 118
4.2.1 Ethnicity and Sub-Nationalism in Balochistan 120
4.2.2 Ethnicity and Sub-Nationalism in Pakhtoon 123 Areas 4.2.3 Ethnicity and Sub-Nationalism in Sindh 126 viii
CHAPTER 5
INVOLVEMENT OF FOREIGN 134-158 COUNTRIES TO STIMULATE DISINTEGRATION IN PAKISTAN 5.1 Indian Response to the Creation of Pakistan 135
5.2 Foreign Countries and Ethnicity in NWFP 142 (KPK) 5.3 Foreign Countries and Ethnicity in Balochistan 144
5.4 Foreign Countries and Religious Extremism in 148 Pakistan CHAPTER 6
RECONSTRUCTION OF RELIGIOUS 159-179 THOUGHT IN PAKISTAN CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION 180-188
BIBLIOGRAPHY 189-206
Appendix A 207
Appendix B 216
Appendix C 218
Appendix D 225
Appendix E 230 Appendix F (Research Paper/Article) 231 ix
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AD Anno Domini (= in the year of our Lord)
APMSO All Pakistan Muhajir Students Organization
BD Basic Democracy
BLA Baloch Liberation Army
BSO Baloch Students Organization
CENTO Central Treaty Organization
CIA Criminal Investigation Agency
CII Council of Islamic Ideology
EBDO Elected Bodies Disqualification Order
EC Election Commission
ETC Etcetera (= and so on)
FATA Federally Administrated Tribal Area
ISI Inter Services Intelligence
ISO Imamia Students Organization
Inter Services Public Relations ISPR JI Jamat-i-Islami
JUAH Jamiat Ulema-e-Ahal-e-Hadith x
JUI Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam
JUP Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan
KPK Khayber Pakhtoon Khawah
LFO Legal Framework Order
LeJ Lashkar-e-Jhangvi
MIP Millat-e-Islamia Paksitan
MMA Muttahida Majlas-e-Amal
MNA Member National Assembly
MORA Ministry of Religious Affairs
MPA Member Provincial Assembly
MQM Muhajir Qaumi Movement
MSF Muslim Students Federation
NA National Assembly
NAP National Awami Party
NWFP North Western Frontier Province
PA Provincial Assembly
PAT Pakistan Awami Tahreek
PBUH Peace Be Upon Him
PML Pakistan Muslim League xi
PNA Pakistan National Alliance
PODO Public Offices Disqualification Order
PPP Pakistan People‟s Party
PTI Pakistan Tahrik-i-Insaf
PTM Pukhtoon Tahafuz (Protection) Movement
RAW Research and Analysis Wing
RSS Rashtria Sewak Sungh
SEATO South East Asian Treaty Organization
SMP Sipah-e-Muhammad Pakistan
SSP Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan also Senior Superintendent of Police
TNFJ Tehrik Nafaz Fiqah Jafria
TJP Tehrik Jafria Pakistan
UNO United Nations Organization
US United States (of America)
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I am grateful to my thesis supervisor, Professor Dr. Umbreen Javaid, Director Centre for
South Asian Studies and Dean Faculty of Behavioral and Social Sciences, University of the
Punjab Lahore, under whose guidance, inspiration, affection and enlightened supervision, my research work has been completed. I greatly appreciate her help and cooperation, particularly for her step to step guidance without which this work would have not been possible.
Special and sincere thanks are due to my teachers, the Late Prof. Dr. Muhammad Jahingir
Tamimi, Prof. Dr. Muhammad Saleem Mazhar, Prof. Dr. M. H .Bukhari, Prof. Dr. Khalid Javed
Makhdoom, Prof. Dr. Rasheed Ahmad Khan, Dr. Ahmed Ejaz and Prof. Shabnum Riaz for their contribution in terms of constant encouragement and scholarly ideas. I might be unsuccessful without their cooperation and encouragement.
I gratefully acknowledge the moral support and extreme consideration shown to me by my colleagues of Islamic Studies Department UET Lahore, particularly Prof. Dr. Hafiz M. Israil
Farooqi, Dr. Irfan Khalid Dhillon, Prof. Dr. Muhammad Yahya, Dr. Atiq ur Rahman, Dr. Hafiz
M. Shahbaz, Dr. Tanveer Qasim, Ms. Gul Saria Ashraf and Mr. Amir Altaf.
It is pleasure to acknowledge a debt to the teaching as well as administrative staff of
Centre for South Asian Studies, Punjab University Lahore, mainly, Dr. Jafar Riaz Kataria, Dr.
Marium Kamal, Mir Waheed Akhlaq and Mr. Imran Fiaz for their valuable suggestions and support in the writing of this thesis.
Moreover, I would like to gratefully acknowledge the assistance of the Library Staff and
Computer Lab. Staff of Centre for South Asian Studies, Main Library Punjab University,
National Library of Engineering Sciences UET, Lahore, NIPS Library Quaid-i-Azam University
Islamabad, Directorate of Research UET, Lahore and Evaan-i-Iqbal, Lahore, for providing me access to their resources. xiii
I would be failing in my acknowledgements if I did not make reference to the prayers and help I received from my parents particularly, my father who is no more. I am also thankful to my brothers and sisters for their prayers.
There are no words that can adequately convey my heartfelt gratitude to all those who extended moral and intellectual support and whose encouragement made this work possible.
Finally I thank my wife and children (Faheem, Zaeem and Hadia) for invaluable patience, perseverance, and support in trying times of our lives.
Any good that complies with the Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad
(PBUH) is from Almighty Allah. Any mistakes are mine alone.
MUHAMMAD NADEEM SHAH
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ABSTRACT
This research serves as an attempt to understand how and why Pakistan created through the religious thought, has been unsuccessful in achieving the objectives which were made at the time of its inception. Keeping in view the political and historical context, it attempts to explore why the country failed in establishing the system which might have helped its people to unite with the help of the religious thought. The realization of the very religious thought in the form of an Islamic state had triggered among the people of the subcontinent the sense of unity to stand up for the demand of a separate homeland. It focuses how the so-called liberals as well as extremists and conservatives interpreted religious teachings to suit their own interests transforming thereby the religion into a mere slogan. In that context, it becomes clear why the policy makers remained unable to draw on the vision of Iqbal and Jinnah towards the Muslims as one nation. The absence of democratic norms and incompetent state institutions in the country gave room to counter ideologies like ethnicity, sub-nationalism, sectarianism and extremism which led to further disintegration among the people. In addition to this, the involvement of the foreign elements in the socio-economic and religio-political affairs of the state also played a part in aggravating this process of disintegration thereby giving birth to secessionists like BLA, extremists like Taliban and terrorists like Al-Qaida. The state machinery seemed paralyzed in front of these non-state actors. No serious attempt in the post-Jinnah Pakistan has been made in quest of that religious thought which was envisaged by Dr. Iqbal in his thought provoking literary and political work, Allahabad Address of 1930 and his series of lectures entitled “The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam”. The informal attempt on the part of the religious scholars in 1951in the form of 22 points and the halfhearted official attempts in the shape of legislation, could not create an egalitarian society of Islamic outlook in Pakistan. Therefore, this research analyzes how differing ideologies threatened the integration among the people of Pakistan.With a specific focus on the religio-political context of Pakistan, it looks at the religious thought as the mechanism of integration and not as an instrument of gaining personal and political interests in order to avoid the crisis of integration among the people.
1
Chapter No. 01
INTRODUCTION
Religion is an organized system of faith and worship while thought is meant as a process of thinking. So the religious thought may be taken as a process of thinking, governed by an organized system of faith and worship. With this interpretation, everything that comes to the minds of the people even the politics, economy, culture, governance and services all may become the part of faith and worship. Therefore, in reality religion makes the people united and provides them an opportunity to think alike for peaceful coexistence. Religion itself is derived from the word religio which means to bind. It is a force which binds people in unity. The common feature of all the religions of the world is that they promote peace and wellbeing of all the humanity in general and of its own followers in particular. Islamic thought promotes the feeling of peace, harmony, respect and the coexistence for entire humanity. Believing in Islam is a total submission to Almighty Allah under the guide lines, practically provided by the last of the
Prophets Muhammad (PBUH). Islam deals simultaneously with the physical and metaphysical worlds. The prime responsibility of the Prophet is to transmit the commandments of Allah to the man and to interconnect the both to each other. However, for its successful accomplishment a state or political authority is desperately required because no discipline can be enforced without having a political authority. „Religion may play a verity of roles in the public arena without the polity becoming a theocracy‟ (Abu El Fadl, 2005: 21).
When it comes to the matter of Islam, there are many political interests at stake, and, as history provides sufficient evidence, nothing is as unbecoming of religion as politics. This is not to say that Islam, as a religion, has become despoiled by politics. Rather, politics and political 2 interests have concealed and corrupted the ability of people, to perceive Islam as a faith that is followed by over 1.5 billion adherents on the earth. In Muslim world, religion has been facing various challenges since centuries because of socioeconomic and intellectual stagnation. „One of the principal causes of the instability of Muslim rule, past and present, all over the world, including Pakistan, is the absence of law of political succession in Islam, which has inevitably led to uncertainty, civil wars, wars of succession, etc.‟ (Khan, 1997: 189). Diverse interpretations and philosophies have further barred the religion to become a dynamic force. Not just the people belonging to other religions but also the Muslims could not refrain from creating hurdles in religious progression. Particularly, sectarian differences have badly damaged the religious thought.
In South Asian context, serious attempts like Hindu reform movements of Bhakti and
Arya Samaj were made to stop the influence of Islam. Then, during colonial rule in South Asia, although it is regarded as having stimulated a remarkable period of creativity in religious ideas amongst Indian Muslims due to establishment of many religious institutions like Madrasa
Deoband, Nadwatul Ulema Lacknow, Jamia Millia Islamia Delhi and Madrasa Manzar-e- Islam
Bareilly, yet the Muslims had to adopt apologetic attitude specifically due to the political and technological supremacy of the west. Impressed by the modern thoughts the local educated a few sects of Muslims adopted a secular view and declared religion as the personal affair of the individual. In response to this attitude the religious class of the Muslims did not reconcile with the modern education so it questioned modern educational system. Sir Syed Ahmad and his Ali
Garh College were highly criticized by the religious classes. Although the Muslims belonging to religious class remained successful in keeping alive the traditional way of life, yet they deliberately ignored the growing extremisms and segregation among the Muslims themselves. 3
Consequently no integrative thought could flourish till the beginning of Pakistan movement in
March 1940. .
In South Asian perspective the result of Indian Mutiny 1857, for the Muslims of subcontinent, was the end of their about eight hundred years rule. The Muslims were not ready to reconcile with the British- new rulers- and at this turning point of Indian history the Hindus who were in clear majority, exploited this antagonism in their favour. The government policies significantly benefited the Hindu majority. Consequently the frustration of Muslim minority began to escalate even faster. Not only were the Muslims politically demoralized, economically, academically, and socially also their position was deliberately depressed by the government.
The Muslims were highly discontented with prevailing situation. The crisis and social stress, which are generally required for the formation of ideologies, had emerged. Hence the
Muslims started thinking seriously for their salvation from the dominant Hindu majority. The concept of two nations, which was dormant, became active gradually. This theory expounded that Hindus and Muslims are two diverse denominations. Islam reflects an entirely distinct outlook “Its call is addressed to the whole of mankind, irrespective of colour, race, tribe and language” (Ali,1988: 2). The Muslims are completely different from the Hindus in political culture, economic standards and social relationship in general and in religious practices in particular, so they were unwilling to live together with Hindus in united India.
A few Muslim thinkers and reformers, like Shah Wali Ullah, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan,
Jamal-ud-Din Afghani, Syed Ameer Ali, Hussain Ahmad Madani and Allama Iqbal tried their utmost to inculcate a religious thought in the Muslims in this regard. The idea of separate identity of the Muslims was initially projected by All India Muslim League (AIML) at the time of its inception in 1906. „What they [Muslim leaders] espoused, endorsed and adopted can be 4 taken as the sum total of the collective Muslim thought in those days‟ (Salik.1997: 21). They remained focused on national self-determination during colonial period. In the context of
Pakistan movement such political motives could not attract the support of the majority of the
Muslims of subcontinent. Otherwise, AIML would have remained a small and unpopular political party without having projected the objectives, based on the religion, as the motive for the creation of Pakistan. The beginning was Dr. Allama Muhammad Iqbal‟s presidential address in 1930 at Allahabad. To test their political worth the AIML took part in provincial elections in
1937 but could not succeed to win in any province and not even in the Muslim majority provinces like Punjab, Sindh and Bengal.
As a result of policies, adopted by the Congress ministries towards the Muslims, they had felt a grave threat to their religion. The feelings that “religion is in danger” have given birth to a strong thought among the Muslims of North West India. That thought had its roots in the religion of Islam and became a binding force for most of the Muslim community of South Asia irrespective of their regional, ethnic, sectarian and other diversities. The concept of Muslim nationalism emerged and this religious ideology had become an instrument of national integration for the Muslims of subcontinent. There were Muslims, too, who opposed the idea of
Pakistan. The better known amongst them, apart from the die-hard Congressites like Abul Kalam
Azad and Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, were Husain Ahmad Madani, Allama Mashriqi, Attaullah Shah
Bukhari and Abdul Ghaffar Khan. „They were romanticists who had dreams of controlling the politics of undivided India. They had neither realized that their hopes had been belied again and again by actual experience, nor how profoundly this lesser but mere realistic idea had appealed to the Muslim sense of honour, as well as how deeply it had touched their religious sensibility‟
(Ahmed, 1979:6). Inspired by the Covenant of Medina, where Muslims and Jews formed a 5 common nationality during the times of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), Husain Ahmad Madani was an advocate of common nationhood of Hindus and Muslims. None of the anti-Pakistan voices could capture the hearts of the Muslims as did Iqbal and Jinnah.
The famous slogan “Pakistan ka Matlab Kiya La Ilaha IllAllah” illustrated the aims and objectives of the creation of Pakistan. Throughout the Pakistan movement generally the Muslims in compliance with the Holy Quran “And hold fast all together by the Rope (The Islam) and be not divided among yourselves” (Al-Imran,3: 103) and consequently, they saw the formation of the biggest Muslim state Pakistan on August 14, 1947. „State ideology has long seen Islam as the raison d‟etre of Pakistan, the first principle for the creation of a new homeland for the Muslims, and legitimately the immanent ideological construct for an ethnically polyglot population‟
(Pasha, 2004: 115). The only consolation, for Millions of Muslims of the subcontinent to participate enthusiastically in Pakistan movement and to migrate without means towards
Pakistan, was the religious outlook of the proposed homeland. In fact the Muslims of this region intended to see the practical form of their religion in the manifestation of an Islamic state.
„Pakistan was popularly imagined in U.P. as a sovereign Islamic State, a New Medina, as it was called by some of its proponents. In this regard, it was not just envisaged as a refuge for the
Indian Muslims, but as an Islamic utopia that would be the harbinger for renewal and rise of
Islam in the modern world, (Dhulipala, 2015: 4).
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was desirous of shaping the Pakistani society in conformity with the Islamic principles, like democracy, equality, social justice and common wellbeing of the citizens including religious minorities. His struggle for the establishment of new state was the outcome of his desire to outline a social and political order in which religion could be acknowledged as the ideal arrangement for the individual‟s life and as the law to unite the 6
Muslims of the region into a single nation. Compelled by the difficulties and adversaries,
Muhammad Ali Jinnah could not focus solely on the body polity of the country during the short period of his Governor Generalship.
With the sad demise of Jinnah, there initiated a deterioration in religious thought and the successors began to behave wantonly. Conspiracies and controversies like Islamic state or secular state, theocracy or democracy, welfare state or security state etc. had flared up. The process of segregation had taken birth and different segments of the society began to pursue their own vested interests. However the sincere and moderate leadership remained striving for voicing the basic structure of the state in the light of ideological thoughts. Passage of Objectives
Resolution in 1949 was a first step towards constitution making in pursuit of religious thought.
„The outstanding feature of the objectives resolution was that it sought to base the constitution of
Pakistan on the ideals of Islam‟ (Choudhury,1988: 113).
The next major step was an unusual move on the part of religious scholars (Ulema), who presented proposals with consensus, famously known as 22 points of Ulema, for the guidance of the Constituent Assembly in their endeavor to formulate a constitution for Pakistan. A message of national integration was conveyed through this document. With these points, the Ulema had tried to unite the Pakistani nation, legally and morally, by denouncing the hypothetical disintegration among the various Muslim sects. All these efforts went in vain when new leadership, having little legitimacy and secular outlook, came on the horizon of politics soon after the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan.
Ghulam Muhammad, Iskander Mirza and Ayub Khan had no valuable contribution towards Pakistan Movement; they had nothing to do with ideological foundation of Pakistan.
During their respective regimes not only the political but also the social institutions had become 7 weak. The concepts of provincialism and sectarianism emerged, which further disintegrated the nation. The 1965 war was fought with national spirit and the nation remained intact for the time being but soon after the war a rapid decline was started. The bonds of Islamic brotherhood had become as weak as the East Pakistan was dismembered after a civil war. The remarks of Indian
Prime Minister Indra Gandhi regarding the Two Nation Theory that India has drowned it into the
Bay of Bengal, were irrefutable but inadmissible too. These remarks were responded by the left over Pakistan through the promotion of religious thought among the Muslims. The developments like 1973 Constitution, declaring Islam as the state religion, Islamic Summit Conference and initiation of Pakistan‟s nuclear program were also motivated by religious thought.
During the period of General Zia, religious sentiments were fully exploited for political gains. General Zia as well as religio-political organizations and some external forces used these emotions to further their agenda of grabbing more authority. Particularly the Afghan war was fought in the name of religion. Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, Islamic Revolution in Iran, absence of think tank and political leadership in Pakistan, involvement and interests of external forces in Afghanistan, created an environment for militancy in Pakistan but the justification for this fanaticism was derived from the religion. That specific period is full of Jehadi activities, from curriculum to the mushroom growth of religious madrasas and sectarian organizations. No considerable opposition can be traced from society and institutions in this regard, which depicts the tendency of Pakistani nation towards religion. Keeping aside the consequences, the nation was almost united in the name of religion.
After the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan no proper policy was adopted in
Pakistan to channelize the religious potential of the people. Consequently, that potential, which could have been exploited for national integration, started converting into extremism. Lack of 8 visionary leadership, lethargy and inefficiency on the part of institutions and unjustified policies adopted by rulers with secular outlook pushed the country into catastrophe which has been becoming intolerable and irremediable with the passage of time. Both the government and the extremists are claimant of serving the religion but the masses are still waiting for an instrument of national integration.
In an Islamic state religion cannot be considered as a private affair of the person or a belief of a distinct class of society. Instead it binds the whole society into a single nation. Role of religion is inevitable in a Muslim state towards running the state affairs as it regulates the whole system of society. „In an Islamic state a Muslim is a strong part of an organic unity entrusted to transform the Divine message into a practical reality. The creation of an Islamic state in fact is the materialization of the Divine ordinance‟ (Qadri,2004: 124).
Islam, a divine religion, allows the people to be free from all categories of prejudices and inequalities. However human likings and disliking have converted it into controversies and disputations. The leaders and thinkers in any society always keep in their minds the ground realities hence their approach is mostly influenced by the surroundings. Such thoughts generally emerge as a reaction to the prevailing circumstances.
The reform movements of the past in South Asia, Africa and Middle East could not convince the majority of the Muslims about the revival of Islamic thought. Few of them partially succeeded to bring a change in their respective areas. But none of them could create a nation primarily motivated to establish an organized social order. This attempt on the part of Muslims of 20th century in subcontinent is unprecedented as the leaders and masses both were focused upon the creation of a dynamic Islamic welfare state. The central Idea of the creation of Pakistan was pronounced to be the slogan; there is no God but Allah. This was not a mere slogan but a 9 programme to make the religion of Islam an instrument to form the sense of nation among the
Muslims of the subcontinent. Religion is the only common factor among the Muslims across the globe. This is the force that can bind the Muslims all together despite their racial, ethnic and regional considerations. In South Asian perspective religion has played a vital role to unite the
Muslims belonging to different schools of thought, in achieving the goal of independence.
Such national integration was only due to the spirit of the freedom struggle somehow connected to religion the cultural, economic, political, sectarian and social considerations have been of secondary importance while the religion was the foremost as well as integral part of the whole Pakistan Movement. An overwhelming majority of the Muslims of subcontinent remained intact with religious thought throughout freedom struggle until Pakistan came into existence.
After the creation of Pakistan deterioration started in the religious thought but regional, ethnic and sectarian differences emerged rapidly. The vacuum of thought and leadership, created due to the demise of the Quaid-i-Azam, was filled by liberals and seculars. The personal partialities replaced the collective religious thought and the process of national disintegration started.
Because of this deviation the dream of establishing Islamic state and society remained un- cherished till today.
1.1 THE PROBLEM
The research is about religious thought which had become a binding force for majority of the Muslims of subcontinent and by using this force the very first ideological state in the history of nations was created after the State of Medina. Although this thought could not succeed completely to integrate the different factions of society in Pakistan, yet this is the only ray of hope to achieve the real objectives of the creation of Pakistan i.e. Faith, Unity and Discipline.
Individuals have used religion in Pakistan as an instrument of grabbing more authority rather 10 than as an instrument of national integration. So the result is collapse of political and social institutions and upsurge of provincialism, sectarianism, extremism and terrorism. Adoption of religious thought as envisaged by Iqbal and Jinnah during Pakistan movement is the only way forward to avoid these tribulations. This would be possible through revolutionary changes on the part of the legislature in the form of political, economic, social, judicial, administrative and educational reforms.
An attempt has been made through this research to analyze the following questions.
1. Whether religious thought really exists anywhere in contemporary Pakistan?
2. What did Iqbal and Jinnah actually mean when they referred to Islam at many occasions
for framing the system of state and government in independent Muslim state?
3. Was religion in actual a binding force or just a slogan during Pakistan movement?
4. In what way the social and political institutions in Pakistan were influenced by deviation
from religious thought?
5. Who are actually responsible for the deterioration of religious thought in Pakistan?
6. Is religious ideology capable enough to act as an instrument of national integration in
Pakistan?
1.2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Although books have been written about religious background of Pakistan movement but only a few of these are research oriented. Some books are too small to cover all aspects of religious thought. Proper research has not been conducted in most of the books. There is lack of references and quotations as well as consultations from the primary and secondary sources. One group of books describes the events of Pakistan movement. It include Ayesha Jalal‟s The 11 struggle for Pakistan: A Muslim Homeland and Global Politics, (HUP, 2014) examines „a
Muslim state in India would permit innovations in Islam unbridled by “Arabian imperialism”.
This would not only bring Muslims into “closer contact” with the “original spirit” of Islam but also make them more amenable to the spirit of modern times‟. Another work of Ayesha Jalal titled as Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia: A Comparative and Historical
Perspective, (CUP,1995) considers politics to be more important than religion in explaining violence in Muslim world. She completely negates the notion that Pakistan was created for Islam and hence, anybody tries to mix religion and the state invites trouble. Khalid Bin Sayeed‟s
Pakistan The Formative Phase, Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad‟s Creation of Pakistan, Syed Qalb-i-
Abid‟s Muslim Struggle for Independence 1857-1947, Sheikh Muhammad Ikram‟s Modern
Muslim India and the Birth of Pakistan, Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi‟s The Struggle for Pakistan,
Muhammad Munawar‟s Dimensions of Pakistan Movement, and Hafeez Malik‟s Muslim
Nationalism in India and Pakistan. All these works have provided relevant information
The second group of books is about the leaders of Pakistan movement. Among these books, Stanley Wolpert‟s Jinnah of Pakistan, (OUP, 1984) shows how Jinnah‟s shrewd and skillful leadership combined brilliant advocacy and singular tenacity to win his suit for the creation of Pakistan on behalf of the Muslim nation. Sheshrao Chavan‟s Mohammad Ali Jinnah:
The Great Enigma, (Authors Press, 2006) describes „Creation of Pakistan was a significant achievement of Jinnah. He converted his dream rather ego satisfaction in reality that too in his lifetime. It was a unique unprecedented example in the world history that an individual, almost single-handedly established a sovereign State. He created history and also altered the geography.
But at the cost of the lives of ten lakh people‟ Ayesha Jalal‟s The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the
Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan, Ishtiaq Ahmed in his book, The Concept of An 12
Islamic State: An Analysis of the Ideological Controversy in Pakistan, (Continuum,1987), writes about Jinnah‟s speech in the Constituent Assembly on 11th August 1947, „Jinnah‟s speech contradicted the whole rationale of Pakistan. Muslim nationalism was based on religion and
Jinnah and all other Muslim League leaders had used Islam to legitimize their demand for a separate state. Therefore, Jinnah‟s discourse on a Secular State was hardly consistent with the logic of Pakistan‟ Safdar Mahmood‟s Founders of Pakistan, G.Allan‟s Quaid-i-Azam: The Story of a Nation, Ashiq Hussain Batalvi‟s Iqbal kai Akhari Doo Sall (Urdu), , Rizwan-ul-Islam‟s
Iqbal‟s Concept of Muslim Nationalism, Dr. Muhammad Jahangir Tameemi‟s Zawal sae Iqbal
Tak (Urdu) and Iqbal Sahib-e-Haal (Urdu), Matloob Hussain Sayyed‟s Muhammad Ali Jinnah :
A Political Study, Sharif-ul-Mujahid‟s Founder of Pakistan: Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali
Jinnah 1876-1948, Peter Hardy‟s Partners in Freedom and the True Muslims: The Political
Thought of some Muslim Scholars in British India 1912-1947 and H. Bolitho‟s Jinnah: Creator of Pakistan. In these books the concept and vision of great leaders about a Muslim state is also discussed which proved helpful in the research.
Another group of books had been written about the nature and evolution of Ideology of
Pakistan. Most of the authors related Pakistan Ideology with Islam. Among those, Saeeduddin
Ahmad Dar‟s Ideology of Pakistan, (NIHCR,2000) throws light on the unique historical phenomenon called the creation of Pakistan and the spirit which created it- its Ideology. The
Ideology of Pakistan took shape through a process of evolution. Historical experience of
Muslims of South Asia provided the basis; Allama Iqbal gave it philosophical exposition; Quaid- i-Azam translated it into political reality and the Constituent Assembly embodied it in form of
Objectives Resolution. Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi‟s Islam and the Earliest Muslims: Two
Conflicting Portraits (1984, Academy of Islamic Research & Publications), seeks to present a 13 sketch of the earliest ideal era of Islam, the period of the Holy Prophet and his companions, in the light of beliefs, religious traditions and writings of the doctors of two major sects of Muslims,
Sunnis and Shias, which project two contradictory portraits of Islam and its earliest adherents.
Ikram Azam‟s Pakistan‟s Ideology and Ideologues, F. K. Khan Durrani‟s The Meaning of
Pakistan, Javed Iqbal‟s Ideology of Pakistan, K.K. Aziz‟s A History of the Idea of Pakistan,
S.Moinul Haq‟s Ideological Basis of Pakistan, Stephen P. Cohen‟s The Idea of Pakistan, Prof.
Muhammad Saleem‟s Tarikh-I-Nazria-I-Pakistan (Urdu), Shariful Mujahid‟s Ideology of
Pakistan and Ideological Orientation of Pakistan, Waheed Qureshi‟s Ideological Foundation of
Pakistan, and Piam Shah Jahanpuri‟s Tehrik-i-nazria-i-Pakistan (Urdu). All these books were helpful in understanding the origin and evolution of Pakistan Ideology as well as its roots in the religion.
The fourth group of books is about the pursuance of religious thought in Pakistan as well as national integration. Among those books, Venkat Dhulipala‟s Creating a New Medina: State
Power, Islam and the Quest for Pakistan in Late Colonial North India (CUP, 2015), examines how the idea of Pakistan was propagated and debated in the public sphere and to what extent popular enthusiasm was created for its successful achievement in the last decade of British colonial rule in India. In particular, Dhulipala argues that Pakistan was not simply a vague idea that somehow emerged as a nation-state, and proposes instead that it was popularly imagined as a sovereign Islamic State, a new Medina as some called it. Ian Talbot‟s State and Nation Building in Pakistan: Beyond Islam and Security (Routledge, 2015), offers comparative views on the role of identity politics in the development of Pakistan. It also provides insight into contemporary process of national contestation which are crucially affected by their treatment in the world media. It goes on to discuss religious identities and their role in both the construction of national 14 identity and in the development of sectarianism and ethnicity. Another book of Ian Talbot,
Pakistan: A New History (ColumbiaUP,2012), highlights the deterioration of Pakistan‟s social and political institutions, focusing on the increasing entrenchment of army in its political and economic arenas; the complex role of Islam in public life, and, most of all, the unrealized goal of securing a separate Muslim state. Other works include W. A. Wilcox‟s Pakistan: The
Consolidation of a Nation, Raunaq Jahan‟s Pakistan: Failure in National Integration
(ColumbiaUP,1972), analyses why former President Ayub‟s constitutional innovations, economic policies and, approaches to bureaucratic recruitment and political participation were inadequate and even contributed to the disintegration of Pakistan. Julia Stephens‟s Covering
Islam: Law, Empire and Secularism (CUP,2019), talking about social justice in Objectives
Resolution says, yet in subsequent years the Constituent Assembly devoted almost no attention to translating this theoretical commitment into a practical platform of economic reform, William
Gould‟s Religion and Conflict in Modern South Asia (CUP, 2012) analyzes that in the first months of 1948, the ulema of Pakistan did make attempts to establish a theocracy, with the proposal for a Ministry of Religious Affairs, Anwar Sayed‟s Pakistan: Islam, Politics and
National Solidarity, Reo M. Christensen‟s Ideologies and Modern Politics, Christopher
Jafferlot‟s Pakistan: Nationalism Without a Nation, Leonard Binder‟s Religion and Politics in
Pakistan, Dr. Israr Ahmad‟s Istekam-i-Pakistan (Urdu), Syed Abdul Quddus‟s Pakistan the Task
Before Nation, Riaz Ahmad Sayed‟s Pakistan on Road to Islamic Democracy, Donald E. Smith‟s
South Asian Politics and Religion, Freeland Abbot‟s Islam and Pakistan, Dr. Jamil Jalbi‟s
Pakistan the Identity of Culture and Fred Halliday and Hamza Alavi‟s State and Ideology in
Middle East and Pakistan (Macmillan, 1988) articulates how military regimes have utilized
Islam differently than democratic regimes. Lacking a popular mandate, the military regime had 15 sought its claim to legitimacy, if not its purpose, in divine ordinance. These books threw light on problems of national solidarity in Pakistan.
The fifth group of books is about those forces that opposed the idea of the division of subcontinent. This included Barbara D Metcalf‟s Husain Ahmad Madani: The Jihad for Islam and India‟s Freedom, Mushirul Hasan‟s Lagacy of a Divided Nation: India‟s Muslims since
Independence, Ishtiaq Hussain Querashi‟s Ulema in Politics, Hussain Ahmad Madani‟s
Muttahidah Qaumiat aur Islam (Urdu), Ziaul Hassan Farooqui‟s The Deoband School and the
Demand for Pakistan, Abul Kalam Azad‟s India Wins Freedom and Chaudhary Habib Ahmad‟s
Tehrik-I-Pakistan aur Nationalist Ulema (Urdu). These books have provided relevant material to evaluate critically Pakistan‟s Ideology.
The sixth group of books is about the socio-economic and socio-political problems of
Pakistan due to which the religious thought has been deteriorated in Pakistan. Such books included Tilak Devasher‟s Pakistan at the Helm, (HarperCollins, 2018) presents that the intelligence agencies were totally ignorant of the alienation of the people of East Pakistan that had been growing for a long time, Abid Ullah Jan‟s The End of Democracy (Pragmatic
Publishing, 2003) says that Democracy has been undermined by a minority ruling elite to curtail civil liberties and mislead the public at home, whilst waging wars of domination abroad. Hassan
Gardezi‟s Pakistan the Unstable State, Lawrence Ziring‟s Pakistan at the Crosscurrent of
History, Hussain Haqqani‟s Pakistan Between Mosque and Military, A. Aziz‟s Pakistan from
Crisis to Crisis, Craig Baxter‟s Pakistan: 1997, G. W. Choudhary‟s Pakistan: Transition from
Military to Civilian Rule and Saddiq Salik‟s State and Politics: A Case Study of Pakistan. All these works have provided material about issues related to root cause of disintegration in post
Jinnah Pakistan. 16
A few theses have been written about religion and politics in Pakistan. Syed M. H. Shah‟s
Ph.D. thesis at NIPS Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, Religion and Politics in Pakistan
1972-88, Syed Islam Shah‟s M.Phil thesis at NIPS, Islamization in Pakistan 1977-85, Mr.
Nadeem Shah‟s M.Phil thesis at Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab,
Lahore, Sectarian Violence in Pakistan are included.
This brief review of literature clearly points out that a few research works has been done on the religious thought and national integration while keeping in view the context of Pakistan.
So this research dissertation has made a substantial contribution to understand religious thought with a specific focus on the context of Pakistan.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH
Keeping the challenges of national integration in view the present study undertook an inquiry into the phenomenon of religious thought with the following objectives in mind.
1. It intended to bring out a thorough analysis of the evolution, objectives ad performance of
religious thought as an instrument of integration of Muslim community in the
subcontinent.
2. It undertook to analyze the purpose of partition and the Quaid‟s vision of Pakistan.
3. The study anticipated to evaluate the efforts made in Pakistan in pursuance of religious
thought.
4. It has probed into the realities and points of difference as reflected by the attitudes,
policies and measures taken by the ruling classes of Pakistan.
5. The study critiqued the ideologies of sub-nationalism, ethnicity, extremism, secularism,
sectarianism and Islamization in relation to the ideology of Pakistan. 17
6. The work intended to find out a framework which may serve as an instrument to integrate
the people of Pakistan into one whole.
1.4 SIGNIFICANCE AND SCOPE OF STUDY
1. New generations of Pakistan have little knowledge of the background of creation of
Pakistan. The curriculum designed for the said purpose in educational institutions
contains limited information about the ideology and aims and objectives of the creation
of Pakistan. So the result is lack of national sentiments and augmentation of regional,
ethnic and sectarian considerations. To understand the dynamics of the state, shaped in
the name of religion, the study of religious thought is inevitable, particularly for the
intellectuals, policy makers and think tanks.
2. The negative attitude and behaviour of the dominant classes of Pakistan both secular
feudal and ruling elites and religious leaders, led the people of Pakistan to turn into
extremists. The involvement of civil and military bureaucracy in the political system
and role of religio-political organizations has been discussed in this context.
3. The efforts made in quest of religious thought are not meant to create national harmony
and welfare state but, „how much Islam should be sprinkled on the otherwise secular
constitution, to make it acceptable to all quarters‟. In this connection the analysis of
constitutional activities from Objectives Resolution to enlightened moderation is the
part of this research.
4. In contemporary Pakistan, the issues like inter-provincial disharmony, poverty,
extremism, terrorism and even the foreign policy are of utmost importance. All these
issues are threatening the security and integrity of the state. The present study might
also be helpful in understanding the linkage of these issues to religious thought. 18
1.5 PLAN OF WORK AND METHODOLOGY
Keeping in mind the basic prerequisites of the research, the primary sources of the said topic has been given the highest priority during the research work. The contents of the relevant resolutions adopted by All India Muslim League during Pakistan movement, the speeches of the
Quaid-i-Azam at different occasions before and after the establishment of Pakistan, especially his speeches in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan has been used as source of material. The contents of the Objectives Resolution, 22 points of Ulema and Constitutions of Pakistan that are particularly relevant to the topic and have been published, are useful for the research. Among the books, the work done by the leaders of Pakistan movement and others as well was helpful.
Moreover the methods of historical criticism in a pretty careful manner has been adopted which may ensure the authenticity of the primary sources.
In addition to this chapter of introduction, six more chapters have been designed to pursue the research dissertation. Chapter 2 is titled as „Religious Thought and Politics in Islamic
State‟. Here the concept and characteristics of an Islamic state has been discussed along with the religious thought of Dr. Iqbal and the vision of Muhammad Ali Jinnah about a Muslim state.
Both the personalities were believed in the principles of Islam and they had the opinion that the
Muslims of South Asia have every right to establish their separate homeland, where they could live in accordance with the principles of Islam. It would necessarily neither a theocratic nor a secular state but a state where Islamic spirit will make the very basis of its body polity. And in
Islam politics and religion are not contrary to each other rather these are inseparable concepts.
Chapter 3 is entitled as „Quest for Religious Thought in Pakistan‟. The major developments on the part of different segments of state and society in pursuance of religious thought have been discussed. This also included the obstacles in the way of religion to become 19 the law of the land. Religion is meant to make the people unite but religiosity and intransigence make them divide. The study has unveiled the ruling elites, having no or little legitimacy, who deliberately distorted the ideological image of state just to safeguard their personal interests.
There was a poles asunder between theory and practice of most of the political as well as religio- political parties. The role of obstinate feudal lords and pervasive bureaucracy has also been discussed in this chapter.
The title of chapter 4 is „Deterioration of Religious Thought and Growth of Counter
Ideologies in Pakistan‟. Through this discussion the factors behind deterioration of religious thought in Pakistan have been discovered. The basis of the creation of Pakistan was equality, democracy and social justice in accordance with the principles of Islam. The principles of equality and social justice could not be observed in the policies related to economic and social sectors. The absence of political norms made the country haven for dictators. The state policies could not address the basic issues of the masses. There started emerging counter ideologies like ethnicity, secularism, sub-nationalism, sectarianism and extremism. The study also focuses the impact of these negative ideologies on the social, economic and political lives of the people. The tragedy of dismemberment of East Pakistan, and the issues of inter provincial disharmony, sectarian violence and extremism are the part of this study.
Chapter 5 is regarding the „Involvement of Foreign Countries in Stimulating the
Disintegration in Pakistan‟. This chapter has focused on the interests and involvement of certain foreign countries in the socio-political affairs of Pakistan. Unfortunately Pakistan could not refrain itself from welcoming America, Europe, China, Saudi Arabia, Iran, India, Afghanistan and few other nations particularly during the Afghan crisis at the time of Soviet invasion and after 9/11 incident. During Soviet invasion, the religious sentiments were fully exploited by 20 some countries and after 9/11 religious sentiments were again exploited, this time, by the extremists to counter American and NATO forces in Afghanistan and against their allies in
Pakistan or elsewhere.
Next is the chapter 6 „Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Pakistan‟. The title of the chapter is inferred from Iqbal‟s famous work “Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam”. A few reformist voices are trying to change the orthodox approach of the people, towards religion.
However such reformers could convince only a meager amount of educated people.
21
References
Abu El Fadl, Khalid. (2005). “The Great Theft: Wrestling Islam from the Extremists” San
Francisco: HarperCollins, p. 21.
Ahmad, Qadeeruddin. (1979). “Pakistan: Facts and Fallacies” Karachi: Royal Book
Company, p. 6
Al-Hilali, Dr. Muhammad Taqi-ud-Din and Dr. Muhammad Muhsin Khan. (1996).
“Interpretation of the Meanings of the Noble Quran” Riyadh: Darussalam.
Ali, Chaudhri Muhammad. (1988). “The Emergence of Pakistan” 6th Edition, Lahore:
Research Society of Pakistan, University of the Punjab, p. 2.
Choudhury, G. W. (1988). “Pakistan: Transition from Military to Civilian Rule” Essex:
Scorpion Publishing Ltd; p.113.
Dar, Saeedud Din Ahmad. (2000). “Ideology of Pakistan” Islamabad: NIHCR. p.1.
Devasher, Tilak. (2018). “Pakistan at the Helm” India: HarperCollins, p. xxi.
Dhulipala, Venkat. (2015). “Creating A New Medina: State Power, Islam and the Quest for
Pakistan in Late Colonial North India” Delhi: Cambridge University Press, p.4.
Gould, William. (2012). “Religion and Conflict in Modern South Asia” Cambridge
University Press. p.220.
Khan, Roedad. (1997). “Pakistan: A Dream Gone Sour” Karachi: Oxford University Press, p.189
Pasha, Mustapha Kamal. (2004) “Islamization, Civil Society, and the Politics of Transition in 22
Pakistan” in „Religion and Political Conflict in South Asia: India, Pakistan and Sri
Lanka‟, Douglas Allen (ed.); London: Greenwood Press, p. 115.
Qadri, Dr. Muhammad Tahir-ul-.(2004). “Islam in Various Perspectives” Lahore: Minhaj-ul-
Quran Publications, p. 124.
Salik, Siddiq. (1997). “State and Politics: A Case Study of Pakistan” Lahore: Al-Faisal
Nashran, p. 21.
Stephens, Julia. (2019). “Covering Islam: Law, Empire and Secularism in South Asia”
Cambridge University Press, p. 179.
23
Chapter No.02
RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AND POLITICS IN
ISLAMIC STATE
Establishment of a successful body polity is not beyond the domain of Islam. Islamic concept of state ensures the peace, respect, harmony and mutual wellbeing of the entire community by establishing a just, fair and impartial system. The concept of written constitution and welfare state is the basis of Islamic political thought, which was implemented during the times of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) in the form of the State of Medina and during the period of Orthodox Caliphate as well. The scope of Islamic laws covers rules of human performance, confirming man‟s comfort in his worldly life as well as in the Hereafter. The promulgation of Islamic laws given in the Quran is the responsibility of an Islamic state. The primary sources, considered necessary for legislation and constitution making in an Islamic state are the Quran and the Sunnah. State is only a device for the accomplishment of such laws.
„Without a political support and the availability of state-execution, the Quranic ideology would have been utopian fantasy and practically would never have amounted to be more than a poet‟s dream‟(Ghazi, 1992: 15).
Islam attempts to build a democratic society, where writ of the government, rule of law and protection of the rights of the people, justice and equality are compulsory ingredients of body polity. The system that Islam intends to establish cannot be possible only through verbal preaching. Rather a political authority is required for its inception and survival. Without political authority enforcement of the most of the commandments of Allah would not possible. Islamic state is supposed to be under the commitment to administer the application of rules of moral 24 behavior as heavenly directives. „The Quran repeatedly appeals to human conscience to follow the teachings of the Revelation for its own welfare as well as for the well-being of fellow human beings‟ (Hasan, 1982: xiv). However, this welfare scheme will remain unworkable unless administered by a well-planned system. „In this system, the state forms an integral part at the apex‟ (Hussain, 1987: 9).
Presently, we are living in an era largely modern in its thought-pattern, cultural alignment, advancement, academic temperament and instructional exercise. „This age of our history can rightly be called an age of intellectual enslavement, which is preceded by an age of political and military subjugation‟ (Ghazi, 1992: 281). From so called political leaders to media analysts and academicians everyone, in one way or the other, is greatly influenced by the western thoughts of state and politics. Being unaware of the religio-political character of Islam the people generally maintain and even proliferate the western conception of state and democracy. Many of them believe that Islam and democracy are contradictory to each other. Along with the western orientalists, some intellectuals of the Muslim world also think of Islam as an orthodox and outdated religion having no genuine methodology towards politics, economy and development planning. „In the mental climate of the modern world it has become almost axiomatic among many educated people that religion ought not to interfere with political life‟ (Asad, 1986: 4).
Unfortunately, none of the Muslim countries could make its system completely in accordance with the Islamic concept of state. Hence, no state either using the word Islamic in their nomenclatures can be considered as a role model for the sympathizer as well as for the critics. Perhaps, due to the absence of any successful practical model, Islam – the religion of peace, love and mercy- is being projected as a religion of ignorance, extremism and terrorism.
„Regrettably, this facet of Islam has been downgraded to the background relatively because of 25 the endless propaganda sprang by some circles unreasonably stressing upon the so called combative character of Islam‟ (Siddiqi, 1991:3).
In the earlier twentieth century, the theory of state started experiencing a modification in the new world. The political thinkers of the west initiated to talk about the philosophies of social contract, sovereignty of people, and the government as a body for the wellbeing of the people.
These social scientists perhaps have overlooked that centuries back the Prophet Muhammad, who under divine direction projected all their insight and comprehended a “universal state” decorated as consistent religious-cum-political tradition and in fact set up such a state on the strong basis of cohesion through consensus, equivalence, commandment and self-determination, through trust in the principle of Oneness of Allah. (Hussain, 1987: 9-10)
Generally, perception about Islam has been, that it is a mere creed and represents solely an enlightenment of souls, proved a misapprehension when it became clear that Islam is fairly a standardized total which also contains a just economic system, a well-balanced social organization, codes of civil, criminal as well as international law, a philosophical outlook upon life along with a system of physical instruction, all of these flowing from the same fundamental creed of Islam and its moral and spiritual temperament‟ (Qutb, 1974: ix).
The hypothesis of some critics about Islam that it had since long ceased to exist and turned into an outdated notion, proved incorrect as most of them observed that Islam did not fit into a remote past. It is not old-fashioned or out-of-date rather it is an alive and dynamic system of life even in contemporary age as it retains within itself such components which make it compatible to any other system. Such people know little about Islam having doubts about it. That is why; they advocate the separation of religion from the state and the separation of science from
Islam. The so called secular intelligentsia of Muslim world when „call upon their countrymen to 26 discard Islam or declare that Islam should have no say in the management of social, political and economic affairs of community and life, they are merely expressing and parroting the imported thoughts of their masters‟ (Qutb, 1974: xii).This is the time to make the people understand that it is religion which can guide man to stand up to the forces of dictatorship, considering it a social obligation.
2.1 CONCEPT OF STATE IN ISLAM
For the implementation of the principles of law and justice the utmost political authority is required. State is the expression of such political power. Therefore, state and society are inseparable from each other. „For a state is inconceivable without a society; while a society without a state is wellnigh impossible, owing to the aggressive propensities of men, which require a restraint. A polity therefore arises, either theocratic or kingly, and this is what we mean by state‟ (Issawi, 1958:102).
Islam as a whole unites both state and society at the same time. In Islamic thought no state can establish and consolidate itself without laws which are laid down by Almighty Allah, through a lawgiver. Such state system is based on a religious foundation. Such a religious polity is beneficial both for this and for the afterlife. Religious commandments guide the behavior of people in all their businesses, their reverence and relations even in those concerning to the state, which is usual to anthropological social order. „The state, therefore, is patterned on religion, in order that the whole should come under the supervision of the Lawgiver‟ (Issawi, 1958: 135).
In Muslim history, the first Islamic state was established by the Prophet of Islam
Muhammad (PBUH) at Medina and then by his successors known as Caliphs. They enforced the divine laws to integrate the society. Social integration was, therefore, inescapable if a nation 27 wishes to play the part which is based on fair justice system. Therefore, the Prophet himself and his successors endorsed a justice system for national integration. That state of affairs prevailed with perfection up to the time of Ali. A partial promulgation could be observed during Omayyad dynasty and also during the reign of Abbasid Caliphs. During those times, caliphate and monarchy were interweaved and amalgamated and the spirit of supremacy was humored for the delight of wishes. However, the model of the state, established by the Prophet (PBUH) and his companions, was the one which we may call as an Islamic model. „It fully revealed the pristine teaching of both the Quran and the Prophet‟s Sunnah and was as yet unburdened by later-day theological accretions and speculations‟ (Asad, 1986: vi).
2.2 PHILOSOPHY OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY IN ISLAM
All religions, like all sociological and political arrangements, have a procedure for creating and defining authority. Authority can be formal or informal, but either way, authority defines for people what is representative, official and obligatory. Primarily, it defines what can be relied upon and what must be pursued. „In the Islamic context, the authoritative communicates to believers what is objectionable, what is acceptable, and what is binding, and also what is formally a part of their religion‟ (Abu El Fadl, 2005: 26).
No state in the human history has ever existed without a basic philosophy. The whole system of the state depends upon that basic thinking. Such philosophies may be secular, conservative, theocratic, democratic, dictatorial or monarchical in nature. The structure of an
Islamic state has also been erected on some well-defined principles. It is inevitable to abide by such principles. „Otherwise the Islamic character of the state would be lost.‟(Ghazi,1992: 29) 28
The first and foremost principle of an Islamic state is to establish Allah‟s Sovereignty. As
He is the sole creator of the universe, so no one else has the right to rule here. “He makes none to share in His Decision and His Rule”. (Al-Kahf,18:26). Allah Almighty does not allow anybody to think about any kind of sharing with Him regarding authority over the universe. “they said,
Have we any part in the affairs? Say Indeed the affair belongs wholly to Allah” (Al-
Imran,3:154). The choice before the human being is only to obey the directives of his Master.
Therefore, Islam considers such person or nation, which constitutes keeping apart these principles, disobedient and the rebels.
Although an Islamic state is built upon the concept of Allah‟s sovereignty yet the concept of man‟s vicegerency is also associated with Islamic state. In Islamic diction the term “Khilafah”
(Caliphate) is used for vicegerency or succession. Nevertheless, the state or Khilafah in itself is not a completely sovereign body. Here, the definitive Sovereign is the Creator of the universe, who in His aptitude of being the Creator of the entire universe has every right to be Sovereign.
Though an authority is certainly required to apply the rule of Allah. The status of such authority would be vicegerency. „Establishment of the Khilafah is a religious obligation for Muslims, because its main object is the defense of the Faith and the preservation of order in the world through the implementation of Revealed Law‟ (Jan, 2003: 131).
Islam promotes integrated awareness. Its foremost emphasis is on the unification of society. No society can flourish without a reliable establishment which may replicate the determination of the populaces. In Islam such organization is called Khilafah and the person delegated with such power is called “Khalifah” the vicegerent or inheritor. Allah Almighty has promised to give political authority to His beloved people “that He will definitely grant them succession in the land.” (An-Nur,24: 55) 29
Two things should be measured considerately in the above quoted verse. The very first is that Islam uses the word succession as an alternative of sovereignty, which represents that sovereignty, is absolutely exclusive to Almighty Allah. Therefore, the ruler of an Islamic State is
His vicegerent who enjoys only the authorities delegated to him by the factual Sovereign.
And the second point is that the promise of succession is being made with all the believers. It is not particular to a person or group of persons. Every Muslim, in his individual capacity, is vicegerent to God Almighty and he himself is accountable before Him as stated in
Hadith „every person will be questioned regarding his responsibilities. The ruler of the Islamic
State, who in the status of the successor of the Sovereign administers the heavenly commandments in the community. He firmly obeys the orders of the Quran and the Sunnah in the running of the state businesses.
Every Muslim has twofold liability; on the earth he is accountable to the people and hereafter to Allah Almighty. He is not allowed to enjoy a privileged place on the basis of colour, creed or social prominence. It can be resolved that according to Muslim conviction next to God, the sovereign control exists in the people and application of this authority is a trust. Therefore, this authority has to be used firmly in accordance with the doctrines laid down in the Quran and the Sunnah. No one is above the law; even the Caliph cannot enjoy any immunity. Allah Himself has delegated these controls to man, so that he may relate these commands in the world.
Therefore, man is not sovereign but vicegerent. “O Dawud verily, We have positioned you as a successor on the earth” (Sad,38: 26).
The succession of man will be legitimate so long as it is in accordance with the commandments of the Sovereign, otherwise it may be considered a rebellion, for example 30
Pharaoh who crossed all the limits by claiming “I am your lord, most high”. (An-Naziat,79: 24).
That‟s why; Allah sent Moses to him and warned him not to claim to be an absolute power.
The model of an Islamic State was specified by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) himself and after him the next model for us is the form of the state established during the period of
Caliphs. The difference between the two periods was only that the Prophet (PBUH) sought guidance directly from the revelation, whereas the Caliphs used to act in accordance with the ways of the Prophet (PBUH). However, certain changes had to be introduced to meet the changing circumstances as a result of expansion. Despite such changes in terms of adopting approaches to religion, no change was intended to be against the spirit of the Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet (PBUH).
One of the unresolved issues among the different sects of Muslims is regarding the appointment of the caliphs because the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) himself had not prearranged a definite way for such selection. The actions related to state and government are affairs concerning to correct and incorrect preferences, while the particular ways of selection and appointments of persons need preparation and establishing criteria of competence in the light of existing circumstances. „The Holy Prophet‟s silence in matters of nomination or appointment of his successor, or laying down any rule for appointing or deposing the successor, amounted to a deliberate act because these structured procedures were to be resolved by the good sense of the community‟ (Iqbal,2003, 16). If any such method had been prescribed then the Muslim community would have to follow that specific method irrespective of their political culture, social norms, economic conditions, geographical location and ground realities. Therefore, „the
Holy Prophet had acted in conformity with the Quran, which is silent on this issue‟ (Iqbal,2003:
16). 31
The aim of the religion is to produce a community of faith which follows the Islamic laws
(Shariah). The passage for the implementation of Shariah is of course the institution of Khilafah.
A Caliph should be the most knowledgeable soul of the community who could have the potential to accomplish different brands of matters of the Muslim society with spirit, insight and organization. The era of the Caliphs is marked by such potentials. All of them tried their utmost to keep the community united without compromising the spirit of religion.
2.2.1 ISLAMIC DEMOCRACY
It is indeed very difficult to define democracy as there exist already hundreds of definitions of this and still a lot of room is available to define it anew. The most common definition of democracy was given by Abraham Lincoln that it is a “government of the people, by the people and for the people”. In the contemporary age, democracy has become a faith. „It is inevitable , therefore, that like religion it should become vague and assume different shapes among different nations due to difference of temperament and history‟(Siddiqi,1991: 6).
The West particularly British are generally considered as the founder of democracy. It is perhaps due to this claim that the British Parliament is considered as a mother parliament. The capitalist world and the communist world are advocates of their own respective democracies.
West believes in popular sovereignty. The majority decision is the essence of western democracy. „The western democracies collectively have assumed the dignified title of the “free world” implying that the communist world is an enslaved world where the people are equal only in the sense of enjoying the equality of rightlessness‟ (Siddiqi,1991: 7)
The most unprepossessing situation is that some scholars have projected Islam as incompatible with democracy. They are of the belief that democracy is always secular and Islam is opposed to it. This antidemocratic perception of Islam on the part of such scholars is totally a 32 biased propaganda and nothing else. Islam by all means is a democratic religion but the dimensions and targets of Islamic democracy are different than those of other religions. Islamic democracy believes in the rule of law, freedom of expression, equality of mankind and accountability of administrators in general and of rulers in particular. Most of these qualities are the part of western democracy as well yet the spirit of Islamic system is different from that of other religions in terms of its justice system, beliefs and practical regulations.
In the west, the democracy in its early shape took birth in thirteenth century with the emergence of “Magnacarta” and later on the British Parliament. After that, French and Russian revolutions became the source of promoting democracy with different interpretations. The objective of this western democracy is to establish a system where the popular political parties have the right to govern instead of any monarch or autocratic ruler. Generally, the ruling bodies are elected with majority vote and the whole system revolves around the election methods. In this way, the sovereign authority vests with the people through their chosen representatives. In addition to this, there exists equity in all kinds of social, economic and civic rights.
On the other hand, Islam believes in the sovereignty of Allah. The Islamic system is bound to follow the commandments of Allah revealed through the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).
No one is allowed to cross the limits set by Almighty Allah. To establish Allah‟s Sovereignty in an Islamic state, just and impartial social order is inevitable. By creating such society, man can be emancipated from man‟s rule. In this way, the rulers and the masses reach the same level. In contemporary democracies this does not happen. Rather, the majority has the right to govern over the smaller and relatively weak segments of the society. In this way, a man becomes a slave and not a subject. Even the institutions established under such system do not protect the rights of the people and are meant for safeguarding the vested interests of the leaders. 33
Islam does not support and promote the dynastic rule. Political authority is not meant only for a particular family or group. Instead each and every person has an equal status in the eyes of law given by Allah. In Islamic history the Caliph‟s life style, dresses, food and even residencies were not better than those of the ordinary people. In this way the spirit of democracy according to Islam is the equality of the citizens in terms of social status and legal accountability.
Another characteristic of the present day democracy is freedom of expression. Islam had already confirmed this fundamental right in its political thought. It happened at number of occasions during Caliphate that ordinary people had given their opinions unequivocally. Their opinions differed from those of the rulers. People could criticize the policies of the government.
In one of the incidents when Caliph Umar tried to fix the amount of Haq-e-Mahr, (a dower approved by the Muslim law) a lady objected while referring to the commandments of Allah and his Messenger regarding the issue. The Caliph acknowledged, apologized and withdrew his orders. Such religious thought became the basis of Pakistan‟s ideology and the Muslims of South
Asia did resolve to establish a state on the model of early Caliphate of Islam.
2.3 RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AND PAKISTAN MOVEMENT
It is beyond doubt for the majority of the Pakistani Muslims that the state was created in the name of Islam. Religion was the central idea of Pakistan Movement. „Muslim League leaders almost invariably presented the concept of Pakistan as an Islamic state to the Muslim masses, whereas the dominant group among these leaders planned and expected that it would be a
Muslim state, the policies of which would be liberal and modern though influenced broadly by certain Islamic principles‟ (Sayeed,1980: 28). 34
Apparently, such intentions of the renowned personalities of Pakistan movement including Dr. Iqbal & M.A. Jinnah seem true as they had referred to religion at various occasions in their statements and speeches. There was hardly any confusion in the minds of core leaders as well as masses regarding the revival of Islamic state in the shape of Pakistan till its inception on
August, 1947. Unfortunately, the confusion has emerged after having achieved the goal of the independence. Islam „was brought into the political debate in Pakistan after the nation was created‟ (Alvi, 1988:21). The motive behind such approach may be the governmental regimes and their officials try to keep religion at arm‟s length once power is secured. Religion can become an unwelcome constraint in the process of state administration.
Two extreme ideologies came on the forefront regarding the identity of the country. The religious extremists wanted to see Pakistan as a theocratic state where modern democracies had no room at all. Contrary to this, so called liberals had projected Pakistan as a secular state with the idea that religion has nothing to do with the body polity of the country. Both the schools of thought had been deviating from the principle of moderation.
Although no serious debate was carried out in the meeting of All India Muslim League about the form of Islamic law in Pakistan yet the ideas of its founders are noticeable in the form of their statements. However, the avoidance from such issues was perhaps due to the difference in the interpretations of Islamic law. During the freedom struggle, the Muslim leaders did not discuss the matter by this angle, not thinking of any future conflict between the injunctions of
Shariah and the requirements of a modern state. „The leadership, without becoming fully aware of the kind of Islam that existed at the gross-roots level and without responding to the concrete economic and social issues like semi feudal exploitation of the rural classes, had been able to achieve Pakistan‟(Sayeed,1980: 28). Factually, the Muslim League leaders could not take this 35 risk in the presence of very influential Hindu majority and their allies, the so called nationalist
Muslim scholars, but at the same time the main leadership like Iqbal and Jinnah were almost confident regarding the establishment of a modern Islamic state. This can be proved by the references from their speeches and views at different moments of the freedom movement.
2.3.1 IQBAL’S ISLAMIC THOUGHT AND PAKISTAN
Among the people and also the leaders who struggled for a separate homeland, Iqbal‟s name is at the top of the list. Because “both the idea and the founder of Pakistan are the discoveries of Iqbal” (Tamimi,2008:196). He was not just a poet and philosopher but a man with strong insight who believed in an Islamic state for the Muslims of the subcontinent and for entire
Muslim world. He guided the Muslims towards attaining the glory through his poetry as well as through his writings, lectures and views.
In his famous Allahabad Address of 1930 [Appendix A], Iqbal has given the idea of the creation of a Muslim state. Therefore, it seems that the motive behind this idea was religion.
Iqbal has referred to religious thought in his presidential address very clearly. „I therefore demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim State in the best interests of India and Islam. For
India, it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power; for Islam, an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and with the spirit of modern times‟.
No social order and polity can be sustained without seeking guidance from the revelation.
Thus, the building of a political entity on national appearances, if it means a shift of the religious principles of unanimity is modestly ridiculous to a Muslim. (Shehab,1990:30). When Iqbal presented this idea, the Hindu leaders as well as the so called nationalist Muslim scholars 36
„exploded in an uproar over the very idea‟ (Ahmad,1979: 51, which they viewed as “ridiculous” and “mischievous”. Husain Ahmad Madni‟s verdict that nations were born of countries has incited Iqbal and he responded by writing some lines in Persian to deflate vehemently the above said view point of Maulana Madani. The free renderings into English of the verses are given bellow:-
Those who talk of the basis of a nation on geographical boundaries, they are unaware of the loving status of the Prophet in our hearts. We the Muslims need to keep ourselves beyond such rubbish idea and our salvation exists in the affection of the Holy Prophet. Away from him there is nothing for us but the everlasting fire of unqualified mistrust. (Ahmad,1979: 79)
The Muslims of the subcontinent received such thoughts with great enthusiasm. They took it as a message of hope and optimism. It gave the Muslims of the subcontinent a concentration for their ambitions. Iqbal‟s main anxiety was to implement Shariah in the Muslim majority areas. „Iqbal was certain that the Islamic Shariat could only be enforced in a land where the Muslims were free from alien influence‟ (Ziring,1980: 67). Iqbal tried to wake the Muslims of South Asia with his thought provoking poetry. His poems undoubtedly left an imprint on the mind of the people and specifically the ones charged with vigour to raise their voice for the demand of a separate homeland.
The main source of his inspiration seems to be the Holy Quran. He wanted economic wellbeing and political rights for all the people of India, irrespective of their caste or creed.
Because of its distinct economic, social and political structure, Islam cannot be merged with other religions. Any attempt of its amalgamation with other systems would distort the distinctness of Islam. As Islam and Hinduism are two distinct religions, they must have separate homelands in the subcontinent. In one of his letters to Jinnah on 28, May 1937, Iqbal argued „the 37 enforcement and development of the Shariat of Islam is impossible in this country without a free
Muslim state or states‟ (Iqbal‟s Letters to Jinnah, 1990:18).
Due to his commitment to the principles of Islam, Iqbal was not ready to bring together with western colonialism and democracy and with the communist response as well. It is tricky to recall Islam as a moral ideal and to discard it as a state, in favour of national politics in which religious approach is not tolerable to play any role. (Shehab,1990: 30). Islam upholds guiding principles which inspire the Muslims to strive for progression. After Mujadid Alf-Thani and
Shah Wali Ullah, Iqbal was the first South Asian Muslim who clearly thought that Islam could only persist in India if there would be an Islamic rule. There was no confusion in Iqbal‟s mind regarding the socialistic principles and his commitment to religion. He wrote to Muhammad Ali
Jinnah, „For Islam the acceptance of social democracy in some suitable form and consistent with the legal principles of Islam is not an revolution but a return to the original purity of Islam‟
(Iqbal,1990: 19). Because of Iqbal‟s religious commitment Muhammad Ali Jinnah has called him
“the sage philosopher and national poet of Islam” (Iqbal,1990: 3).
Iqbal‟s philosophy of Khudi or ego-hood offering an innovative theory that the perseverance of world is to oblige as the ground for the accomplishment of the self. He thought that the man is the architect of his own destiny. „In his view art, religion and morals required to be judged from the stance of the self.” (Hassan,2009: 166). To him Allah Almighty is the ultimate Ego. He is continuously creative and the practice of creation is still goes on. The role model for every Muslim in all the fields of life is the Prophet of Islam Muhammad and his ideal man cannot flight from the world but take it as the training centre for mystical growth. Iqbal‟s
“revaluation of Man in not that of man qua man, but of Man in relation to God.” (Schimmel,
1963: 382) 38
In pursuit of spiritual development though Iqbal has criticized the Sufism, he acknowledged their contributions towards checking “hypocrisy and artifice in religion.”
(Hassan,2009: 166). Iqbal‟s concept of Khudi was “a direct development out of the experience and speculations of old Muslim Sufis and thinkers.” (Vahid,1964: 161).
In response to western thoughts, the Muslims have been adopting a defensive and apologetic attitude. Through his poetry and lectures on the “Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam” Iqbal has changed this apologetic feelings of the Muslims. In the lectures Iqbal‟s doctrine „was not meant to modernize conventional spirituality of religion but the Sufi mysticism.‟ (Gibb‟1947: 82). In his famous lectures Iqbal declared „the birth of Islam as the birth of inductive intellects.‟ (Iqbal,1962: 126). To Iqbal the main cause for the downfall of Muslims in subcontinent was their “reluctance to focus the legal system of Islam to logical scrutiny.”
(Hassan,2009: 168)
Iqbal has focused on the principle of Ijtihad which may be considered as the „principle of movement in the structure of Islam‟ (Iqbal, 1962: 148). In addition to this, Iqbal was also a strong advocate of Ijma. In his opinion, Ijma is only an option when the power of Ijtihad is reassigned from personal agents to a Muslim lawmaking Parliament where various individuals with vision can give their response. (Iqbal,1962: 174). He wanted to establish the “Kingdom of
God on Earth” (Bilgrami,1966: 91). That is why; he rejected western democracy, which he took as manipulation. „The principle of European democracy cannot be applied to India without recognizing the fact of communal groups. The Muslim demand for the creation of a Muslim
India within India is, therefore, perfectly justified‟ (Iqbal‟s Presidential Address at Allabad,
1930). Iqbal had tapped the sources of Western political thought and had built up his arguments on the ideas expressed by Ernest Renan, a French political philosopher, to advance the claim that 39 the Muslims were not a minority or a mere community but a separate nation. The legal implication was, as acknowledged in Europe after First World War, that they had the right of self-determination, or in other words, the right to claim a homeland. However, he advocated
Islamic democracy as a political ideal. „One lesson I have learnt from the history of Muslims. At critical moments in their history it is Islam that has saved Muslims and not vice versa. If today you focus your vision on Islam and seek inspiration from the ever-vitalising idea embodied in it, you will be only reassembling your scattered forces, regaining your lost integrity, and thereby saving yourself from total destruction‟(Iqbal‟s Presidential Address at Allabad, 1930).
Islamic political system rejects landed gentry. Collective wellbeing of the citizens is the collective thinking of Islamic political culture. Without getting political authority the implementation of Islamic democracy was not possible, therefore, Iqbal presented the idea of an independent Muslim state in India through his famous Allahabad Address of 1930. Iqbal‟s ideal was to establish an egalitarian and justice based society in accordance with the vision of the
Quran.
Iqbal presented the idea of a Muslim state to safeguard the identity of the Indian
Muslims which was materialized in the form of Pakistan. The geographical as well as ideological foundations of Pakistan are the outcome of Iqbal‟s vision. Iqbal was so determined and enthusiastic to create a religious based Muslim state that he did not refrain to work on this idea even during the days of his sickness. The “selection” (Tamimi,2008: 268) of Jinnah to lead the
Muslim nation towards achieving this goal is clear evidence of his attachment with the cause of
Pakistan.
Hence, such religious insight of Iqbal which made the creation of Muslim state possible in South Asia. For this purpose he took an active part in organizing Punjab Muslim League. He 40 remained the president of Punjab Muslim League for about six years. He closely observed the anti-Muslim attitude of the Sikh and Muslim feudal and the Hindu politicians during his representation in Punjab Assembly. He convinced Mr. Jinnah through his letters to organize the annual meeting of Muslim League in Lahore. It was perhaps due to this background that Jinnah got the Lahore Resolution passed on 23rd March 1940, despite the unpleasant incident of firing on Khaksars on 19th March 1940, just two days before the passage of this historic Resolution.
M.H. Sayyed stated that after the Lahore Resolution was passed on 23rd March 1940, the Quaid- i-Azam said to him: “Iqbal is no more amongst us. But had he been alive he would have been happy to know that we did exactly what wanted us to do” (Sayyed, 1962: 231). The passage of
Lahore Resolution was not just the basis of the creation of Pakistan. It was also the constitutional and mature response to Iqbal‟s Allahabad address.
Freedom at the cost of religion was not acceptable to Iqbal. However to him, religion of
Islam is not a static phenomenon but a dynamic and progressive way of life. It is quite capable to trigger a sense of unity among the believers. Iqbal believed that the change is one of the signs of
God. So, religion does not reject the evolution. However, the Indian Muslims could not succeed to present this progressive form of Islam. Iqbal wanted to give a strong message to the entire humanity, that religious thought is a living conception and a Muslim India should have been created to demonstrate this fact. That is why, Iqbal projected a leading role for Indian Muslims to play to make the religion applied and pragmatic without considering its limits with reference to time and space.
The creation of a Muslim state is inevitable for the very survival of both the Muslims and their religion. This religious foundation of a homeland later on became the ideology of Pakistan.
Iqbal did not believe in any system separated from the religion and to him religion and politics 41 are not separated from each other. He wrote in his poetic work “Bang-i-Dra: Jawab Shikwa” „A nation survives on Deen (Religion of Islam), you die away if the Deen is not alive.‟ (Khan‟2009:
26). The success of west in worldly affairs by separating religion is due to their religious thought which seems to be incapable of providing complete guidance in the state affairs, „instead it became an obstacle in the way of evolution‟ (Khan,2009: 43).
An example of such religious state and government was the early Caliphate where the whole system was just and right. Human history could not produce such a fair and popular system before or later. Iqbal referred in his book Bal-e-Gibrael that „statecraft separated from conviction to supremacy of fright indicates though it is a Monarch‟s rule or so called democracy‟
(Khan, 2009: 42). Other nations may succeed in state affairs by excluding religion „but Muslims have suffered a lot of humility and disgrace by keeping themselves aloof from Islamic way of life‟ (Khan, 2009: 42).
2.3.2 JINNAH ON WAY TO ISLAMIC THOUGHT
The Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah led the Muslims of the subcontinent to their most cherished dream of life. The Quaid-i-Azam gave a tangible shape to the vision enunciated by Allama Dr. Muhammad Iqbal. The Quaid-i-Azam started his political career from the platform of Indian National Congress. His initial approach was to secure self-rule for India. He was of the opinion that Muslims and Hindus should make joint efforts to free India from British domination. That is why; he advocated Hindu-Muslim unity and resisted all efforts, in support of separate Muslim identity, made by the Muslim leaders of that time. Sir Aga Khan has mentioned this, with a sense of pain, in his memories, „who then was our doughtiest opponent in 1906? A distinguished Muslim barrister in Bombay, with a large and prosperous practice, Mr. Muhammad
Ali Jinnah…. he came out in bitter hostility towards all that I and my friends had done and were 42 trying to do…. he said that our principle of separate electorates was dividing the nation against itself, and for nearly a quarter of century he remained our most inflexible critic and opponent,
(The Memories of Aga Khan, 1954: 94). Later on, the Quaid-i-Azam observed, after Nehru
Report 1928, that the Congress and the Hindus would never acknowledge the rights of the
Muslims. Therefore, he started giving considerations to the two nation concept and eventually decided to make efforts for the creation of a Muslim state in India, where Muslims could live according to their own faith and principles.
The Quaid-i-Azam became firm in his belief in a separate Muslim state after the thoughts of Iqbal through Allahabad address in general and through Iqbal‟s letters to Jinnah in particular.
It is obvious from most of the statements of Jinnah which he delivered to elaborate his vision of
Pakistan, that the whole scheme would be designed to seek guidance from the universal principles of Islam. In his broadcast speech to the people of United States of America on
February 1948, he uttered regarding the future constitution of Pakistan „It would be a democratic constitution containing basic Islamic principles. „Today they are as pertinent in actual life as they
1300 years before‟ (Jinnah, 1989:157).
However, the Quaid-i-Azam rejected theocracy in clear words, suggesting that Pakistan would never become a theocracy, where the priests were supposed to be the rulers of the state.
According to him, the people of Pakistan must have to adopt the Islamic principles in their practical life. Without implementing democracy, justice, equality and fair play the Muslims of
Pakistan would not be able to convince the international community regarding the cause. To him, the creation of Pakistan was the revival of Islamic state system. In his broadcast talk to the people of Australia on February 19, 1948, he said that the Muslims of Pakistan, being the followers of the Prophet Muhammad [PBUH], believe in tolerance and harmony as Islam has 43 demanded the same from us. „Consequently, we have a special and a very deep sense of unity.
But make no mistake: Pakistan is not a theocracy or anything like it. Islam demands from us the tolerance of other creeds and we welcome in closest association with us all those who, of whatever creed, are themselves willing and ready to play their part as true and loyal citizens of
Pakistan‟ (Jinnah,1989: 150).
Muslim nationalism in South Asia seems to be fairly based on religious thought. Muslim history, traditions and way of thought were totally different than those of Hindus. The religion of
Islam does not allow its followers to merge their unique characteristics into any other doctrines.
That is why, when Muslims arrived in South Asia and the people started embracing Islam.
Consequently, the whole Indian society was divided into two sections and two separate nations came into being. The Quaid-i-Azam asserted this in his speech at Aligarh on March 8, 1944.
Pakistan came into being when the first non-Muslim Indian was converted to Islam. Religion occupies the dominant place in the Quaid‟s struggle for the demand of Pakistan.
Religion was to play an important role in Pakistan once it was established. At many occasions he pointed out towards the objectives of the Pakistan. He declared clearly that the
Muslims would seek all the guidance from the principles of Islam mentioned in the Holy Quran because it is the “bedrock and sheet anchor” in our journey towards smooth sailing. The Holy
Book of Muslims provides guidance through social, commercial, military, ethical and judicial guidelines. That‟s why, it seems understandable that during the last phase of Pakistan movement,
Jinnah‟s focus remained on religion as an ideal mean to establish it as a success for not only the
Muslims of subcontinent but for the Muslims of the whole world and even for the entire humanity. 44
Jinnah wanted to establish a Muslim state where social justice prevails in the whole society, where hard work and honesty are pursued and where knowledge and spirit of inquiry carry the day. It seems that the model structure of an Islamic state before Jinnah was influenced by the teachings of the Holy Quran. He had not only referred to this thought in many of his statements but also explained it in detail. In his historic speech at Sibi Durbar on February 14,
1948 he concluded „Let us lay the foundation of our democracy on basis of truly Islamic ideals and principles. Our Almighty has taught us that “our decision in the affairs of the State shall be guided by discussions and consultations” (Jinnah‟1989:142).
To counter the religious thought of Jinnah, the Hindu leaders started a campaign that in this new age, religion is the private affair of every person. „It cannot be considered as a factor for demanding a separate country for the Indian Muslims‟ (Syed,1985: 4). When Hindu leader Mr.
Gandhi was trying to negate the importance of religion to the creation of an Islamic state, Mr.
Jinnah responded promptly that Islam is not a religion to be compared with other religions of the word because it is not only a way of worship and spirituality but also provides complete guidance in all other areas like economy, politics, culture, society, law and international relations. Religion of Islam cannot be divided into social, economic, political and purely religious sub sections by keeping them “into water tight compartments” (Ahmad,1960:126).
The demand for the separate Muslim state was made through historic Lahore Resolution in 1940. Before the formal approval, of this resolution Jinnah had pointed out that Islam and
Hinduism are two distinct philosophies. The type of democracy Congress leadership was propagating had nothing to do with Islamic concept of democracy. The Muslims being a separate nation have every right to establish their separate homeland so that they could promote their social, economic and cultural interests. Jinnah was convinced that if India was granted freedom 45 without being divided then all the authority would be taken up by the Hindus due to their majority status. And the Muslims would be treated as third grade citizens. Therefore the Muslims had to strive for their emancipation. In addition to that, Pakistan would work for establishing a system based on Islamic principles by producing intellectuals, educationists, economists and scientists. These people would serve not only in Pakistan but also in the whole Muslim world.
In 1943, a religious scholar Munawar-ud-Din came to the Quaid-i-Azam and showed him some copies of codified Islamic laws which he intended to publish. The Quaid appreciated the work and said, „If he[Jinnah] had been at the helm of affairs in a Muslim country he would have lost no time in appointing a committee of Muslim scholars to study his writings and enforce them as for as possible in civil and criminal courts. He even suggested to the author to send copies of his books to the Heads of independent Muslim States‟ (Toosy, 1976:53).
In response to Jinnah‟s concept of an independent Muslim state based on Islamic system, the Congress and Muslim nationalist leaders had started a campaign against the ideas of an
Islamic state. The Congress with the assistance of Muslim nationalist leaders was trying to create confusions in the minds of those Muslims who had gathered together to support a movement launched to establish a state which would be governed in accordance with the principles of
Islam. „Practically every Muslim group and organization in the Indian subcontinent that was specifically religious-Islamic was hostile to Jinnah and the Muslim League and strongly opposed the Pakistan movement‟ (Alvi, 1988: 21). The question regarding the enforcements of Islamic law in the contemporary age due to the difference of time and space was addressed by the Quaid- i-Azam that: Islamic state system based on the principles of democracy and social justice for all and these “principles today are as applicable to life as they were 1300 years ago” (Jinnah,
1989:125). 46
Jinnah was determined to lay down the foundation of the state on Islamic constitution. As far as Jinnah‟s speech in the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947 is concerned, that speech definitely did not mean a secular foundation of the constitution of Pakistan. His words “The
Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims” were uttered in order to make the non-Muslim minorities assure that they would be given equal status, religious freedom and fair treatment in the newly established state of Pakistan. When this speech was delivered on 11th August, 1947, the Boundary Commission Award was not announced and the migration across the border was in progress. The minorities were particularly worried about their future. It was therefore, that the Quaid-i-Azam had attempted to take them into confidence by such indemnities.
There are a number of writers and analysts who exert all their energies to prove Jinnah as a secular leader. The only argument with such writers is the speech of the Quaid-i-Azam on 11th
August, 1947. „Jinnah‟s address prima facie makes one believe that he had abandoned the two- nation theory and that he wanted Pakistan to be a Secular State‟ (Chavan, 2006: 286). The assurance to minorities in Jinnah‟s address became necessary because of the chaotic political climate in the entire subcontinent and the violent, tearing civil war in progress which had frightened the minorities in both the newly born states. The Quaid-i-Azam said this to calm the religious enthusiasm so that communal massacre might be brought under control. The critiques on Jinnah purposely highlight that particular speech only and ignore all other speeches and life events of Jinnah just to create confusions in the minds of the people of Pakistan. That is why; they always targeted the personality of the Quaid-i-Azam sometimes by proving him a secular person by going to the extent that Jinnah did not know how to offer prayer. 47
Sir Sikandar Hyat once spoke to the people in 1941, “I might be a sinner but I offer five times a day, but Jinnah does not offer even one time (Ahmad, 1976: 64). Mr. Ahmad Sayeed in his Urdu article “Kia Quaid-i-Azam Secular They” (was Jinnah secular?), published in Monthly
Nazaria-i-Pakistan has analyzed this view and referred that at many occasions Jinnah did offer prayers at public places or mosques. In 1935 he offered Eid-ul-Fitar prayer in Bombay Cricket ground. On 1st May, 1936 offered Juma prayer in Badshahi Mosque, Lahore. On November 3,
1940, he addressed the people in Azad Park Ground Bombay after Eid prayer. On 3rd March
1941 offered Asr prayer in Austrasia mosque Lahore. On December 29th, 1941 he offered Eid-ul-
Azha in Nagpur and greeted people there. During Muslim League session in Karachi in 1943, he offered Juma prayer in Sindh Madrisatul Islam. Similarly many other references, in this regard, have been given in his essay. (Sayeed, 2012: 24-25).
Sayeed has also quoted an interesting incident, when Jinnah was present in the meeting of
MSF in Islamia College Lahore. Then Allama Masharqi proclaimed Azan at 12.00 noon.
Listening to this, Quaid said “This is not the time of prayer”. How could he know about the prayer timing if he had not offered prayers any time” (Sayeed, 2012:25).
Jinnah‟s focus on Islam throughout freedom movement was not the matter of that particular time rather he became associated with religious events and ceremonies from the very young age. Jinnah was present in the ceremony on the occasion of the Holy Prophet‟s birthday on August 12, 1897, (Ahmad, 1996: 4). Jinnah was a regular participant of such religious occasion before and after the creation of Pakistan. This was Jinnah who, being a member of the
Imperial Legislative Council, prepared the Muslim Trust Bill and got it approved from the council. This happened for the first time in British Indian history that a private member‟s bill was given legislative approval (Sayeed, 2012:26). 48
The Quaid-i-Azam was defense attorney of Ghazi Ilm Din Shaheed also. It was certainly due to Jinnah‟s strong belief in Islamic principles and his attachment to the religion that Iqbal had selected him to become the leader of the millions of the Muslims of the subcontinent. Iqbal was competent enough to discover and recognize the religious thought present in Jinnah‟s mind.
Jinnah has never permitted the secular idea to overcome his religious thought.
When during the power transfer ceremony Mount Batten referred to the Mughal King
Akbar as a role model for the coming Pakistani governments pertaining to their policies regarding minority rights. Jinnah‟s answer to that speech was “The tolerance and goodwill that great Emperor Akbar showed to all the non-Muslims is not of recent origin. It dates back thirteen centuries ago when our Prophet ….. treated the Jews and Christians …… with the utmost tolerance and regard and respect for their faith and beliefs”. (Jinnah, 1989: 54).
The people who talk of Jinnah‟s secular personality, only on the basis of his 11 August speech, have created some doubts in the minds of a few ethnic and nationalist people. This approach created a class in Pakistan‟s society, which always portrayed Jinnah as a secular leader and then demanded the secession of their respective regions to create a secular system there.
These arguments sometimes created confusion in the minds of neutral people that perhaps,
Jinnah was not certain in his religious ideological approach.
Jinnah was a straight forward man with having no uncertain objectives. He said nothing what he did not mean. Addressing to the Tribal Jirga in Peshawar on April 17, 1948, he said
„Whatever I have done, I did as a servant of Islam………. We Musalmans believe in one God, one Book – the Holy Quran – and one Prophet [along with all the true Prophets]. So we must stand united as one Nation‟ (Jinnah, 1989: 237-238). Jinnah‟s model of an Islamic state was not based on any theocratic Idea, which was “to be ruled by priests with a divine mission”. 49
(Jinnah,1989: 157).The constitution of the country, in accordance with the principles of Islam, would be democratic. The Islamic thought consists of democracy, equality, justice and fair-play.
The purpose of Islamic State in Pakistan as visualized by the Quaid-i-Azam was not negative but positive. The purpose of establishing a separate homeland for the Muslims of subcontinent in his opinion was to prevent Hindus from exploiting Muslims. In the newly created state Jinnah aimed at evolving and developing that well-balanced system of social justice which has been set forth by Islam. He had expressed his desire to eradicate all forms of evil and to encourage all types of virtue in Pakistan. He sought to mould every aspect of life and activity in accordance with moral norms and programme of social reform in this country. He expected Pakistan to follow the path of moderation and to embody the best that the Islamic society has ever evolved.
Whenever Jinnah found an opportunity to address the people of other nations and foreigners he took start with the Islamic history and democracy and then linked it to Pakistan‟s system in future. The Quaid-i-Azam deliberately adopted this way of talking just to make these people clear that Islamic state system is entirely different from the governments of that time.
Jinnah was aware that western people fully understand the concept of theocracy because they had experienced it in their history during the rule of the Church. The ruling priests were not bound to follow any divine law of state craft because the basis of the Christianity is only morality.
Therefore, they were completely free to apply their personal will to the state affairs. „That is why the church‟s attitude towards the Scientists and Physicists was very harsh. The whole western intelligentsia was frightened with any such theocratic state as they had experienced in their past‟
(Siddiqui, 2006: 46).
Negation of theocracy, on the part of Jinnah, was due to the fact that he did understand the western mindset and wanted to remove any misconceptions regarding the future constitution 50 of Pakistan. It did not mean at all that he was a secular or had a secular approach towards the future system of Pakistan. The type of theocracy Quaid-i-Azam had disowned was not acceptable to most of the religious scholars as well. A well-known religious scholar Allama Shabbir Ahmad
Usmani, who also took an active part in Pakistan movement, too had similar views regarding the nature of the state. Taking part in the debate at the time of the passage of Objectives Resolution in 1949 he said “The Islamic state means a state which is run on the exalted and excellent principles of Islam. It does not mean that the “Maulvis” will run the state affairs. It can only be run by those who believe in Islamic principles” (Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Debates,
1949: 45).
Another scholar Maulana Maudoodi was also against the government of clergy,
(Siddiqui, 2006: 48). Jinnah‟s struggle was only to make people comprehend the form of an
Islamic state. Indeed, in most of Jinnah‟s statements during Pakistan movement, the world
“secular” was not used even for once. Then, how could he have conceived the Pakistani concept of nationhood, in a “secular” sense and not in the Islamic one, (Dawn, December 25, 2001).
Jinnah‟s concept of Islamic state was not, limited at all; he had not intended to camouflage secularism with essence of Islam as he was very clear in his concept of a democratic, progressive and modern Islamic welfare state, aligned with the principles of the Quran and
Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. The analysis of his statements pertaining to state system deduces unequivocally that he projected democracy against theocracy, social justice, equality and fair- play against discrimination, exploitation and deprivation, peace, unity and sacrifice against discord, provincialism, ethnicity, sectarianism and usurpation.
Jinnah also stressed upon the rights of minorities and religious freedom for all. He spoke against concentration of wealth in a few hands of landlords. His appeal to different segments of 51 society was to eradicate social evils like bribery, nepotism and black marketing. Regarding
Islamic brotherhood, he raised his voice for the rights of people of Palestine and Indonesia. His focus was on education and industrialization. He asked the bankers to adopt Islamic economic system. “I shall watch with keenness the work of your research organization in evolving banking practices compatible with Islamic ideals of social and economic life” (Jinnah, 1989 : 271).
Actually, Jinnah was convinced after Dr. Iqbal‟s untiring efforts in connection to Muslim state, ,that this would not only help the Muslims to achieve their justified economic, political, social and culture rights but it would enable them to follow the principals of Islam. Thus, Jinnah studied and learnt about Islamic systems. Meanwhile, Jinnah established very good relations with prominent Muslim scholars of that time and discussed with them the ideas regarding Islamic state models.
In addition to Iqbal, he had a close association with. Maulana Ghulam Murshid, Maulana
Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Allama Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, Moulvi Munawar-ud-Din, Pir of Manki
Sharif, Pir of Zakori Sharif, Pir Jamat Ali Shah and many others with Islamic orientation. In almost all the statements of Jinnah after 1934, Islamic references like the Quran and the Prophet were prominent. Jinnah was much cautious about the interpretation of the Holy Quran. His emphasis was always on rational interpretations. He observed, „We should be guided by our rational interpretation of the Holy Quran and if our dedications to truth are single minded, we shall in our own measure, attain our goal‟ (Shehab, 1990: 62).
Jinnah‟s “one of the greatest states of the world”- Pakistan- was meant to him a place where experiments on Islamic principles could be done, where Muslim intellectuals, scientists, educationists, doctors, engineers and technicians would be invited to work together to bring 52 about Islamic renaissance, (Dawn, December 25, 2001). Unfortunately, the self-seeking successors of Jinnah could not keep intact at the Quaid‟s vision.
The successors of Jinnah purposely ignored Jinnah‟s conception of Islamic state. They raised the slogans of Islamization just to, protect their own interests but through their actions, they worked whole-heartedly, against the Quaid‟s concept of state. “This is why the Quaid‟s concept of the Islamic state could not take practical shape in Pakistan” (Shehab, 1990 : 65). Main
“conspiracy” behind disintegration, ethnicity, provincialism, sectarianism, extremism and political, economic, social injustice is the deviation from the Quaid‟s model. The role of foreigners or anybody else is of secondary consideration. However by adopting and following the actual religious approaches and Islamic injunctions, Pakistan can take off towards stability and would be able to become “one of the greatest States of the world” (Jinnah, 1989: 243).
53
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57
Chapter No.03
QUEST FOR RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN PAKISTAN
No society can flourish completely unless it possesses a comprehensive philosophy of life. The period of Islamic history would serve as an example to show how after 30 years of
Caliphate, deviations from the systems of Islam took birth and consequently, Islamic state and society suffered from deterioration. The early Islamic period could not be reinstated during the subsequent centuries. The decline of Muslim rule can also be seen in the fall of the Mughal
Empire in South Asia in 19th century and the fall of Turkish Ottomans in Turkey and Middle East during 20th century.
Establishment of state and government is an integral part of Islamic thought. Its importance can be judged from the verses of the Holy Quran where Allah Almighty Himself has taught his Messenger Muhammad (PBUH) as prayer “and say (O Muhammad) My Lord! Grant me from you an authority to help me” (Al-Isra,17: 80). This verse was revealed before the Holy
Prophet migrated to Medina. So, with this historical perspective its importance and vitality of the institution of Islamic statehood became more comprehensible. It also confirms that the reform and change, the Muslims intend to bring about in this world, are not possible through preaching and verbal practice. For this cause, a political authority is inevitable. Otherwise, religion will fail in its attempt to deliver practical change without having a political authority.
According to Islamic belief, the enforcement of the commandments of Allah Almighty is obligatory and undeniable. Striving for the implementation of just and fair political order is the duty of every Muslim irrespective of his status as majority or minority at any place. This thought became a motivation for the Muslims of the subcontinent about one century ago. The utmost 58 desires of the Muslims of united India were based on establishing a homeland where they could implement Islamic system with letter and spirit. 70 years have passed yet the Islamic model as envisaged by the leaders as well as masses is still a dream to be cherished. „Pakistan‟s case is special because of religious politics in a religious state, which has been for the most part of its history, an authoritarian/military dictatorship. The constitution demands that religion serve as the guiding principle in religious politics‟ (Hashmi, 2007: 24). Now, confusion has prevailed among the people about the status of religion in the body polity of Pakistan. The state of affairs was not as vague as it is in the present era. The decision makers in Pakistan are nourishing the same spirit of imperialism against which millions of Muslims have struggled. Hundreds of thousands have sacrificed their lives for the sake of Islam. Consequently, a vacuum has emerged and some forces, while trying to fill the vacuum through their specific state of mind, have given birth to extremism, sectarianism and terrorism. The society is plagued with polarization and the nation seems to be wandering towards a blind alley.
The implantation of Islam as well as its religious thought was the shared agenda of the
Muslims of the subcontinent. A well-known religious scholar Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, during
Pakistan movement „declared that Pakistan would recreate the Islamic utopia first fashioned by the Prophet in Medina, inaugurating an equal brotherhood of Islam by breaking down barriers of race, class, sect, language and region among Muslims and establishing an example worthy of emulation by the global ummah‟ (Dhulipala,2015: 5). Pursuing this agenda, Muhammad Ali
Jinnah along with his colleagues initiated the process of constitution making in 1947. Generally, constitution is the document which contains major rules, regulations and fundamental principles to govern a state. If a constitution is derived from the basic sources of Islam then all the laws will 59 reflect the sense of an Islamic model. Jinnah himself was anxious enough to make a constitution on the lines of an Islamic model.
Hence, the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly was convened on August 11,1947 even before the formal power transfer. The Quaid-i-Azam himself presided over the meeting and provided a guideline to his comrades “that Pakistan would be a democratic state based on Islamic principles of social justice” (The Constitution of Pakistan, 1973: ii). Jinnah had no ambiguity in his mind regarding the status of religion in the constitution. However, for the other members “the problem of relation between state and religion was a dominating theme” (Choudhury, 1969: 3).
Most of the members were convinced to establish an Islamic model of state but various groups had divergent points of view about the nature of an Islamic state. „The Muslim League leadership hailed Pakistan as the new laboratory where definitive solutions to all the problems of the modern world would be found within Islam, thus inaugurating a new rhetoric that would find echo in other parts of Islamic world‟ (Dhulipala,2015: 6-7).
The first disagreement arose between religious leaders and intellectuals regarding the nature of an Islamic constitution. „In the first months of 1948, the ulema of Pakistan did make attempts to establish a theocracy, with the proposal for a Ministry of Religious Affairs‟ (Gould,
2012: 220). A few religious leaders were not ready to incorporate anything new which was beyond the pattern of Caliphate, whereas other members looked more interested in modern democratic system. They have had the opinion that „the requirements of Islam could be met without departing from the essentials of a modern democratic state‟ (Choudhury,1969: 3). The issue remained unresolved even after the passage of Objectives Resolution on March 12,
1949[Appendix B]. „The Muslim League‟s Objectives Resolution offered a vague promise that 60
Islamic principles would be incorporated in the future Constitution, but League leaders had no intention of taking the demands for a theocratic state seriously‟ (Gould, 2012: 220).
This resolution was moved by the then prime Minister of Pakistan Liaqat Ali Khan and was unanimously supported by other members. However, the disposition of this resolution was never to establish a theocracy rather, it seems to attempt for using religion as a guiding doctrine for the system of a modern Islamic republic. This resolution strives „to make this land a citadel of
Islam‟ (Syed, 1985: 19). This resolution did provide an Islamic base for the future constitution of
Pakistan. This resolution provided that sovereignty belongs to Allah Almighty alone. The principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice as enunciated by Islam shall be followed fully and that the Muslims shall be enabled to make their lives in accordance with the teachings of Islam. It was also ensured that the rights of the non-Muslims to follow and practice their religions freely shall be permitted without any restriction. This resolution paved way for the independence of judiciary.
During the debate in the Constituent Assembly, divergent ideas were presented by the members. The main opposition party in the Assembly „Pakistan National Congress‟ objected to it that it mixed up religion with politics. The non-Muslims members were not happy with this resolution; „strange as it is, some of the orthodox ulema were also not satisfied with the
Resolution on the ground that it laid too great emphasis on the rights of non-
Muslims‟(Mahmood, 1990:11). Islam emphasizes ethics and at the same time, it outlines a vision to organize a state in practical manners. Its focus is always to establish a social order. The state of Medina was organized in accordance with the Quranic revelations. „Islam has been a social gospel from the beginning. Major sectarian differences in Islam have had to do with the 61 divergences not primarily over dogma but over questions as to how the community should be organized‟(Choudhury, 1988: 81).
Pakistan was established because the Muslims of this region wanted to live in accordance with the principles of Islam. The Muslims „wanted to demonstrate to the world that Islam provides a panacea to the many diseases which have crept into the life of humanity today‟
(Mahmood, 1990: 47). The Muslims of the subcontinent wanted to contribute towards the peace and prosperity of the world. That is why; the Objectives Resolution recognized clearly that actual authority must be subservient to Allah Almighty. Having passed this resolution, the Muslims avoided deceptive tricks by which religion has been assigned no responsibility in the matters pertaining to the state system. By declaring Allah‟s Sovereignty over the universe, this resolution, on the one hand, established spiritual and ethical values for the political system, whereas on the other, it disregarded any speculation to establish theocracy by entrusting this authority to the representatives of the people.
In his speech to the Constituent Assembly on the occasion of passage of Objectives
Resolution, the then Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan [Appendix C] referred the divergent democracies of the western countries and Soviet Russia. He was of the view that both the systems in spite of having different polities claimed their structures as democratic. In that way, our system can also establish Islamic democracy. Islam believes in equality of mankind without considering any distinction on the basis of color, race or birth. Therefore, the democratic principles along with democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice must be strictly followed in accordance with the spirit of Islamic social order.
Like modern democracies, Islam is a religion of society, and in order to bring the full effect of the principles of Islam to a human society there must be a fully sovereign Islamic 62 community having the sanctions of a state to implement Islamic laws. (Sheikh,1957: 16). Islam believes in tolerance towards every one. The policy of the Muslims towards non-Muslim minorities in particular is based on tolerance and respect for religious freedom of the followers of other religions. The study of Muslim history shows that most of the Muslim rulers have made an attempt to provide every opportunity to the non-Muslims to develop their own thought and culture so that they might contribute to the prosperity of the nation.
There is a resolve in this document regarding the idea of enabling the Muslims of
Pakistan to align their individual and collective life with the teachings of Islam as mentioned in the Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). This is obligatory for the state to provide a conducive environment to build up an Islamic society. Islam does not keep itself aloof from the affairs of the state. Rather, „Islam lays down specific directions for social behaviour, and seeks to guide society in its attitude towards the problems which confront it from day to day‟ (Mahmood,1990: 49). Pakistani society ought to demonstrate a new social outlook based on the democracy, tolerance, economic wellbeing and social justice. „Yet in subsequent years the Constituent Assembly devoted almost no attention to translating this theoretical commitment into a practical platform of economic reform‟ (Stephens, 2019: 179). Generally, the
Muslims believe without any doubt that the commandments of Allah Almighty and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) are the plausible sources of their inspiration. It is difficult to find any sect of the Muslims which can dare deny the significance of these sources. All the sects irrespective of their numerical strength would be allowed to practice their own particular schools of thought. No majority group can dictate any minority group their own sectional beliefs.
However, difference of opinion should be given due weightage. According to the tradition of the Prophet Muhammad, differences of opinions amongst the followers of Islam 63 should be taken as a blessing. „It is for us to make our differences a source of strength to Islam and Pakistan, not to exploit them for narrow interests which will weaken both Pakistan and
Islam‟ (Mahmood, 1990: 49). The purpose of the people of Pakistan is to serve the religion. The
Muslims intend to prove that Islam is not only a forward-looking reality in the world, but it also provides effective remedies for all the evils due to that humanity has become a victim of disappointments.
Religion of Islam aims at binding the whole society into an integrated body. Rights of the non-Muslims cannot be ignored in an Islamic state. The non-Muslims minorities must be provided a conducive environment to profess and practice their religion or to develop their specific cultures. Like all other citizens of Pakistan, the minorities will also contribute towards mutual interest of the state. Therefore, „special protection is to be accorded to the religious, cultural and other legitimate interests of the minorities‟ (Ali, 1992: 30). Under the dictates of their religion, all the Muslim governments tried to protect due rights of religious minorities, during their reigns. National integration will not be possible without having carried into effect the principles of religion which are based on freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice for all religious minorities.
The guarantee of certain fundamental rights like equality before the law economic wellbeing of the people by promoting Islamic economic system, elimination of poverty and ignorance, freedom of expression and political participation were ensured in Objectives
Resolution. This resolution was the first step towards practical implementation of religious thought in the affairs of the state with a focus on integrating the society of Pakistan into one sum.
Other members of the Constituent Assembly also took part in the debate and threw light on the role of religion in uniting Muslim society. As the concept of worship in Islam is different than 64 that of other religions, Islam provides guidelines related to individual, communal, national and international spheres of life. That‟s why, in Islam, laws of peace and war and the state craft may also be taken as the worship of Allah Almighty. One of the members Dr. Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi stated: “to us religion is not like a Sunday suit which can be put on when we enter a place of worship and put off when we are dealing with day to day life” (Constituent Assembly Debates,
1949: 96).
3.1 RELIGIOUS INPUT BY THE SCHOLARS (ULEMA)
After the passage of Objectives Resolutions in March 1949, different factions of society contributed towards providing a religious base to the constitution of Pakistan. The political leadership started working on the subject from the platform of Basic Principle Committee (BPC) and the Ulema belonging to all leadings sects of Pakistani Muslims gathered together and agreed on 22 points [Appendix D] for the constitution of Islamic Pakistan. Although these 22 points could not be adopted in the future constitutions of the country yet they might be used as guiding principles and the basis for the enforcement of Shariah in the country.
In 1951, 31 prominent Ulema of different sects and schools of thought, under the leadership of Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, presented 22 points, proposed unanimously, to create a state based on Islamic principles. Among these Ulema, Ihtisham-ul-Haq Tanwi, Mufti Muhammad
Shafi, Peer Sahib Manki Shareef, Muhammad Ali Jalandhri, Syed Dawud Ghaznvi, Mufti Jafar
Hussain, Hafiz Kifayat Hussain, Zafar Ahmad Ansari and Abdul Hameed Qadri were also included. The caliber and authenticity of these Ulema along with rest of their colleagues were beyond any doubt and discussion. All these scholars were actually pursuing the idea behind the creation of Pakistan. “A state based not on the concepts of nationality and race but solely on the ideology of Quran and Sunnah” (Asad, 1980: ix). 65
An unprecedented struggle on the part of the Muslims of the subcontinent was based on creating a state and society which would represent a clearly religious character and would also meet the challenges of the present age. The Ulema had tried to construct a bridge between two schools of thought regarding the interrelationship of state and religion and the model of an
Islamic state. A few segments of society were staunch advocates of the models of early caliphate of Islamic history. While other sectors were more interested in adopting a model of western democracies. The later were in favour of a few seemingly good steps like Islam as the state religion and name of the country having the word Islamic. Both the ideologies were representing a complete contrast and it was not an easy task to bridge the gulf between these two extremes. A considerable majority of the people of Pakistan was desirous of seeing „Islam to provide guidelines for the establishment of a just government and the running of the state machinery‟
(Jan, 2003: 131).
Allah Almighty has taught the followers of Islam, through his message-the Holy Quran- and the messenger Muhammad (PBUH), the laws related to social, political, economic, civil, criminal, and military affairs for implementation. „The rules of Islam require the existence of a state with the authority to organize the society and the resources for producing a favorable environment for the Ummah to live their lives to fulfill the overall objectives of human creation‟
(Jan, 2003: 131). All these disciplines were successfully implemented during the times of the
Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and during the period of Caliphate. Hence, it has become an obligation for the followers of Islam to establish a governing system based on the principles and values of religion. Therefore, the implementation of the principles of the Quran and Sunnah is necessary for any Islamic society. 66
In an Islamic state and society, religious thought cannot be disassociated from the matters related to politics and governance. If a state is based on such ideas which are thoroughly derived from human logic, the form of the state would be completely secular. Such state system will tend to develop only the material advancement of its people. On the other hand, if the state system is based on revealed law, this will obviously promote material as well as spiritual improvement of its citizens. „Thus Islam is not a religion in the traditional sense of being confined to the four walls of the mosque. It is infect, a way of life which covers and dominates every aspect of man‟s life including religious rites, education or legal decisions, moral or spiritual problems, social or legal requirements or any other practical day-to-day matters, all are governed by the Islamic
Shariah‟ (Rehman: 1980:194). It was due to this particular conception that the Muslims of the subcontinent scarified everything they had to see its practical form in the land of Pakistan.
Therefore, the Ulema‟s focus was on all such aspirations and expectations of the people of
Pakistan in particular and of the Muslim world in general.
There was a unique move on the part of the Ulema regarding basic principles of an
Islamic state. Keeping their sectarian differences aside, they agreed that the constitution of an
Islamic state must contain certain principles which will play a guiding role in the process of constitution formulation. These points can be categorized into three major areas. 1. Points regarding ideological basis of the state, 2. Matters related to rights of the citizens, 3. Plan to govern the state. In all three categories, the spirit has been taken from the basic sources of Islam, the Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).
Upholding the Objectives Resolution, the Ulema also focused on the Allah‟s Sovereignty over all nature and law. The law of country shall be based on the Quran and Sunnah and any laws which are in conflict with the Quran and the Sunnah must be replaced gradually with the 67
Islamic ideology rather than any geographical, linguistic, racial or other material considerations.
Such religious thought reflected the desire among the leaders to integrate the Muslim society by denying all materialistic concepts. All such considerations have been disowned by Islam and these are also the causes of disintegration among Muslim societies including that of Pakistan.
The thought, reflected through these points, contains the intension to establish such institutions which could do efforts to promote the Right (Maruf) and to eradicate the wrong
(Munkar). This point was in the pursuance of the Quranic verdict that “Muslims are those who, if we bestow on them (authority) in the land, establish regular prayer and give regular charity, enjoin that which is right and forbid that which is wrong” (Al-Hajj,22: 41). Such institutions will contribute to revival and the development of Islamic cultural pattern. This might be attainable by projecting Islamic education in all renowned schools of Islamic thought. Such attempts would be beneficial to strengthen the bonds of unity and brotherhood among the Muslim Ummah.
The state would present a model of welfare for all the citizens without any distinction of race or region. The government shall guarantee food, clothing, shelter, education and health facilities for all by providing them an opportunity to earn their livelihood. And if anybody is incapable of earning, temporarily or permanently, then the state should provide special assistance to all such people. As far as the rights of citizens are concerned, this is ensured that all rights which are in accordance with Islamic law shall be secured by the state. The life, property, honour, religion as well as freedom of worship, freedom of movement, freedom of expression, freedom of association and equality of opportunity are the fundamental rights of the citizens.
And no citizens can be deprived of all such rights during normal circumstances.
The solution proposed regarding divergent views and personal law of the recognized
Muslim schools of thought was that all sects will have complete religious freedom to express 68 religious principles to their particular meanings and their respective laws of jurisprudence. And even the matters related to any specific views must be resolved by the judges of same school of thought. This way, no confusion or confrontation may arise in such kind of things. The same principle may be adopted about the matters related to non-Muslim citizens of the state.
The matters related to personal law shall be properly managed according to their own religious code and patterns. The fundamental rights of the non-Muslim citizens should not be less than any Muslim citizens. However, as Pakistan has been created on the basis of religious ideology and majority of the people of Pakistan are Muslims, therefore, only a Muslim shall be eligible to become the head of the state. As Pakistan is an ideological state, „the head of an ideological state can reasonably be only he who believes in and represents that ideology‟
(Choudhury, 1988: 95). The administration of the country is fundamentally the duty of the head of the state. However, he can delegate any of his authority to any individual or institution. It is the obligation for the people of an Islamic state to respect and obey the authorities of the state provided that the authorities administer their functions in accordance with Islamic law.
The Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was the first head of the state of very first Islamic state established at Medina. Naturally, all other heads of the Islamic states after the Holy Prophet would be considered as his successors. The successors should follow the patterns of their predecessors. That is why, Ulema stressed upon the constitution makers that in Pakistan, the head of the state will run the administration with mutual consultation “Shura”. Therefore, the idea of parliament is quite evident. “And consult them in the affairs” (Al-Imran,3:159).
Despotic rulers cannot be imposed on the people of an Islamic state as the rulers should be elected representatives. A representative must act as the servant of the people and not as their master. Self-sacrifice is the duty of a Muslim head of the state and he should be an example for 69 the people. If any head of the state fails in reflecting such qualities, the body empowered to elect him shall also have the authority to remove him by majority votes. The head of the state during his period of government and after that shall be on the level of equality with other citizens and will not be above the law. In this way 22 points did not support the concept of immunity and all citizens including government officials shall be subject to the same laws and jurisdiction of the same courts.
For the integrity and solidarity of the state the religious scholars proposed unanimously in their 22 points that there should be unitary type of government in an Islamic state. And no unit shall be granted permission to split from the center. Religion would act as a binding force and racial, linguistic, regional ethnic and other angularities must be discouraged on the basis of
Islamic brotherhood. To follow religion in letter and spirit no law, in Pakistan was to be considered valid if it is repugnant to the teachings of the Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH). If the constitution and the laws would be in accordance with the principles of Islam then there would not be any injustice and exploitation in the society and the people will feel satisfaction in the state system.
The religious thought conveyed through these points was very clear. It has adequate matter to provide the state strong footings regarding the ideology of Pakistan. The Ulema have left no stone unturned to guide the members of the Constituent Assembly. They have shown not only unprecedented unity and harmony but also a great political wisdom. Their utmost desire was not to grab any authority but to pursue that thought which was developed during freedom movement. This was an attempt on their part to create a modern, progressive and democratic
Islamic state. However, these points could not succeed in convincing fully the Constituent
Assembly and during the course of constitution making, most of the points were not considered 70 with letter and spirit and only a few cosmetic means were adopted to accommodate the wishes of both the masses and the scholars. Neither could the state nor society reflect the Islamic character.
There is no coherence between theory and practice, claims and actions, wishes and efforts; religion and politics and resources and development, consequently, religious extremism, political and economic instability, poverty and ignorance spread its tentacles throughout
Pakistan. „Unanimously adopted by the Ulema belonging to every school of thought, this 22 points charter not only urges the organization of society in the light of the Quran and Sunnah but also emphasizes the unity of Ummah to the exclusion of prejudicial tendencies and all distinctions based on peripheral materialistic considerations‟ (Syed, 1985: 22).
3.2 CONSTITUTIONS OF PAKISTAN AND RELIGIOUS THOUGHT
Pakistan was created as a successful culmination of a movement based on the idea that, being a historically separate nation from Hinds, the Muslims of the country naturally had to have a piece of territory for a homeland of their own. The apparent purpose of the creation of Pakistan was to protect the political, social, economic and cultural interests of the Muslims of the subcontinent and to promote an Islamic way of life. In the inaugural session of the Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan, the Quaid-i-Azam said, „I know there are people who do not quite agree with the division of India…..this mighty revolution that has taken place is unprecedented…..Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed‟ (Jinnah, 1989: 45). 71
In pursuit of those objectives, the constitution makers, from Muhammad Ali Jinnah to
Muhammad Ali Bogra and Muhammad Ali Choudhary did contribute to the form of first
Constitution 1956. Religious thought during Pakistan movement served a role in integrating the majority of Indian Muslims, irrespective of their regional and racial differences. The way, this thought was accommodated in the first constitution of the republic which could not produce the required results. „Instead, by the time the reconstituted Constituent Assembly finally ratified a
Constitution in 1956, the ambitious project of fostering Islamic social justice was largely reduced to symbolic, but nonetheless divisive, assertions of the new nation‟s Islamic identity‟ (Stephens,
2019: 180).
To establish an Islamic Ideology, was principal objective of the state. Therefore, Jinnah
„was desirous of inducting those persons as administrators in the setting of Pakistan Government, who believed in the ideology on which it is based and who adhered to the Devine Law which they required to administer‟ (Syed, 1985: 13). The whole plan was disturbed with the sudden demise of Jinnah on September 11, 1948. After his death, much confusion emerged during the course of finalizing the constitution. The status of religion remained main point of constitutional debates in the proceedings of the first Constitution Assembly. Deviating from religious thought, the Assembly tried to find the answers to some strange questions raised by the people who were neither serious nor sincere to frame a constitution which could have provided a base for religious state. Nature of the questions was of such kind. “Is a constitution based on Islamic principles possible of realization in the twentieth century?” (Choudhury, 1969:43). The response from an
Islamic perspective to such questions is very clear that Islam is not bound to time and space. Its teachings are flexible and can be implemented in any period of time. 72
Another question of that time was „how far will an Islamic constitution be compatible with democracy and what will be the position of non-Muslim citizen in Pakistan‟
(Choudhury,1969: 43). Perhaps, such confusions were only in the minds of the people who never studied thoroughly the Islamic history. Islam being democratic in nature is by no means incompatible with democracy. In addition to it, its idea of democracy is far better than the concept of democracy anywhere else. . According to secular theories, „politics and religion belong to different spheres of human life. Politics comes within the sphere of reason while religion within that of faith and revelation‟ (Choudhury, 1988:77).
In contemporary thought, faith and revelation should have nothing to do with the affairs of the state, where as Islamic thought emphasizes that religion contains all basic principles of the state and politics. Even the democracy is not away from the teachings of the Quran as mentioned in Surrah Ash-Shura “And who (conduct) their affairs by mutual consultation” (42:38).
Moreover, the people of an Islamic state can differ from any authority of the state; however, the matters would be decided in accordance with the Quranic revelations. “if you differ in anything among yourselves, refer it to Allah and his messenger” (An-Nisa,4: 59).
All such forces which intentionally led to some confusion during the course of constitution making were obviously insincere towards the Islamic cause. These forces tried to follow the model of Turkey. To them, religion provides a static way of life and life needs rapid changes. They thought that religion based on changelessness. In actual, their apprehension is that if Pakistan accepts an Islamic Constitution, the Mullah will control the state; they hold Shariat cannot be adequate for a modern complex society‟ (Choudhury, 1969: 55). They did not keep in their memories that Jinnah had emphatically denied the concept of theocratic state to be ruled by religious clergy. In his broadcast address to the people of United States in February 1948, he said 73
„Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy. It has taught equality of men, justice and fairplay to everybody. We are the inheritors of these glorious traditions and are fully alive to our responsibilities and obligations as framers of the future constitution of Pakistan. In any case
Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic State-to be ruled by priests with a divine mission‟
(Jinnah,1989: 157).
The founder of Pakistan was anxious to create a state based on Islamic principles. He wanted to give the Islamic state a dynamic interpretation. During Pakistan movement the establishment of an Islamic state was not just a political slogan. Rather, it was a demand of the
Muslims of the subcontinent. It was due to this spirit for religion that neither any political leader nor any political party, with the exception of pro-Congress religious leaders, could dare disagree with the demand of an Islamic state. However, during the process of constitution making, the term Islamic state remained undefined and every segment of society had its own interpretation regarding the concept of an Islamic state.
Religious classes proposed to adopt the model of early Caliphate of Islam. This concept was confronted by the intelligentsia on the ground that Ulema are looking back to the period of seventh century. To such people, modern legislation would not have been possible if early
Islamic model was adopted. However, the Ulema stressed upon the universality of Islam that the principles of the Quran and Sunnah contain a mechanism for applying law to any situation related to the state and society. Other religious circles, particularly Jamat-i-Islami, were of the opinion „that legislation in the true sense is possible in an Islamic state on matters which are not covered by the Quran or the Sunnah, [without any fear of stagnation]‟ (Choudhary 1969: 48).
Majority of the political leaders were of the opinion that the constitution would be framed keeping in view the democratic practices of the twentieth century. The representative bodies 74 were proposed to make the constitution as well as the policy decisions in future. No special place was accepted for religious theologians. The modern political leaders were referring to Dr. Iqbal‟s famous work „the Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam‟ and Syed Ameer Ali‟s book
„The Spirit of Islam‟. Both the learned authors had proposed in their respective works the need for modern legislation and flexible constitution based on human rights and human duties. Hence, the constitution was to be framed keeping in view that Islam believes in democratic and progressive ideals. Under such religious concept, the constitution of 1956 was enforced on 23rd
March 1956.
This constitution was the product of about nine years labour by politicians, religious scholars, lawyers and other segments of society. The Objectives Resolution of 1949 was included in the preamble of the constitution with addition of the reference to the vision of the
Quaid-i-Azam, that Pakistan would be a democratic state based on Islamic principles of social justice. In this clause, democracy and Islamic principles were combined together to remove any misconception regarding democracy and religion. The basic purpose of incorporating this clause was to clear that there should not be any question of incompatibility between Islam and democracy. In the preamble, other clauses were about the sovereignty of Allah Almighty, independence of judiciary, protection of the rights of the non-Muslims minorities and a resolve to enable the Muslims individually and collectively to bring their lives in accordance with the principles laid down in the Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).
The principles of democracy, tolerance, freedom, social justice and equality as enunciated by Islam were said to be fully observed. These points of the preamble seemed to adopt the ideas under the motivation of religious thought. These were the points if followed with letter and spirit, which could have played a role in integrating the whole state and society of Pakistan. 75
Unfortunately, the points of the preamble remained only a sort of cosmetic and formality instead of being a ground norm of the body polity of Pakistan, consequently, the result was disintegration and disunity.
Other important portion of the constitution, in the quest of religious thought, was its part
III under the heading „Directive Principles of State Policy‟. In this section, various clauses related to religious thought and national integration were included. It was stated in Article 24 that
„the state shall endeavour to strengthen the bonds of unity among Muslim countries. In this way, the integration on religious ground was not limited to national level but to the international level.
It was stated categorically in Article 25 that the state shall enable the Muslims of the country to order their lives in accordance with the Holy Quran and Sunnah. For this purpose, the teachings of the Holy Quran would be made compulsory. The promotion of unity and observance of
Islamic moral standards and security of organization of Zakat, Wakfs and Mosques were ensured through this constitution. To promote unity among the Muslims of Pakistan, the state will reject all kinds of differences and biases based on racial, provincial and sectarian grounds.
In the constitution of 1956 under the title of directive principles of state policy, a number of articles and clauses regarding good governance were incorporated to make Pakistan a just and welfare state. From Articles 27 to 30, it was stated on the part of the state to endeavour to promote and protect the rights of the minorities, special care of the backward classes, removal of illiteracy by promoting education, prevention of prostitution, gambling and injurious drugs. It considered the promotion of social and economic wellbeing of the people by preventing the concentration of wealth in few hands and provision of basic necessities of life like food, clothing, shelter, education and medical relief for all. 76
Elimination of riba (usury) was also included in the constitution to make the economic matters of the country according to the Islamic system, because riba is completely banned in
Islam. To make the justice system of Pakistan powerful and independent, it was decided to separate the judiciary from executive. All the above stated points no doubt reflected religious thought in the affairs of the state, which was also a focal point of the whole freedom movement.
Surprisingly, these clauses in this particular part III of the constitution could not satisfy rigid religious classes as well as a few ultra-secularists. The people on both extremes were unhappy with these clauses. Religious classes were dissatisfied with this due to the reason that these points were only cosmetics and not the part of legal code as it had been stated in the same part that these provisions were only guidelines in policy formulations and these would not be enforceable in any court. The ultra-secularists were taking it as an attempt to make the foundation of the state on conservative footing as they were looking for a secular Turkish model in Pakistan. However, the general public was satisfied with the Islamic character of the constitution.
In addition to preamble and directive principles of state policy, there was another part in this constitution under the title of Islamic Provisions. These provisions were given in Article 197 and 198 of the constitution. It was laid down that the President shall setup an organization for
Islamic research and instruction aimed at the reconstruction of a society on Islamic foundations.
This organization through advanced studies will assist the policy making institutions like
Parliament to create a Muslim society based on Islamic standards. Article 198 was very important and reflects more religious thought as it was laid down in it that no law, which is repugnant to the injunctions of the Holy Quran and Sunnah, shall be enacted in Pakistan. 77
Moreover, it was decided that the existing laws would be brought into conformity with the injunctions of Islam. For this purpose, the President shall appoint a commission which will guide the National as well as Provincial legislatures in this regard. However, a very lengthy process was laid down in this Article which takes more than six years to enact laws in respect therefore. Hence, the appointment of the commission was delayed for a very long time. The
President Major-General Iskander Mirza was least interested in Islamic ideology or principles.
He decided to keep religion away from the state affairs. As he said himself “we cannot run wild on Islam” (New York Times, February 7, 1955). The constitution had also provided some superficial measures that might have been considered as the links between Pakistan and religion.
For example, the name of the country was decided as an Islamic Republic of Pakistan and its head will always be a Muslim.
To the modern and progressive political leaders, 1956 constitution contains sufficient material to provide a religious base for state system. Before the formation of the 1973 constitution Islam was not declared the state religion of Pakistan as it was declared in the constitutions of Saudi Arabia and Iran. The framers of this constitution were thinking of themselves quite successful in combining both the Islamic and modern systems. Unfortunately, the constitution could not be implemented because the rulers did not show respect to the pursuit of its objectives. That is why, the masses got disappointed very soon and the state system seemed to be deteriorated with the passage of time. The unstable political governments could not provide a strong Islamic democratic footing to the state. And resultantly, this constitution was abrogated on 7th October 1958. The Commander in Chief of Pakistan Army General Muhammad Ayub
Khan took over authority and abrogated the constitution and imposed martial law in the country. 78
In this way, the democratic system in Pakistan was suspended and the state was governed under martial law regulations.
3.2.1 RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AND CONSTITUTION OF 1962
After the enforcement of 1956 Constitution, no election could be held till the day of its abrogation. Four prime ministers were changed by the alliances between political parties during two and half years, whereas none of them was appointed as a result of the verdict of the people through elections. Such positioning was made possible through political manipulation by political parties. The Head of the state Iskander Mirza had little regard for the Islamic principles provided in the constitution as such principles were never persuaded and institutionalized during his period. People inside the country and abroad were completely confused and disillusioned about the role of religion in state affairs. As a result of this uncertainty and political stagnation, the confidence of business community shock and eventually the economic development of the country deteriorated. It was due to such unhappy developments that the constitution was abrogated and the army took over under the leadership of General Ayub Khan in 1958.
After taking over, in his first broadcast speech Gen. Ayub Khan assured the people that he has intervened only to “serve” them and the democracy. The existing form of democracy was not suitable for them. He will soon restore the democracy in new shape that would be easily understandable to the masses and would help them resolving their issues at the gross rout level.
„Let me announce in unequivocal terms that our ultimate aim is to restore democracy but of the type that people can understand and work‟ (Morning News, Dacca, 8 October 1958). In the same speech he severely criticized the politicians and their negative role particularly, after the death of the Quaid-i-Azam and Liaquat Ali Khan. He was of the opinion about the politicians that they have divided the people only for their personal gains. The people of Pakistan are now fragmented 79 into provincial, sectarian and racial groups instead of a nation and now they are at daggers drawn against each other over petty issues. „Having nothing constructive to offer they [politicians] used provincial feelings, sectarian, religious and racial differences to set a Pakistani against a
Pakistani‟ (Morning News, Dacca, 8 October 1958).
Ayub Khan‟s policy towards Islam was a bit different and he was a believer in Islamic modernism. He was interested in such an Islamic model that could bring unity and progress in the society and could help resolving the contemporary problems. „The Islam that moved him and in which he passionately believed was the Islam that at once dictated unity and progress operating concurrently in human affairs‟ (Rahman, 1985: 44). Ayub Khan was desirous of seeing
Islam as a binding force between the Muslims of two wings of Pakistan. As there was nothing common between the two wings of Pakistan except Islam, the people from both sides would take
Islam for integrity and progress. Otherwise, Islam could not have played a role in uniting them
He was annoyed with the conflict between religious scholars and other educated classes.
„In more precise terms the essential conflict was between the Ulema and the educated classes.
All that was material, temporal and secular was identified with the educated and all that was religious and spiritual became the monopoly of the Ulema‟(Khan, 1967:195). The way to reconciliation was the Islamic code because it represents a complete cultural unity. To him Islam should act as a source of advancement. „We were fortunate to have a religion which could serve as a vehicle of progress‟ (Khan, 1967:196). While framing the constitution of 1962, he considered Islam as a source to provide basic principles not as a precedent. „Islam had not prescribed any particular pattern of government but had left it to the community to evolve its own pattern to suit its circumstances, provided that the principles of the Quran and the Sunnah were observed‟ (Khan, 1967: 198). 80
Ayub was very much influenced by the institution of Ijma (consensus) provided in religion. For that purpose, he looked interested in establishing an Islamic Advisory Council backed by an Islamic Research Institution. The purpose of the bodies was to guide and assist the legislature about how to make laws in accordance with the principles of Islam. He was afraid that the religious classes might not be satisfied with such arrangements as the Ulema wanted complete right over the interpretation and decision making in the matters related to religion. In his book (autobiography) he mentioned those Ulema who were against the idea of the creation of
Pakistan during Pakistan movement. Though he avoided to declare all the opponents, men of weak integrity. According to him, some of them took Pakistan as the end of their full authority over the matters pertaining to religion. With such state of mind, he proceeded with new constitution.
Ayub Khan appointed a constitution commission headed by the former Chief Justice,
Muhammad Shahab-ud-Din. Justice Shahab, who was considered a man of the highest integrity and respect in both the wings of Pakistan. To establish a democratic system according to the circumstances and based on Islamic principles of equality, justice and tolerance with a focus on consolidating the national unity and integrity was among major targets of the commissions regarding constitutional proposal. After a lot of work and research, the commission recommended a presidential form of government in Pakistan. However, many of the political leaders disliked this proposal of the commission as they were in the favour of a parliamentary form of government. The commission accepted the importance of religion in the political system of Pakistan as the country was based on Islamic Ideology and Islam acted as main bond between
East and West Pakistan. 81
The commission affirmed that Islam is a comprehensive social order. Thus, on the pattern of early days of Islam a model welfare state should be established. Only a real Islamic state can protect the rights of the non-Muslims. Therefore, the minorities should have no apprehensions in their minds about an Islamic state. The commission supported the retention of Objectives
Resolution and other Islamic clauses of the previous constitution with certain amendments.
Islamic provisions would be influential and effective only if the way of their interpretations, with relevance to Islamic principles, is rational and updated. „The success of the Islamic provisions must depend to a great extent on the way in which the Islamic principles may be interpreted‟
(Choudhary, 1969: 170).
For this purpose, the commission proposed that the Imams and preachers in the religious institutions must be properly trained and they may be employed on a definite pay scale.
Therefore, the educational institutions should start courses related to religious studies. And the curricula should be designed in such a way as it covers not only the Quran, Hadith and Fiqh but also the modern sciences and international issues. The reconstruction of Pakistani society on the ideals of Islam would be possible only through these measures. The constitutional commission presented its report to the President in May 1961. However, when the constitution emerged in
June 1962 it was not completely in accordance with the proposals of the constitution commission as it was different in certain respects.
Even the very first Article of the late constitution, which laid down that Pakistan would be designated as an Islamic Republic, was changed and the word Islamic was dropped. Later on, it was added to the constitution through the first constitutional amendment in 1963 after a lot of public pressure. Most of the provisions of the preamble were retained. Sovereignty of Allah was accepted along with the other provisions of the Objectives Resolution. People were authorized to 82 organize their matters in accordance with the teachings of the Holy Quran and Sunnah. Ayub‟s desire was that people themselves should try to learn the Islamic principles with the help of religious scholars. He wrote in his book „God has given them access to sources of guidance and reason, and the intelligence to interpret and understand what was contained in these sources.
They must use these faculties and determine the principles of guidance, if necessary with the assistance of experts‟ (Khan, 1967: 204).
Another important change introduced in the new constitution was regarding the repugnancy clause which was laid down in 1956 constitution in Article 198. After a certain procedure, the parliament had to bring the laws in conformity with the Islamic injunctions. In this constitution if legislature did not agree to change any law which was repugnant to Islam then the validity of such law could not be called into question in any court of law. Therefore, the ultimate supremacy of the parliament was imposed even in the matters related to religion.
Ayub Khan was trying to create unity between both wings of Pakistan and also between different regions of West Pakistan. He wanted to integrate social classes and the urban rural classes as well. To him the harmony among various parts of the state could only be possible if the Islamic principles were given the role, through their enlightened and democratic approaches to reform the society. „The unity among all the divisions could only be brought about if Islamic principles could be given a progressive and egalitarian content which would a message of hope and enthusiasm to the teeming millions of poor classes‟ (Rahman, 1985: 48).
In the constitution of 1962, an Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology was also introduced under Article 199. The function of this council was to propose the recommendations to the ways which would make the Muslims of this state to live in accordance with the principles of Islam.
However, it was only an advisory body and its advice may or may not be accepted. Therefore, its 83 advice was not necessarily implementable on the part of the President or the legislature. The
Islamic Research Institution of the previous constitution was, however, retained in the new constitution as well.
This constitution of Ayub khan was severally criticized by the political parties of that time and the Ulema as well. Ayub Khan did not care of that and he was of the opinion that the
Ulema wanted a complete authority to frame the constitution. In case, they would get that, this could be like giving the control of the country to Ulema. To him, „A Constitution could be regarded as Islamic only if it were drafted by the ulema and conceded then the authority to judge and govern the people. This was a position which neither the people nor I was prepared to accept, opposed as it was to the fundamental democratic principle that all authority must vest in the people ‟ (Khan, 1967: 203-4).
The unprecedented development during Ayub era was the introduction of Muslims
Family Laws Ordinance. The provisions of this ordinance were beyond all sectarian interpretations. However, it was almost unanimously criticized by religious scholars of various sects. In spite of that the ordinance was later on protected by the constitution and the whole society was “integrated” through such novel legislations.
3.2.2 RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AND CONSTITUTION OF 1973
The Constitution of 1956 was made by a Constituent Assembly which was elected by the members of the provincial assemblies both in East and West Pakistan. This constitution was lasted only for 30 months. The constitution of 1962 was imposed by a military ruler sought to legitimize his government by a system of so called Basic Democracy. Parity was maintained in both the wings of the country. This constitution could work for about seven years and Ayub himself violated this when he called upon the Army Chief, Gen. Yahya Khan to take over. 84
During this second military rule, the first general elections were held on the basis of universal adult franchise. As a result of this first general election, the East Pakistan was dismembered and became an independent state of Bangladesh. In the left over Pakistan, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came to power and under his government; the third constitution of the country was framed by the
Assembly which had come into existence as a result of first general elections of the country. This constitution was prepared by the representatives of different sections in the National Assembly which showed compromise to attain consensus on the issues of contention.
In his speech, at the time of moving the bill to provide a constitution for the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan, the law minster Mr. Abdul Hafeez Pirzada said that “Pakistan shall Insha
Allah have a permanent constitution which shall be practical constitution”. The Constitution of
1973 like the two earlier constitutions started with the verse „In the name of Allah, the
Beneficent and Merciful. Objectives Resolution was included in the preamble. The country is designated as an Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Article 2 of constitution says that Islam shall be the state religion of the country. This happened first time in Pakistan‟s constitutional history that
Islam was declared as official religion of the State. The elimination of all forms of exploitation is pledged in Article 3. Article 35 says that the state shall raise the standard of the people by checking the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few. Unlike the two previous constitutions, the means of production and distribution are also assured to be prevented in a few hands. These provisions reflect Mr. Bhutto‟s ideology of Islamic socialism.
Fundamental rights are placed in chapter I of Part II. Security of person is assured.
Dignity of man is declared inviolable. Freedom of speech, association, movement, profession and trade is guaranteed along with the freedom to profess religion and to manage religious institutions. This chapter on fundamental rights comprises 20 Articles. Principles of policy are 85 given in chapter 2 of this constitution. These principles are regarded as being subject to the availability of resources. Article 31 says that steps shall be taken to provide a suitable environment to the Muslims of Pakistan so that they can live in accordance with the principles of
Islam. For this purpose the teaching of the Holy Quran and Islamiyat were made compulsory.
Promotion of unity and proper organization of religious institutions like Zakat, Auqaf and
Mosques were inserted in the constitution. It is pledged to secure correct and exact printing and publishing of the Holy Quran. Last Article of this chapter focuses on strengthening bonds with
Muslim world on the basis of Islamic unity. Other important articles are related to the discouragement of parochial and other similar prejudices, participation of women in national life, protection of family, promotion of social justice and eradication of social evils, prevention of prostitution, gambling, drugs and alcoholic liquor. They also included the promotion of social and economic well-being of the people by reducing inequality in the earnings and by abolition of
Riba (Usury) as early as possible.
In part III of the constitution, it is stated that only a Muslim can become the President of
Pakistan. And the President would take an oath, before taking the charge of his office, in which he declares that he believes in oneness of Allah and finality of the Prophet Muhammad along with other conditions of Islam. This oath adjusts to the demand for the expression of faith. For the first time it was declared that the Prime Minister of Pakistan should also be a Muslim and he too like the President will take the oath of loyalty to Islam. Five other articles are also added to this constitution in part 9, under the title of Islamic Provisions.
The law minster Mr. Pirzada in his introductory speech claimed that in this Constitution a serious effort has been made to bring the Islamic provisions out of “the cold storage of the principles of policy”. Article 227 says that all prevailing laws shall be revisited to make them in 86 relevance with the teachings of the Holy Quran and Sunnah and no law which is against the spirit of Islamic laws shall be enforced. A Council of Islamic Ideology was constituted under Article
228 of this constitution. The President and the Parliament can seek guidance, in the matters related to religious interpretations, from this Council of Islamic Ideology. The advice of the council will be given proper consideration and importance in the process of lawmaking. Later on, through an amendment made in 1974, the definition of the Muslim was also added to the constitution by which the Qadiyanis were declared a non-Muslim minority and bracketed along with other minorities.
A few other steps taken during Z.A Bhutto‟s reign related to feelings and culture of the
Muslims were included in his attempt to unite the Muslim countries. For this purpose, the
Islamic Summit Conference was held at Lahore in February 1974. Bhutto had become a symbol for the leaders of the Muslims having the country with an increasing techno-military power since he started nuclear programme of Pakistan and designated it unofficially as an Islamic bomb.
Following his policy of Islamic socialism, he started social security benefits for the workers and free education for their children. To please the people of Pakistan Bhutto also banned alcohol and announced Friday as the weekly holiday. For the first time in country‟s history, Mr. Bhutto has successfully managed to bring, though to some extent, democratic and
Islamic sentiments together. This was of course “an unprecedented achievement” (Rahman,
1985: 52). Unlike his predecessors, Bhutto agreed to create a Ministry of Religious Affairs. This might have been a very good step if this ministry would have been involved in collaborating with the ministry of education to restructure the curricula of religious institutions. Such attempts could have been fruitful in bridging the gap between the traditional Dars-i-Nizami and modern 87 educational systems. This could have been an attempt to integrate the Muslim society, but no ruler of Pakistan was successful in doing this.
3.3 RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AND ZIA-UL-HAQ REGIME
Bhutto‟s law minister Mr. Hafeez Pirzada had claimed in his introductory speech on the eve of moving constitutional bill before the Assembly in 1973 that the Islamic provisions would be taken out from “cold storage” (Constitution making debates 1973: 103). However, most of
Islamic provisions remained in „cold storage‟ throughout Bhutto‟s period. It is, therefore, Mr.
Bhutto remained unpopular among religious circles of the country. Mostly, religious people always took Mr. Bhutto as a ruler of secular tilt.
When Mr. Bhutto announced general election in 1977, the religio-political parties, exploiting religious sentiments of the people, made an alliance against Mr. Bhutto to contest the elections. The name of this alliance was Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). PNA leaders promised to implement „Nizam-i-Mustafa, (Islamic system) in Pakistan after they would come to power. The prominent parties included in PNA were, Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), Jamiatul-Ulema-e-
Islam (JUI), Jamiatul-Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP), Khaksar Tehrik (KT), Azad Kashmir Muslim
Conference (AKMC) And Pir Pagara‟s Pakistan Muslim League (PML). Despite having divergent ideologies, these religious political parties had shown a great compromise and successfully maneuvered in forming a grand alliance. Surprisingly, „it was a unique achievement in the context of the political environment‟ (Mujahid, 1971: 164).
Bhutto was alleged to use government machinery in his election campaign as he was a sitting Prime Minister of the country that time. An unusual number of peoples party‟s candidates including Mr. Bhutto were elected unopposed. In the elections of 1970 only one candidate was 88 elected un-opposed but that time their number were 19 in National Assembly (NA) and 66 in
Provincial Assemblies. The PNA charged the government for misusing the administrative machinery for unfair practices. The results were astonishing as PPP won 155 seats of NA and
PNA could concede only 36 seats. PNA refused to accept the results with the charges that malpractices had been committed. Even the Election Commission (EC) admitted that it had no resources to stop the rigging due to the influence of PPP candidates who belong to ruling party.
Bhutto tried his level best to justify his victory with the arguments that the womenfolk and youth had voted in favour of PPP but PNA could not be convinced and an agitation started throughout the country with a demand for fresh polls under neutral agencies. Many unpleasant and violent incidents took place in this anti-PPP movement. Many people lost their lives and many of them got wounded at various places in the country in clashes with police. Under such circumstances, the Army Chief General Zia-ul-Haq imposed Martial law on July 5th 1977 and came to power. During his rule, he started the process of Islamization which was also called
Nifaz-i-Nizam-i-Islam. „The Government of President Zia not only expressed its full adherence to Islam but also began efforts‟ (Syed 1985: 33).
When Zia-ul-Haq assumed power on July 5th he promised to hold elections within a period of 90 days. Later on, the elections were postponed and new date for the elections in
November 1979 was announced. But before this date, Bhutto was hanged on 4th April 1979 and
Zia-ul-Haq decided to continue ruling without any elections. As his own orientation seemed to be religious, he succeeded in winning the cooperation of certain religious-political parties including JI. „The JI which had always shown itself to be absolutely opposed to military coups and martial law regimes, gave its whole-hearted cooperation and was generously allotted four high-ranking cabinet posts‟ (Rahman, 1985: 54). 89
After that, Zia-ul-Haq started a programme of Islamization and took many initiatives to make Pakistan a state based on Islamic principles. Actually, he was of the opinion that the present election system was un-Islamic and before holding new elections, a complete Islamic system must be implemented. The justification given by Zia regarding his “mission” was that
Pakistan and Islam are inseparable from each other, therefore, the safeguard and the survival of both is an obligation and “the military establishment alone was capable of performing”[this].
(Jalal, 1991: 319). In this way, Zia found a strong religious footing to legitimize his military regime. With help of military and civil bureaucracy, Zia succeeded in winning the support of those social groups which were the part of PNA‟S movement against Mr. Bhutto. JI, JUI and
JUP joined hands with Zia to serve religion by strengthening the process of Islamization.
This Islamization program of Zia-ul-Haq included the establishment of certain institutions and development of some others which already existed under the Constitution of
1973. The institutions either established or developed for the Islamization included the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), the Ministry of Religious Affairs (MORA), the Federal Shariah Court
(FSC), the Islamic Research Institute (IRI), the Islamic University (IU) and the Ansari
Commission (AC). These institutions played an important role for the Islamization in general and the Islamization of laws and legislation in particular.
The first institution developed during Zia period was CII when it was constituted in 1977 and re-constituted in 1981. „The purpose was to provide a team of capable persons, worthy of accomplishing the job of Islamization‟ (Amin, 1989: 64). In the follow up of the constitutional provision, it was intended that the people of Pakistan would be able to arrange their lives with the principles of Islam. The CII was assigned the task to advice the Parliament and Provincial
Assemblies regarding the means and ways for such purpose. Another responsibility was to make 90 recommendations to bring the laws, already in practice, into a system based on Islamic injunctions of the Quran and Sunnah.
The CII re-examined the laws contained in Pakistan Penal Code and recommended amendments in 67 laws in order to bring them in conformity with Islamic teachings.
Amendments were also recommended in Muslim personal laws, laws of insurance, taxation and banking laws and some other miscellaneous laws. However, Zia government could enforce only a few of them. Zia-ul-Haq also directed the CII to make recommendations for the Islamization of the whole Constitution. As general Zia was not satisfied with the democratic system provided in the constitution because it was based on western democratic model and not on Islamic footings.
The CII presented many proposals to improve the justice system in Pakistan. CII recommended permanent law commission and Shariah benches in the superior courts and Federal Shariah
Court, prayer arrangements in offices and schools, column of religion in passport and identity cards. CII also recommended “to allow to those Indian Muslim females (widows and orphans), who cannot earn their living in India, permanent residence in Pakistan” (Amin, 1989: 68). It was surprising to note that the CII was not allowed to publish its works for the information of the common man.
On the recommendation of CII, initially Shariah benches were setup in the superior courts. These benches could not produce the expected results; therefore, a Federal Shariah Court was established as a specialized court. Ulema were also appointed as judges in this court. The main assignment of FSC was to decide the Shariah petitions to determine whether or not a law was repugnant to the principles of Islam. The performance of FSC has remained unsatisfactory due to the non-availability of Islamic-oriented judges and the non-cooperative attitude on the part of religious groups. 91
The other important steps taken by Zia government to Islamization of state and society were Hudood Ordinance in 1979, reform of banking system by introducing profit and loss sharing accounts, enforcement of Zakat and Ushr Ordinance in 1980, the establishment of the institution of the Ombudsman (Mohtasib) in 1983, the revival of Islamic values and the promotion of religious moral values through educational system and media. When in 1985, the
Constitution of 1973 was restored „Zia advised the members of the national assembly to give serious thought to the relationship between state and religion in Islam‟ (Choudhary, 1988: 79).
The National Assembly made many amendments in the constitution; the most famous is the 8th amendment. By virtue of that the Objectives Resolution given in the preamble of the constitution was made the substantive part of the constitution. Article 62 and 63 in which the qualification and disqualification of the members of the parliament were given, were also amended. And finally just two months before his death, Zia promulgated the Shariah Ordinance on June 15, 1988. The reason behind this development was that he wanted “to convince the people that he was honest in his intention” (Shehab, 1990: 446).
Gen. Zia died in an air crash near Bahawalpur on August 17, 1988. The successive governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif did not try to contribute towards the
Islamization of society. To some extent, the feelings of national integration deteriorated during the post Zia period. Sectarianism, regionalism, provincialism, secularism and extremism made the whole state and society almost a hostage of disintegration.
92
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Asad, Muhammad. (1986). “The Principles of State and Government in Islam”
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Choudhury, Golam W. (1969). “Constitutional Development in Pakistan” London:
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Gould, William. (2012). “Religion and Conflict in Modern South Asia” Cambridge
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Economy of Defence” Lahore: Vanguard Books, p. 319.
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Distributors, p. 131.
Jinnah, Muhammad Ali. (1989). “Speeches and Statements: 1947-48” Islamabad:
Government of Pakistan: Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, p. 157.
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New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 195, 198, 203-4.
Mahmood, Dr. Safdar. (1990). “Constitutional Foundations of Pakistan” Lahore: Jang
Publishers, pp. 11, 47, 49.
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Mujahid, Sharif ul. (1971 February). “Pakistan: First General Elections” in „Asian
Survey, vol.11, no. 2, University of California Berkeley, America, p.164
New York Times, February 7, 1955.
Rahman. Fazlur. (1985). “Islam in Pakistan” in „Journal of South Asian and Middle
Eastern Studies, vol. 8, no. 4, summer, 1985, pp. 34-61.
Rehman, Afzalur. (1980). “Islam: Ideology and the Way of Life” London: The Muslim
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Islam” England: Working Surrey, p. 16.
Shehab, Rafi Ullah. (1990). “Fifty Years of Pakistan” Lahore: Maqbool Academy, p. 446.
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Islamabad: Historical Research Institute, pp. 13, 19, 22, 33.
95
Chapter No. 04
DETERIORATION OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AND
GROWTH OF COUNTER IDEOLOGIES IN PAKISTAN
Subcontinent is a diverse region having distinct geographical features and multi-religious, multi-cultural and multi-ethnic societies. The British colonial rule tried to unify this region but could only bring all regions under the crown to introduce administrative unity. „The political unity, which really binds a people together, was non-existent in the British days‟ (Salik,
1997:19). The people of different regions have no or little knowledge of their countrymen. Since the religious thought behind the freedom struggle had changed the entire phenomenon and the people having distinct regional and cultural inclination bound themselves together for the sake of
Islam. It is true that millions of Muslims have been living in subcontinent for centuries. They were in majority in certain regions like Bengal, Punjab, Sindh, NWFP and Baluchistan while in considerable numbers in other provinces as well. However, despite being the followers of the same religion they could not become one nation even during the times of Muslim rule in the whole area. They tolerated all good and bad times during the course of history. When they felt a serious threat to their religion on the part of Hindu majority, they became united on common platform to save their religion.
Islam being the important factor as a motivation behind the creation of Pakistan and the socio-economic trouble of the minority Muslims was also a driving force behind the Pakistan movement. No doubt that the ruling British and the majority Hindus had joined hands against the minority Muslims particularly after the Mutiny (War of Independence) of 1857. The socio- economic and religio-political conditions of the Muslims were extremely poor and their 96 persecution on the part of Hindus had no limits. However, these considerations were only of secondary importance and primarily, the feeling of insecurity was related to their faith. One may conclude easily from the words of many Muslim leaders of freedom struggle that the socio- economic and religious considerations were not contradictory to each other, rather they complemented each other.
When All India Muslim League was established in 1906, `the essential point of the speeches of the Muslim delegates was protection of their faith. Nawab Waqar-ul-Mulk pointed out in his opening speech „that if at any remote period the British Government ceases to exist in
India, then the rule of India would pass into the hands of [Hindus]…… Then, our life, our property, our honour and our faith will all be in great danger‟ (Salik, 1997:21-22). Although the words life, property and honour may be described as material comfort yet without these the
Muslims would not be able to protect their religion. „That is how; one tends to believe the creation of Pakistan was tantamount to service of Islam‟ (Salik, 1997:22).
Even though the motive behind the mass participation in Pakistan movement was socio- economic, it was not contradictory to religious ideology. Islam promotes equality, tolerance, democracy and social justice throughout the land. In this context, the Muslims of pre-partition
India who were desirous of uplifting their economic and political status, wanted justice and fair play in order to emancipate themselves from all sorts of exploitation. For this purpose, religious ideology seemed to be major element which could have helped them to defy the system based on injustice, inequality and dictatorship. Hence, the struggle to promote the principles of religion for the benefit of mankind seemed, to them, a sacred duty. Therefore, the Muslims of subcontinent gathered together during the freedom movement to serve this cause. 97
After the Indian revolt of 1857, the Muslims of India were living a very miserable life.
Not only were the rulers hostile but also their own countrymen Hindus who were even harsher towards them. One form of their hostility was reflected in Urdu-Hindi controversy of 1867,
Hindu reactions toward the partition of Bengal in 1905 and atrocities of Congress ministries in
1937. The other form was Hindu extremist movements and organizations like Arya Samaj,
Shuddhi, Sangathan and Mahasabha. In both types of struggle the hatred and prejudice against the Muslims were based on religious dissimilarity. In such circumstances, the Muslims had two options with them, either to surrender, accept Hindu‟s hegemony and become subservient to them or to make struggle to get rid of this third-rate citizenship. The former was not tolerable to the followers of Islam, so they opted for the latter one.
The religious thought of the main leaders of the Pakistan movement had given full confidence to the Muslims of India. The works of Dr. Muhammad Iqbal and Mr. Muhammad Ali
Jinnah had inculcated in them a religious spirit and they started visualizing a state where they could find opportunity to live in accordance with the principles of Islam. Democracy, social justice and economic wellbeing all are the characteristics of an Islamic welfare state. The Quaid- i-Azam‟s words that „democracy is in our blood, Pakistan will be a people‟s government, a society free from all forms of exploitation, equitable distribution of resources and fair deal to all interests, no sympathy for the capitalists but for the poor people‟ (Peerzada, 1969: 424-25).
Jinnah borrowed all such thoughts from the religion. That was why, the people from all over the subcontinent, with the exception of pro-congress Muslim leaders, keeping their regional, racial , cultural, ethnic, linguistic, social and even sectarian difference aside, became united under the flag of Muslim League headed by the Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. 98
When Lahore (Pakistan) Resolution was passed on 23rd March, 1940, the Muslim representatives from all the regions, including Muslim majority as well as Muslim minority, actively participated in the event to make it an unprecedented success. This event had projected a strong national integration because the people of Punjab, Sindh, NWFP, Baluchistan and Bengal resolved to fight for the establishment of a separate Muslim state. Later on, Hussain Shaheed
Soharwardi proposed a single state in 1946 under Delhi Resolution, instead of having two separate Muslim states. The bond among the divergent ethnic and social groups was nothing but
Islam.
Everyone was confident enough that no Islamic welfare state can deviate from the principles of democracy, equality and social justice. The words of Jinnah at various occasions were a guarantee for them. That is why; they extended their unconditional support in freedom movement. Bad luck of the state as well as of the nation that the founder of Pakistan, who was a guarantor and a man of words, died one year after the creation of Pakistan and before real consolidation of the state into one whole. After his demise, Liaquat Ali Khan tried to keep intact divergent ideas and considerations but he was assassinated in 1951 during a public meeting in
Rawalpindi.
The vacuum created due to the loss of genuine leadership was filled by well-organized non-democratic forces. They deviated from ideological foundation and pushed the country into troubled waters. Not only was religious thought put aside but also the socio-economic wellbeing and equal distribution of resources were not managed fairly and justly. Consequently, negative ideologies started emerging and religious ideology started deteriorating.
The creation of Pakistan was not less than a miracle because it came into being in the areas which were not even completely contiguous in geographical terms. The ethnic and cultural 99 dissimilarities were in abundance. „It is rare that a state can be securely established in lands inhabited by many tribes and brands. The reason is that in such lands there will be a diversity of opinions and inclinations.‟ (Issawi, 1950: 111). If the state is founded on popular support and state system fulfils the promises made during the times of struggle even partial fulfillment can prepare the members to fight and die for each other. However, if the state system is based on injustice, its members may fight against each other.
4.1 PROCESS OF DISINTEGRATION IN PAKISTAN
After the Second World War many geographical and political changes occurred across the globe. A process of decolonization had started and many new states emerged on the word map. The colonial powers like Britain and France were ready to accept a democratic and secular system in the newly born states. When Pakistan came into being on August 14, 1947, it surprised the western nations „that the Muslim majority provinces and territories of India –west Punjab,
Sind, the North West Frontier, Baluchistan and East Bengal- had broken away to constitute themselves into Pakistan with the primary purpose of protecting the rights and interests of its
Muslim citizens and promoting an Islamic way of life.‟ (Sayeed, 1980:1). This religious outlook of Pakistan was a point of great concern for the peoples abroad.
Geographically, Pakistan was a unique country because of its two wings, East and West
Pakistan, divided by more than a thousand miles of Indian territory. Many observers were taking it as unbearable burden on the cause of national integration. A few of them saw East and West
Pakistan as incipient separate countries, divided by space, language, culture and inevitably goals.
(Wilcox, 1970:117). The social patterns in the interior Sindh, Southern Punjab, NWFP and
Baluchistan were quite different than that of East Bengal. In these areas of West Pakistan, every five miles or so is the house of a tribal or religious leader, who maintained a band of retainers to 100 enforce his influence on his poorer neighbours. (Darling, 1932: 103). Most of those tribal and religious leaders were loyal to the ruling masters and hence remained opponents to the cause of independent Pakistan. Majority of them joined Pakistan movement only at the final stage as no other option was left behind to protect their vested interests.
The death of Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan during the early years of Pakistan provided an opportunity to all those tribal, religious and feudal to manipulate the political and constitutional authority. With their involvement in the decision making process, the system emerged has nothing to do with the actual objectives of Pakistan. Rather a clear deviation from the thought of its founding fathers could be seen in the policies adopted at that time. Grievances of injustice and exploitation in East Pakistan had started. The issue of Pakhtoonistan and FATA was also indicating about some sort of disintegration. Unrest among the Baloch tribes and some regional voices in Sindh were also giving negative messages to the ideological thoughts. Cultural issues like Bengali-Urdu controversy and Muhajir-local debates had further pushed the country into troubled waters.
Some other types of polarization had also emerged to make the society divide. A state of opposition between, religious and secular, conservative and liberal, national and provincial, urban and rural, Shias and Sunnis could be seen just after the creation of Pakistan. However, the bifurcation of society into extremists and moderates is relatively a new phenomenon that
Pakistan has been facing since the last few decades.
„Religion has played, and perhaps will continue to play a major role in moulding human consciousness; (Chopra, 1994: 1). The power of religious integration was shown by the Muslims of the subcontinent during Khilafat movement launched to support Ottomans of Turkey in their struggle against Allied Forces during World War One. At that time, majority of the big landlords 101 of West Pakistani areas was supported by the British government because the worst form of exploitation of the Muslim peasants by the hands of the feudal was tolerated by the rulers. These poor Muslim peasants were helpless but „there was the possibility of there being periodic eruptions among their ranks in the name of Islamic solidarity‟ (Sayeed, 1980:8).
Many spiritual leaders being custodian of shrines of well-known Sufis and saints supported by some learned scholars like Allama Iqbal were worried about the decline of Islam in the subcontinent. They were also against the supremacy of Muslim politics by the pro-British landowners. When these pro-British landlords tried to come closer to Jinnah during the decade of
30s, Jinnah was well aware of them and always took them as the retainers of the British. Jinnah‟s fear latter came true when due to the role of such pro-British landowners, Muslim league could not perform well in the elections of 1937.
After these elections, Jinnah reached the conclusion that there would be unity among the followers of Islam even in the political field as well. It was, therefore, he signed an agreement with the pro-British Unionist Party despite Allama Iqbal‟s disliking there to. Jinnah clarifies his intentions in his letter to Iqbal. „I want to pull them [Muslims] up step by step and before making them run I want to be sure they are capable of standing on their own legs.‟ (Dawn, 25 December,
1955). After this development Jinnah succeeded to make Muslim League stronger and on 23rd
March 1940 the biggest achievement up till that time came in the credit of Muslim League and
Jinnah.
After the passage of Lahore Resolution the poor and the middle-class Muslims became convinced that the state based on Islam would improve their standards of life as well. Therefore, they took part in Pakistan Movement with great enthusiasm and the election results of 1945-46 were a sufficient proof of Jinnah‟s wisdom and people‟s unity. As Jinnah had a target to get an 102 independent country for the Muslims of India, thus he focused more on the solidarity of the
Muslims belonging to different ideologies. He attempted to bring together the various ideologies into religious ideology.
It was due to this cause that Jinnah asked a religious organization, Jamiatul Ulema-i-
Islam to set up its organization in Punjab as well. In this way, All India Muslim League was successful to bring the moderate unionists as well as the religious orientations like Peers,
Mashaikh and Ulema under the banner of Islam. It was due to this factor that the masses did vote for all those who associated themselves with Muslim League. The main thought behind this unprecedented support was that „Pakistan would have a government of the Quran. The supporters of the Muslim League constituted the only Islamic community and all…..those who opposed
Pakistan could not truly be called Muslims‟ (Sayeed, 1980:14).
With this specific background when Pakistan came into being in 1947, there was no option left except to implement an Islamic model of government. The British had purposely created strong feeling of ethnicity, communalism and regionalism in Muslim majority areas to bring them under their imperial administrative system. Jinnah had changed the entire game plan of the British by uniting all the regional, ethnic and sectarian groups under the umbrella of religion.
That is why, the manipulators, seculars and opportunistic leaders could not refrain themselves to join Muslim League. Such leaders started confronting the promise of an Islamic state. They became a source of delay in constitution making by giving arguments in favour of a secular Pakistan. After the death of the Quaid-i-Azam, they succeeded to occupy the key positions of decision making. So no real Islamic model of the state, based on democratic norms, social and economic justice, could be established. This led to reemergence of ethnic, regional, 103 sectarian and even separatist groups. The process of disintegration ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of East Pakistan in 1971.
4.1.1 DISINTEGRATION OF EAST PAKISTAN
Being a Muslim majority region East Bengal had played a pivotal role in Pakistan movement. All India Muslim League, which led the entire freedom struggle, was established in
Dacca in 1906. The famous Lahore Resolution was presented by a popular Bengali leader A.K.
Fazal-ul-Haq in 1940. Later on, in 1946 another Bengali leader Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy presented Delhi Resolution in which he proposed Pakistan would consist of Punjab, Sindh,
NWFP, Balochistan and East Bengal. In this way, the Bengalis joined themselves with North
West Muslim majority areas to constitute one state of Pakistan.
Despite a lot of cultural differences, main political leaders of Bengal joined All India
Muslim League and strengthened Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Important Bengali leaders who supported Muslim league for the cause of independence were Nawab Khawaja Habib Ullah of
Dacca, Khawaja Nazimuddin, Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, Tamizuddin Khan, A.K, Fazalul
Haq and M.A.H. Ispahani. All these leaders might have divergent views regarding the internal politics of Bengal but „to a unique degree, therefore, two of the three competing groups in
Muslim Bengal were integrated into an extra and supra-provincial political community whose central institution, the Muslim League, was dominated by Muhammad Ali Jinnah‟ (Wilcox,
1970:121).
Jinnah‟s optimistic approach was thinking consistently that the multiplicities of cultures, classes, groups and factions would all be vanished in the Islamic state of Pakistan if definite form of state machinery were built promptly and meticulously. The technique of erection the state 104 operates speedily was that of Islamic social justice. Earlier the religion had played a major role towards social and political integration of the Muslim community in Pakistan movement.
So, everyone in the newly built Pakistan was expecting social equality and economic wellbeing on Islamic patterns. However, social justice of Islam was perhaps not acceptable to the opportunists who, to secure their own vested interest, had joined Muslim League during the last phase of the freedom movement. Jinnah was well aware of such people particularly in the newly established Pakistan. Looking into their intentions Jinnah had to focus on state building rather than on nation building.
National integration was subjected to pursuing religious thought. Due to this factor the nation had integrated for a limited time period of freedom struggle. The people had firm belief in establishment of a state which was to be governed in accordance with the principles of religion.
They had complete trust in the words and personality of Muhammad Ali Jinnah. They had forgotten all their mutual differences based on social, ethnic and sectarian grounds. They were so excited to live in an independent Islamic state that millions of Muslim migrated towards Pakistan leaving behind all their material interests.
The biggest migration had also traced its inspiration from the migration of the Holy
Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) for the sake of Islam. Under this motivation, they had sacrificed thousands of lives and left their homes for good. Nothing was required except to create a religious order in the newly born country without any unnecessary delay and compromise. They were convinced that their real emancipation lies in the establishment of an Islamic order. They had nothing to do with the nomenclature and diction of the constitution which would be designed in accordance with the Quran and the Sunnah. 105
After death of the Quaid-i-Azam, the spirit of the Pakistan movement gradually faded. In the early days of Pakistan, people of both the wings were so infused with the spirit of national integration that they would have agreed to any system without inquiring. „But this valuable time was lost in quibbling and quarreling. With the passage of time, nationalist feelings began to fade and parochial interests came to dominate‟ (Salik, 1997:36).
The main sources of disintegration were unnecessary delay in the constitution making, stagnation of political process and the status of Islam in Pakistan. The policy makers were wasting their energies in finding that „how much Islam should be sprinkled on the otherwise secular constitution to make it acceptable to all quarters.‟ (Salik, 1997:36). Due to these confusions, the issue of distribution of authority ascended between the two wings. Numerically, the province of East Bengal weighed heavier than the total strength of all units of West Pakistan.
Under the environment of political stagnation, a few leaders from East Pakistan came forward and started making their own way. The founder party Muslim League had become unpopular in East Pakistan due to its poor performance in managing the state affairs. In pre- partition India, the Hindu majority and the British government constituted the main opposition of the Muslim League. In their presence or under their threat, the Muslim League remained united but the situation completely changed after the independence as Muslim League had no formal opposition in and even outside the Assembly.
Being the weakest political position for having no rivals and opposition, the Muslim
League did not find and way forward to cope with the rising political turmoil in East Pakistan.
„As the Muslim League failed to call election, knowing that it had no control over the outcomes in East Pakistan, the civil service entrenched itself further within the political system as a whole, and after 1954, the party largely disintegrated, lacking a popular base‟ (Gould, 2012: 221). 106
Actually, the politics of Muslim League was confined only among the top political elite, the party from which common people were excluded. After the Quaid-i-Azam, Muslim League did lose direct contact with public. This led to increase in the frustration among East Pakistanis and
H.S. Suhrawardy founded his own political party and to attract the masses it was named as
Awami Muslim League. Latter on this party was renamed as Awami League. The word Muslim was dropped from the nomenclature to disassociate it from Muslim League and to attract the masses from the minorities and other communities as well.
In his life the Quaid-i-Azam had warned many times, against the dangers of provincialism and partisanship for East or West Pakistan, but with his death „at the moment when it was most needed to sublimate regional and personal jealousies into a sustained effort for the common good‟ (Williams, 1962:137). This had created a vacuum of real political leadership.
The successors of Jinnah „fixed their attention, not upon the needs of the country, but on competition for power, influence and the spoils of office.‟ (Williams, 1962:136).
H.S. Suhrawardy wanted his share of authority so he joined hands with Pir of Manki
Sharif from NWFP and established Awami League. Their intention was to become an opposition of Muslim League. Initially Liaquat Ali Khan and then Khawaja Nazimuddin tried to minimize their political influence by focusing more on resolving the issues of East Pakistan. Khawaja
Nazimuddin advocated the federal constitution and adoption of Urdu only as a national language to show unity.
The language controversy had its roots in 1948, when the Quaid-i-Azam on his visit to
East Pakistan had delivered a speech at a public meeting at Dacca on March 21, 1948. He said
“without one state language, no nation can remain tied up solidly together and function. Look at the history of other countries. Therefore, so far as the state language is concerned, Pakistan‟s 107 language shall be Urdu.‟ (Jinnah 1989: 183). In this speech, Jinnah has clearly mentioned that
Bengali might be the language of this province but the decision would be made by elected representatives of the people of Bengal. At various occasions, Jinnah asked the people to consolidate the Muslim League party to build up a glorious Pakistan.
Due to this confidence, the leaders of Muslim League from East Pakistan like
Nazimuddin and Nurul Amin were interested to make Urdu as national language. In 1951
Khawaja Nazimuddin –The Prime Minister- resolved to make Urdu as a national language. The statement was severely criticized by the leaders of East Pakistan. In February 1952, the students of Dacca came out with their demand for the protection of their language and culture.
Unfortunately, the issue was mishandled by the provincial government and as a result of police firing seven students were died while more than 20 injured. Many others were arrested also.
Consequently, Khawaja Nazimuddin and Nurul Amin, two weak leaders of the Muslim League party in East Pakistan, became unpopular there.
Taking the advantage of the situation leaders like H.S. Suhrawardy not only strengthened his Awami League but also propagated a specific ideology and demanded for joint electorates and secular politics to win the sympathies of non-Muslims of East Pakistan. He also demanded that Islam in Pakistan should be thought in wider, confederal terms. Khawaja Nazimuddin‟s weak personality and Nurul Amin‟s feeble administration had made Muslim League more defenseless and exposed than ever before and the political challengers like Suhrawardy, A.K.
Fazalul Haq and Bhashani posed a serious political threat. They started demanding complete provincial autonomy.
At the same time, situation became very crucial in the Punjab when frustrated religious people due to neglect of their religious expectations, started Khatam-i-Nabuwat movement 108 against Qadiyanis and Martial law was to be imposed in Lahore in 1953. After a few months
Khawaja Nazimuddin was dismissed as the Prime Minister and was succeeded by another East
Pakistani Muhammad Ali Bogra.
Muhammad Ali Bogra at the time of his appointment was Pakistan‟s ambassador to
United States and had no significant political base. He could not counter the political thrust by the prominent East Pakistani leaders, Suhrawardy, Fazalul Haq and Bhashani. In the meantime, elections of the Provincial Assemblies were held in 1954. In these elections Suhrawardy, Fazalul
Haq and Bhashani made a joint front against Muslim League. In spite of government party,
Muslim League could win only 10 seats against 212 of United Front in the house of 309. Nurul
Amin, the sitting chief minister was overpowered by a contender of no fame. Resultantly United
Front came in power is East Pakistan. However, its ministry was soon dismissed by Governor
General Ghulam Muhammad after Fazalul Haq‟s controversial speech.
The politics that had its roots in the people was not allowed to flourish in Pakistan in general and in East Pakistan in particular. At that time, the whole power game was in the hands of bureaucrats who might have been talented but had nothing to do with the ideology of the
Pakistan movement. Their secular outlook took the country away from the pursuance of religious thought which led to the tendency of disintegration among the people.
In West Pakistan, political leaders particularly the landlords with the help of religio- political leaders started the propaganda against East Pakistanis with the idea that Bengali Muslim leaders were not completely loyal to Pakistan. Due to their demand of complete provincial autonomy, Bengali as national language, promotion of Tagore as a national poet and cultural influences form Hindu ideas, they were viewed as „inferior breed who needed to be purified even 109 more rigorously. This is a monolithic and an unrealistic view of Islam‟ (Syeed, 1980: 67). The matter of contention between East and West Pakistan was that of absentee landlord ship.
During Pakistan movement the Quaid-i-Azam had promised to abolish absentee landlordism in Pakistan. While delivering his address to All India Muslim League in 1943, he had warned the landlords and capitalists. „Here I should like to give a warning to the landlords and the capitalists who flourished at our expense by a system which is so vicious, which is so wicked and which make them so selfish that it is difficult to reason with them. The exploitation of the masses has gone into their blood. They have forgotten the message of Islam‟ (Ahmed,
1960: 507).
This absentee landlordism was abolished in East Pakistan. Most of the Bengali leaders belonged to middle class. In the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, the majority of the members from West Pakistan were landlords, whereas most of the representatives from East
Pakistan were lawyers and retired teachers. It was due to this factor when members of the assembly from East Pakistan tried to pass a bill which might have contributed a role to eliminating absentee landlordism from West Pakistan, the landlords of West Pakistan made this attempt unsuccessful. „They acquired the services of the religio-political leaders to save their land-holdings by misinterpreting the teachings of Islam‟ (Shehab,1990: 217). Ignoring the teachings of Islam, those religio-political leaders tried to prove that absentee landlordism is not contradictory to the teachings of Islam.
„Religion of Islam was a potential force to bind the nation but nobody even the upholders of the Islamic system were honest about the enforcement of the Islamic system‟ (Shehab,1990:
217). The implementation of Islamic system would have the capacity to minimize the grievances between different segments of the society. However, the attempts to manipulate the Islamic 110 thought and religious ideology by the leaders and the constitution makers proved counterproductive and the people in both the wings particularly in East Pakistan became annoyed with any religious slogan.
When the provincial government of Fazalul Haq was dissolved by the central government, despite its representative position, „The Bengalis had more reason to suspect that they had not won Pakistan when the subcontinent was divided, but rather had fallen under another form of colonialism‟ (Ziring, 1980: 49). After such thinking the cultural issues were transformed into a political movement and the voices of complete independence were heard throughout the East Pakistan.
„The intelligence agencies were totally ignorant of the alienation of the people of East
Pakistan that had been growing for a long time‟ (Devasher, 2018: xxi). The bureaucrat rulers of
Pakistan used all their “talent” and tactics to keep the state intact but nobody tried to understand the socio-political problems which were increasing day by day. „Furthermore, when the Bengalis grievances grew over what the Bengali Muslims regarded as inequities and injustice, they perceived West Pakistani politicians as offering them not justice and redress of their grievances but lectures on Islamic solidarity‟ (Jawed,1999: 33).
Islam had been the central point and a binding force throughout freedom movement. The
Bengali Muslims despite their secular tendencies had adopted and supported the Islamic ideology with the hope that it would help them in resolving all their issues related to social, economic, political and cultural interests. Therefore, they fully supported the Quaid-i-Azam in his struggle to create an Islamic state. Although the interpretation of Islamic state in both the wings of
Pakistan was totally different yet both were convinced that the new state would provide them full protection from all forms of exploitation in the country. 111
They had complete and unshakeable trust in Jinnah‟s personality. This trust remained intact unless Jinnah died in 1948 and his successors „failed miserably in promoting the corporate
Pakistani design or in adapting Islam‟ (Ali,1992: 70). The political leaders, who themselves were deeply divided, were trying to satisfy the people by referring to the feelings of Islamic brotherhood. Their strive was only for personal interests and political power. „The Bengalis, therefore, believed that Islam was being used by the insecure and unfair governments in pre- divided Pakistan to deceive the people of both the former East Pakistan and West Pakistan‟
(Jawed,1999: 33).
After the Quaid‟s death and till the dismemberment of East Pakistan, there emerged a new political leadership, who were not ready to trust any discourse of Islam „not only as a guide to political action but also as a basis of national identity.‟ (Jawed,1999: 34). When Ayub Khan came into power as a result of military coup in October 1958, he used the term “revolution” for his act of take over. Majority of the masses of both wings welcomed Ayub‟s takeover. „Ayub was regarded as the last hope for a united Pakistan.‟ (Choudhary, 1988: 28).
The people had full confidence in the institution of armed forces that they were capable enough of restoring Pakistan‟s political identity. The religious outlook of Pakistan movement placed the armed forces of Pakistan closer to the early armies of Muslims which had always fought for the sake of Islam and not for worldly gains. „It is interesting to note that while the motivation and ideals of the Pakistan armed forces remained Islamic, their actual organization and orientation, after partition, stuck to the British pattern‟ (Salik, 1997: 65). Such paradox is not specific with the armed forces as the whole state system reflected identical dichotomy.
After take over Ayub Khan clarified his position that „the Army entered politics with great reluctance but with the fullest conviction that there was no alternative to it except the 112 disintegration and complete ruination of the country‟ (Shehab, 1990: 121). The acceptance and excitement of the people, over Ayub‟s take over; can be judged by the response of an overseas
Pakistani. This story had been cited by L.F. Rushbrook William, Eastern Services Director with
BBC and member of the Editorial staff of The Times, in his book “The State of Pakistan”. “A young Pakistani on a course England, happened to be staying with us….. When he heard on the radio the announcement about President Iskander Mirza‟s departure, he jumped from his chair in his excitement ran across the drawing room; and embraced me, saying, „now, you will see that things will go right.” (Williams,1962: 184)
Ayub Khan took many initiatives to make his people realize that his „revolution‟ would bring the country on right track. Strict action was taken against corrupt and inefficient government officials. Many were dismissed from the services while others were retired compulsory or demoted. The corrupt politicians were also disqualified under PODO and EBDO.
Under these orders more than 5000 politicians were debarred from taking part in politics. In
1961, he introduced the Family Laws Ordinance and claimed to improve the status of women in society. This ordinance was bitterly opposed by the religious leaders.
Federal Capital was shifted from Karachi to a new constructed city Islamabad near
Rawalpindi. Economic reforms were introduced in the form of second five-year plan. Land reforms were also announced. In the electoral process Ayub Khan introduced a unique local government system under the title of Basic Democracy (BD). The presidential form of government had been introduced through the Constitution of 1962. He also defended the country against Indian aggression in 1965 war.
In spite of all such policy measures Ayub Khan remained unsuccessful in winning support and sympathies of the people of East Pakistan. The people of East Pakistan had accepted 113
Ayub‟s coup halfheartedly because of Ayub‟s West Pakistan character and his ideological predisposition about Bengalis. Ayub had the opportunity to serve in East Pakistan after the independence. Ayub wrote a note during political crises in 1954. In that note, his remarks about the Bengalis were „they have been and still are under considerable Hindu cultural and linguistic influence. As such they have all the inhibitions of downtrodden races and have not yet found it possible to adjust psychologically to the requirements of the new-born freedom. Their popular complexes, exclusiveness, suspicion and a sort of defensive aggressiveness probably from this historical background‟ (Khan,1967: 187).
„Later on when he became President, his fundamental approach and basic policies towards East Pakistan were influenced by the early images‟ (Sayeed,1980: 75). The frustration of the Bengalis reached its peak when Miss Fatima Jinnah, sister of the founder of Pakistan and was acknowledged as “Madar-i-Millat” (the mother of the nation), could not succeed in the presidential elections against Ayub Khan. Ayub was alleged of doing malpractices and rigging in these elections.
India tried to take full advantage of Pakistan‟s internal situation and their parliament passed the integration bill and converted the state of Jammu and Kashmir into a province of the
Indian union. This development eventually led to 1965 Indo-Pakistan war. „To defend the whole of East Pakistan, there were deployed only two divisions of the Pakistan Army. This caused many in East Pakistan to think that their security was of no importance to the center‟
(Ahmad,1998: 286). Making the frustration of Bengalis a slogan, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the successor of H.S. Suhrawardy demanded that two separate economic systems would be adopted for both the wings of the country. Later on, he presented his six points in 1966 which was basically a demand for more autonomy [Appendix E]. 114
Ayub responded to announce the formula of a programme for the secession in the disguise of autonomy. During that time, Indian media widely publicized Mujib‟s formula and incited the people of East Pakistan to join secessionists. The political parties of West-Pakistan rejected this formula. Sheikh Mujib declared that these points can be negotiated but „Mujib and thirty-four of his associates were accused of conspiring with India and, more incredulously with the United States, to bring about the secession of East Pakistan‟ (Jalal, 1991:307). Mujib‟s arrest and trial made him more popular among Bengalis.
Mujib also blamed that East Pakistan was being robbed in order to feed West Pakistan.
He had demanded a nationwide referendum on six points. „The charter of demands containing the six points included the reorganization of the state of Pakistan in line with the Lahore
Resolution of March 23, 1940, which envisaged Pakistan as a loose confederation of totally autonomous states‟ (Ali,1992: 44).
After six points Mujib was arrested and released many times. Each time his arrest made him a strong Bengali nationalist leader. After his arrest in Agartala conspiracy case, mass protest movement was started in East Pakistan and Ayub Khan had to withdraw the case but the damage had been done. A few years ago, H.S. Suhrawardy had also challenged Pakistan ideology with the argument that it „would keep alive within Pakistan the divisive communal emotions by which the subcontinent was riven before the achievement of independence.‟ (Suhrawardy, 1957: 425).
Ayub Khan‟s strategy to consolidate the nation by combining “ideology and economic development aided by the West” (Haqani, 2005: 39), had warped in case of East Pakistan. Sheikh
Mujib‟s six points in East Pakistan while in West Pakistan Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‟s resignation, after Ayub signed Tashkent Agreement with India in 1966 where no mention of Pakistan‟s 115 demand for a plebiscite in Kashmir was made, brought the masses on roads. After violent demonstrations against his government, Ayub preferred to step down in 1969.
General Yahya Khan, then Army Chief abrogated the Constitution of 1962 and imposed martial law also became president and chief martial law administrator. The Bengalis once again felt deprivation when „instead of transferring power to the Speaker of the National Assembly, a
Bengali, as required by his own Constitution of 1962, Ayub Khan returned the country to martial law‟ (Haqani, 2005: 50).
Unlike his predecessor, Yahya Khan announced to hold election, open to all political stakeholders. Yahiya Khan was hopeful that political parties would maintain “The integrity of
Pakistan and glory of Islam” (Haqani, 2005:53) and promised to leave after elections. Yahya
Khan‟s martial law was not very much strict as he permitted political parties and media to function normally if not freely. To win the confidence of East Pakistanis, Yahya took many initiatives like dissolution of one unit, East Pakistan‟s representation in the assembly in accordance with their numerical strength and elections on the principles of adult franchise system normally known as one man one vote.
He also appealed to the members of the civil society to support him in his endeavor to integrate the nation. The information ministry headed by General Sher Ali extensively propagated Islamic ideology to convey the possibility of Pakistan and Islam in danger. When on the occasion of defense day, the message of the president was delivered, it reflected to religious implications. „They sounded more like high priests than solidness when they urged the men to re-dedicate themselves to the sacred cause of ensuring the security, solidarity and integrity of the country, and its ideology‟ (Siddiqui,1996: 163). Yahya Khan appreciated Sher Ali for his 116 attempts to promote Islamic ideology. In Yahya‟s view „it was no crime to preach Islam. Wasn‟t it the duty of every Muslim -particularly one in authority- to do so‟ (Siddiqui,1996: 167).
Election campaign started in January 1970. In East Pakistan Awami League under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, appealed to the masses on the basis of six points while in
West, Pakistan People‟s Party (PPP) headed by Zulifqar Ali Bhutto sought votes with the slogan of “Roti, Kapra aur Makan” (food, clothing and shelter), in the name of Islamic socialism.
Jamaat-i-Islami as a religio-political party campaigned for the protection of Islamic ideology.
Jamaat-i-Islami described Awami League as a secular party and Peoples Party as a party of socialists. It also declared both not in favor of the Islamic thought.
Some other religious leaders, who disagreed with JI‟s interpretation of Islam, formed their own political parties. JUI and JUP were among those which emerged during this election campaign. Intensified political polarization could be observed between the two wings of
Pakistan. The election results clearly brought out this polarization. Awami League won 160 seats out of 162 and PPP got 81 seats out of 138. Rest of the seats went to all other political parties.
Awami League got clear majority not only in East Pakistan but also in overall National
Assembly. PPP emerged as majority party of West Pakistan.
The point of concern for the nation was that neither of the two could win a single seat beyond their respective constituency. The country had politically divided as a result of these first general elections. After the election results, both the parties hardened their stands. “Mujib said that the Six Points were no longer negotiable.” (Mujib,1972: 36). Bhutto also responded that nothing could move without his support and cooperation. „Both Mujib and Bhutto were highly volatile and ambitious persons. Both of them knew how to play upon the people‟s raw sentiments and drive political capital out of it‟ (Salik, 1997:109). 117
Unfortunately, due to the uncompromising attitude of the politician the session of the
National Assembly could never be convened. This delay in the transfer of power to the chosen representatives of the masses resulted in a call for strike by Mujib. The whole administration of
East Pakistan became paralyzed and there erupted a civil war. Immediately Mujib was arrested on the charge of treason and brought to West Pakistan. An army crackdown had started against
Awami League.
As a reaction to this, the East Bengal regiment of Pakistan army revolted. Bengali youth, known as “Mukti Bahini” (the freedom-fighters), trained by anti-Pakistan elements also made attacks on Pak-Army. India took full advantage of this civil war and invaded East Pakistan on
December 7, 1971. The Pakistan army surrendered on December 16, 1971 before Indian command and East Pakistan became an independent and sovereign state of Bangladesh. „The disintegration of Pakistan was not an unexpected phenomenon….. the alienation of the Bengalis from the Pakistani political system started almost immediately after independence and was exacerbated during Ayub period‟ (Jahan, 1972,2019: 185).
The dismemberment of East Pakistan resulting in Bangladesh was the most tragic event in Pakistan‟s history. After this humiliating defeat at the hands of traditional opponent, Pakistan was reduced to one-half. Its geo-political role had also changed in the region. The country created by the Quaid-i-Azam on August 14, 1947 no more existed on December 16, 1971.
Obviously, it was not the failure of religious thought which emphasized on equality and social justice but it was the failure of political system which was not based on Islamic thought.
„Repeated references about the need for Islamic brotherhood in the face of Indian machinations could not alter a course which in 1971 led to civil war and from there to the formation of the independent People‟s Republic of Bangladesh‟ (Ziring,1980: 49). 118
Religious thoughts were based on justice and sacrifice. Without this, national integration would never be possible. The West Pakistan could not do justice while the East Pakistan was lacking the feelings of sacrifice. East Pakistanis took governmental policies as deliberate effort to keep East Pakistan backward and to maintain West Pakistan‟s supremacy. Religion could have integrated diverse societies only if it would have been followed and implemented with letter and spirit. „Objectively speaking, although the West Pakistani leadership was certainly to blame, the will to sustain a united Pakistan was also sadly lacking in East Pakistan, but this was most certainly not an inherent feeling. It was a result of the prevalent conditions‟ (Ahmad,1998: 287).
4.2 ETHNICITY AND SUB-NATIONALISM IN PAKISTAN
Although social and cultural disgrace, political neglect and economic exploitation were the reasons behind the creation of Pakistan yet the revival of Islamic state and society too were very strong factors behind its inception. Religion played a role in uniting the Muslims of the subcontinent irrespective of their cultural, ethnic, regional and sectarian diversities. They had a dream to establish such a state and society where justice and fair play would be meant in Islamic context. They were expecting the spirit of early Caliphate of Islam in this newly established
Muslim state. For this very reason, they struggled and sacrificed for Pakistan.
Muslim League under the leadership of Jinnah was ready to adopt a model which could base itself on justice and fair play and make Pakistan an Islamic welfare state. The ideology of the whole nation was to „ascertain and adopt eternal principles and practice from the history of
Islam which generate inspiration and moral courage to solve our problems‟ (Ahmad,1979: 128).
Islamic religious thought, based on Islamic principles in totality and being selective or partial implementation had not been appreciated to establish an Islamic state and society. During 119 the Pakistan movement, the basis of Muslim nationalism was Islamic ideology. Soon after the creation of Pakistan a vacuum was created due to death of the Quaid-i-Azam and an unnecessary delay in the implementation of constitution.
The ruling elites, the landlords, civil and military bureaucrats were making efforts, consciously or subconsciously to have maximum authority by applying all means fair or otherwise to their efforts. They wanted to make a secular constitution by partially drawing on the essence of Islam to make it acceptable to all quarters of the society.
The expectations of the people were so high due to the image created during the Pakistan movement as they demanded instant measures to fulfill the promises made at that time. They started complaining of suffering, poverty, sickness and sorrows of their respective regions. They were not content with the prevailing socio-economic and political conditions of the country. The feeling of suppression and exploitation was rising and the nationalism based on religious thought was fragmented into a number of nationalisms. „The unity demonstrated prior to August 1947 could not be sustained. The regions and provinces of Pakistan sought to retain their individuality, and although joined together in a common faith, they insisted upon highlighting their more exclusive cultural characteristics‟ (Ziring, 1980:45).
The early managers of the state, who belonged to the Muslim League party, could not employ productive efforts to counter these ethnic and sub-national inclinations. Due to these organic thoughts, toughness between the center and constituting units emerged. With the passage of time, cultural issues were highly politicized by the regional parties. Such situation posed a serious threat to the national integration. Instead of developing understanding of such issues, the government tried to neutralize the emotions by shifting its support from one political party to another. 120
This manipulation polarized the whole structure and various kinds of problems had emerged. The ethnicity and sub-nationalism in Bengal resulted in the dismemberment of East
Pakistan and the creation of independent Bangladesh. The process of formation of ethnic and sub-national ideologies has not ended in rest of the Pakistan despite an irreparable loss of East
Pakistan. The counter ideologies in Balochistan, NWFP, Sindh and in the tribal areas have posed a serious threat to the existence of Pakistan.
4.2.1 ETHNICITY AND SUB-NATIONALISM IN BALOCHISTAN
Area wise Balochistan is the biggest province of Pakistan but with reference to population it is the smallest one. There prevails a lot of diversity ethnically in Balochistan as many of the Baloch tribes are living in other parts of the country like Karachi and Punjab on the other hand Pakhtoon tribes are also living in Balochistan. Major languages are Balochi, Brahvi and Pushtu. So within Baloch nationalism there are tendencies of further sub-nationalisms in
Balochistan.
Politically, most of the areas of Balochistan are under tribal influence and economically they are underdeveloped. Majority of the population of Balochistan is extremely poor but their tribal chiefs are financially well-off. The Balochi and Brahvi areas are under the influence of tribal chiefs while the Pakhtoon areas are conservative and the influence of religious parties like
JUI is very strong.
In Pakistani political culture, generally a few personalities dominate the political scene.
Normal political behavior of the people of Pakistan depends upon their leaders. This trend in the tribal society of Balochistan is stronger than those of elsewhere. This can be concluded in case of
Balochistan where most of the people are neither nationalistic nor ideological but relatively tribal in their socio-political decisions. During the Pakistan movement, only a few leaders cold join the 121
Quaid-i-Azam at an early stage. However, when the Quaid-i-Azam paid personal attention to
Balochistan and visited this area, a few more people from the urban areas joined him. Mostly, these were the tribal leaders who extended their support for independent Pakistan and the masses just followed.
Religious sentiments of the masses of Balochistan were not as strong as they were among the rest of the Muslims of the subcontinent towards the creation of an Islamic state. However, they supported the cause as all they belonged to the same community and were happy to be the part of a Muslim dominated state. Hindus attitude was obviously before them so they preferred a
Muslim state rather becoming subservient to non-Muslims. When under June 3rd plan the Shahi
Jirga and members of the Quetta municipality were required to decide about the future of
Balochistan, they met and unanimously decided to join a new Constituent Assembly of Pakistan.
Balochistan was not given the status of a complete province till LFO of General Yahya
Khan in 1970. Initially, it was the part of federation as a state and then in 1955 it was merged into One Unit. When during the period of Yahya Khan, One Unit was dissolved; Balochistan was given the status of full province. During 1970-71 elections, NAP won more seats than JUI. NAP was dominated by Baloch leaders while JUI was under the influence of Pakhtoon conservative candidates.
After dismemberment of East Pakistan in 1971, Mr. Z.A. Bhutto became the ruler of left over Pakistan. Bhutto‟s PPP had not performed well in 1970 elections in Balochistan so the provincial government was formed by NAP and other regional parties. Bhutto had the information that some powers were trying to create a Greater Azad Balochistan consisted of “the
Balochistan of Pakistan, Iran and small strip of another country.” (Bhutto, 1977: 42) 122
“So he informed the government [of the province] through a letter and directed to put down this movement.” (White paper on Balochistan, 1974: 10). However, the provincial government‟s performance in this regard was not up to the expectations of Mr. Bhutto.
Therefore, he removed the Governor, Mir. Ghous Baksh Bizenjo and dismissed the Chief
Minister Sardar Ataullah Khan Mengal on February 14, 1973 and appointed Nawab Akbar Bugti as new Governor of Balochistan. The result of this was an armed struggle by the tribal people and a guerrilla war began. „The Baloch discontent was also artificially stimulated by the tribal sardars to protect their feudal privileges by advocating direct identification with the nationalist cause‟. (Mahmood,n.d:343)
Although Balochistan is underdeveloped yet it is rich in mineral resources like coal, iron, gas and many others. On the other hand, its geographical importance is utmost essential for
Pakistan‟s stability and integrity. That is why, when Khan of Kalat tried to declare the independence in 1947, Pakistan rejected it and annexed it through military action. Brother of
Khan was arrested when he revolted against Pakistan in 1950. Again in 1958 just before Ayub
Khan took over, army action was taken against Zehri tribes and few were hanged on treason charges. (Harrison ,1981: 28).
This was third time when Mr. Bhutto decided to check Baloch insurgency by army action. „It is in the nature of the nation-state that it regards demands for regional and ethnic autonomy as provincialism, tribalism and narrow nationalism. The nation-state recognizes only one form of nationalism as legitimate and that is the nationalism of the state itself.‟
(Khan,2005:118-119). As Pakistan‟s nationalism based on religious thought, there was no space for counter-ideologies. „In the military action of 1973, more than three thousand army men and more than five thousand Baloch guerillas were killed‟ (Sayeed, 1980: 118) 123
It was very difficult to handle the issue of Balochistan because its society was based on local and tribal interest. It was very difficult if not impossible to create equilibrium between the interest of underdeveloped people and those of their tribal chiefs particularly when most of the area of the province was not fully under the authority of state. Whenever the state tried to bring these areas under their control, a severe resistance was faced. In retaliation to military actions,
Balochistan‟s youth particularly BSO started violent activities against settlers. The situation remained tense during the period of Bhutto. After Zia took over, the measures were taken to normalize the situation. General Zia tried to attract the Baloch nationalists through his emphasis on Islam but they had little attraction to this.
After the fall of Soviet Union (USSR) in Afghanistan, the Baloch nationalists remained dormant. After General Musharraf‟s military coup in 1999 and his efforts to explore oil and gas in Balochistan to manage country‟s poor economy, „have once again radicalized the nationalists in Balochistan‟ (Khan,2005: 124) With the assistance of some anti-Pakistan forces the Baloch nationalists became active once again. A few of their leaders are sitting abroad and patronizing a separatist organization called BLA. The situation became more aggravated with the killing of
Nawab Akbar Bughti by law enforcement agencies. Zardari and Nawaz Sharif regimes too remained unsuccessful in convincing the Baloch ethnic and sub-national groups to become the believers in ideological nationalism which is based on Islam.
4.2.2 ETHNICITY AND SUB-NATIONALISM IN PAKHTOON AREAS
The quantum of ethnic and sub-national feelings in Pakhtoon areas is comparatively low, perhaps, due to the fact that they have been shareholders in the power structure of the country.
They have always been very strong in the civil and military bureaucracy of Pakistan. Millions of
Pakhtoon population has been residing on both sides of Durand Line (Pak-Afghan border) since 124 centuries. The Pakistani territory along the border is called FATA while towards the east of
FATA is located the province of Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KPK) which was previously called
North West Frontier Province (NWFP).
A sizable Pakhtoon population is residing in Balochistan and Karachi as well. Majority of the Pakhtoons is conservative in terms of their religious thinking. An interesting feature of this community is that a secular movement Khudai Khidmatgar, under the leadership of Khan Abdul
Ghafar Khan (Bacha Khan), had also emerged during the colonial period. In spite of Bacha
Khan‟s pro-congress and secular popularity, the people of NWFP decided in favour of Muslim
League in elections of 1946 and later on, in favour of Pakistan through a referendum conducted by the British in 1947 under June 3rd Plan.
There were multiple reasons behind Pakhtoon‟s support for Pakistan. Major reason was the Islamic ideology. Although Bacha Khan and his brother Dr, Khan Sahib were striving for the success of pro-congress leaders in NWFP and in tribal areas the Pakhtoon Muslim majority was not ready to come under the influence of Hindus. That is why, when Nehru visited these areas with the assistance of Khan Brothers in 1946, he was greeted with black flags and anti-congress slogans and there were fears for his life. „Dr. Khan Saheb and other Ministers who had come to receive Jawaharlal were themselves under police protection and proved completely ineffective‟
(Azad,1959: 171). The Muslim League appealed to the people for Islamic unity, whereas the strategy of congress was based on ethnic feelings. Religious leaders of the region like Pir of
Manki Sharif and Pir of Zakori Sharif also supported Muslim League and then in the referendum of 1947.Without their support, the Muslim League would not have been able to succeed.
At that time, religious feelings had dominated over ethnic feelings. After this, Khan
Brothers came up with the idea of independent Pakhtunistan. However, soon they realized their 125 failure and “declared that their demand for Pakhtunistan did not mean an independent state but an autonomous province within Pakistan, where Pakhtoons would have the freedom to live their life according to their social and cultural norms, without the domination of Punjabis.” (Khan,
2005: 98).
However, after the separation of East Pakistan the demand became alive again when
Ajmal Khan Khatak, the secretary general of NAP “demanded that a separate and independent state of Pakhtunistan on the model of Bangladesh be established.” (Ahmad, 1975:85). This might be considered as the frustration of NAP when it remained unsuccessful in the provincial elections of 1971 with their ethnic appeal when JUI obtained more seats with their Islamic appeal.
The inclination of Pakhtoons was clearly towards the parties which came up with ideological nationalism. In 1970-71 election PML and JUI got maximum seats. The situation remained almost similar to that seen in 1977 elections. The politics of Pakhtoons has always been dominated by the nationalist parties like PML, PPP and PTI against the sub-nationalists like
NAP or ANP. Beside these main stream political parties the politics of this province is also influenced by the religio-political parties like JUI and JI in the form of MMA. It is one of the ethnic demands of Pakhtoons which has been accepted by Zardari government of PPP in the form of changing the name of their province NWFP with KPK. The acceptance of this demand is considered as the shield of national integration of Pakistan.
Since 2014 a new Pakhtoon nationalist movement by the name of “Pashtun Tahafuz
(Protection) Movement” (PTM) has gaining momentum in the various parts of KPK and
Balochistan particularly, in tribal areas of Pakistan. This movement has succeeded to win two seats of National Assembly in the general elections of 2018. They are organizing extensive propaganda campaigns, mostly through social media, against Pakistani institutions particularly, 126 against armed forces. PTM openly criticizes the Pakistan Army and accuses the Pakistani State of violating the basic human rights of Pashtuns. (Siddiqui,2019. www.aljazeera.com). This might become a potential threat to the national integration in Pakistan.
4.2.3 ETHNICITY AND SUB-NATIONALISM IN SINDH
Sindh is one of the most important provinces of Pakistan due to its historical, geographical, economic and political perspective. Historically, Pakistan‟s national history starts from Sindh because of Muhammad Bin Qasim‟s arrival here in 712 AD. By this reference, Sindh is also known as “Bab-ul-Islam.” Geographically, it is located towards the south of the country along the costal line of Arabian Sea, which is the most important sea and regarded as warm waters. Karachi is the main city of Sindh as well as of the country; an economic hub and the only developed sea port of Pakistan.
Politically, Karachi became the first Federal Capital of the state as well as most of the heads of state and government, including Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan, Bhutto, Benazir, Zardari,
Mamnoon Hussain, and Dr. Arif Alvi all who belonged to this province. Ethnically, Sindh has been divided into two main categories. Urban Sindh like Karachi and Hyderabad and rural Sindh consisted of interior regions. The urban Sindh is dominated by Urdu speaking Muhajirs
(migrants) and is most developed while the rural Sindh is dominated by Wadairas (feudal lords) but suffering from underdevelopment. „In no other region of Pakistan is the gulf between urban richness and rural poverty as widespread as it is in Sindh.‟ (Khan, 2005: 127).
The people of Sindh were on the forefront during the Pakistan movement. The Quaid-i-
Azam himself was a Sindhi by birth. Sindh Muslim League was very much organized and showed more enthusiasm during the Pakistan movement than their counterparts. Sindh Assembly unanimously decided to be the part of Pakistan when it had to make a decision about their future 127 under June 3rd plan in 1947. Spiritual leaders of Sindh like Pir Ghulam Mujaddid Sarhandi had played very important role in convincing Sindhi people to extend their favour for an independent country. The people of Sindh too have supported the cause of Pakistan under the influence of religious ideology. The feelings of ethnic and sub-nationalism, though very weak, emerged after the independence because of the deviation from the creation of a just and fair state system according to the lines of religion.
The roots of ethnic awareness lie in Muslim League‟s campaign for the separation of
Sindh form Bombay presidency. This demand was accommodated under the Government of
India Act 1935. Since then some of the Sindhi leaders like Allah Bakhsh Soomro had stuck to
Sindh nationalist ideology. He remained against the Pakistan movement and also continued to convince other leaders like Ayub Khuhro and G.M. Syed not to support of Pakistan with a warning “you will have to face the Punjabi bureaucracy and soldiery, after Pakistan has come into being.” (Syed,1995: 46). It was perhaps due to such dispositions that ideology of some
Sindhi political leaders changed soon after the creation of Pakistan. Jinnah‟s relations with First
Chief Minister of Sindh , Muhammad Ayub Khuhro, deteriorated and „ Ayub Khuhro blatantly defied Jinnah and refused to call him Quaid-i-Azam‟ (Chavan, 2006: 288).
During Pakistan movement the Muslims particularly focused religious identity because of the fear of non-Muslim rule “But quickly after independence, regional, ethnic and linguistic characteristics that lay resting among the Muslims were bound to surface.” (Khan,2005: 137).
The creation of the One Unit in 1955 was the point when Sindhis felt that their identity might not be preserved in the process. The nationalist leaders like G. M. Syed demanded “self- determination and implied independence of Sindh.”(Bhutto,1969: 188). Most of Sindhis viewed the One Unit scheme in favour of Punjab and as an attempt to establish only Punjab‟s domination 128 over other provinces. Promotion of Urdu language in the urban areas particularly in Karachi was also seen as an effort to do away with Sindhi identity‟ (Ahmad,1998: 74).
Sindhis are more attached to the native language than any other regional languages of
Pakistan. In 1958 when Sindhi was replaced by Urdu as a medium of instruction in Karachi particularly, the Sindhi ethnic groups opposed this change unequivocally. Their ethnic feelings further got reinforced when at the time of construction of Kotri Barrage and then Guddu Barrage lands were allotted to non-Sindhis as well. “From 1958 to 1963, 75 percent of the allottees were non-sindhi.” (Syed,1995:146).
Another point related to ethnicity and sub-nationalism with reference to Sindh is the influx of millions of refuges in Sindh. The language of the most of the migrants, settled in Sindh, was Urdu and they were relatively more qualified and skilled than native Sindhis. They might be in better position to get jobs in government departments. The Sindhi nationalists had more sympathy for the Hindu community of Sindh as they shared a common language and culture while the migrants share a religious belief only and nothing else.
Sindhi-Muhajir ethnic feelings kept on increasing till the time of Mr. Bhutto in 1971.
Bhutto regime made conscious efforts to minimize the Sindhi grievances by increasing their quota in civil services. The Sindhi sub-national sentiments rose once again when Bhutto was hanged in a doubtful trial during the military rule of Zia-ul-Haq. Zia‟s government is alleged to support Muhjirs to counter Sindhi nationalists.
APMSO was formed in 1978 which was soon converted into MQM. Since then Muhajirs and Sindhis have been locked in bloody ferocity against each other. With the passage of time,
MQM had emerged as a competitor to PPP and Sindhi nationalists in the national politics. When
Benazir Bhutto came into power in 1988, after Zia‟s death, PPP and MQM did reach a 129 compromise deal. After 1990 elections Nawaz Sharif came into power, an army action was also launched against MQM. The second government of PPP also took strong action against MQM in
1995.
During Musharraf regime again MQM became strong. To a greater extent the establishment remained successful in curbing the feelings of ethnicity and sub-nationalism in
Sindh. This was done to bifurcate Sindhi in urban and rural classes. The demand of Sindhu Desh by G.M. Syed and the demand of Jinnah Pur by MQM is not a matter of serious concern for the establishment of Pakistan.
A determination in the ethnic and sub-national tendencies of Sindhi is reflected in
„Pakistan Khape‟ (long live Pakistan) doctrine of PPP and conversion of Muhajir Qaumi
Movement into Mutahida Qaumi Movement is a positive indicator towards national integration.
However, these ideologies are being projected by the parties which have a secular outlook and not an Islamic perspective. Since the following of any secular ideology is mostly unpredictable, such ideology can become a potential threat for national integration, any time. As the suspicions became reality when, on 22 August 2016, the founder leader of MQM, Altaf Hussain, delivered telephonically, inciting speech against the security institutions of Pakistan and consequently faced a complete ban on all type of communication in Pakistan.
130
References
Ahmad, Jamilud Din. (1960). “Speeches and Writings of Mr. Jinnah” Lahore: Sheikh
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134
Chapter No. 05
INVOLVEMENT OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES TO
STIMULATE DISINTEGRATION IN PAKISTAN
The world remained surprised when the first ideological state had emerged on the map of the world on August 14, 1947 under the leadership of a nationalist Muslim leader Muhammad
Ali Jinnah. “Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three” (Wolpert,1995: preface). The creation of Pakistan was a setback for all the adversaries like west, Hindus and even for a few Muslim countries. Therefore, the journey of instability, ethnicity, betrayals, provincialism, sectarianism and narrow nationalism had begun almost immediately. The conspiracy theories revolved around India, America, Russia and Israel from among the non-Muslim world and from the Muslim world Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq and
Saudi Arabia. „With the intensification of regional politics after the Iranian revolution of 1979 and the beginning of the Afghan war in 1980, the state of Pakistan failed to prevent the influences of these forces on its domestic politics‟ (Hashmi, 2007: 37)
It was difficult to analyze the references regarding the involvement of these nations in the socio-political affairs of Pakistan due to one reason or the other. With all the countries except
India and Israel, Pakistan enjoyed good relations. However, these countries in pursuit of their own national interest had created certain problems for Pakistan. „The power of Military and bureaucracy within Pakistani state was also reinforced by external forces; most notably the geo- strategy of United States in backing Pakistan‟s non-representative regimes from 1954‟(Gould,
2012: 221-23). Such situation had caused a severe damage to Pakistan‟s sovereignty and 135 integrity. The dismemberment of East Pakistan in 1971, rise of ethnic and sub-national movements in Balochistan, Pakhtoon areas and Sindh as well as growth of sectarian and extremists groups and organizations in various parts of the country had their roots and links to unprepossessing elements of other lands. Optimism of the Quaid-i-Azam “we shall build up this new greatest Muslim sovereign state in the world with complete unity, discipline and faith” was lost somewhere. All these angularities and considerations had been posing a serious threat to national integration in Pakistan. The greatest misfortune of Pakistan that the Quaid-i-Azam, who was competent enough to deal with all such challenges, died in 1948, soon after the independence. The successors could not repel back these collusions with sagacity and the damage was irreparable.
5.1 INDIAN RESPONSE TO THE CREATION OF PAKISTAN
The basis of the creation of Pakistan was Two Nation Theory which described that
Hindus and Muslims belong to two different systems of life. Being a different nation, the
Muslims have every right to establish their separate homeland, where they could live in accordance with the principals of their faith. „The basis of their nationhood is neither territorial, nor racial, linguistic or ethnic. They are a nation because they profess the same faith‟ (Dar, 2000:
2). The Hindu leaders were not convinced of accepting this theory, so they exerted all their energies to refute it. Despite using all tactics, they could not stop the inception of a Muslim state designated as Pakistan. B.R. Ambedkar thinks that Hindus apposed this scheme of Pakistan
„because it involves the breaking-up of unity of India and it fails to solve the communal problem‟
(Ambedkar, 1941,2008: 45). Dictated by their hegemonic desire, the Hindus started a negative propaganda campaign against Pakistan and its leadership to make both controversial in the eyes of the Muslims. The Indians declared the creation of Pakistan the result of British “traditional 136 policy of divide and rule.”(Williams,1962: 15). They also called Mr. Jinnah a “willing tool” of the British. ( Williams,1962: 15). While saying that they forget „Lord Attlee‟s disliking of
Partition and Jinnah‟ (Qureshi,1993: 262). They had also ignored the friendship between Nehru and Lady Mountbatten and “between Nehru‟s daughter Indra and Mountbatten‟s trusted
Campbell-Johnson” (Qureshi,1993: 262) and the consequent events taken place at the time of division of the subcontinent.
When Hindu leaders could not succeed in obstructing the partition, they changed their strategy by creating difficulties for the newly born state, as much as they could and they aimed at undoing the partition for the reunion of India. On one hand, they continuously issued biased and demoralizing statements and on the other, they created a bulk of problems which were constantly on the rise. Mountbatten‟s desire to become a joint Governor General of both India and Pakistan was not honoured by the Quaid-i-Azam for he felt that “since Pakistan was a sovereign state, it must be sovereign in all respect, with its own executive and government.” (Ahmed:1998: 226).
Then, the nexus between Mountbatten and Congress was bent on not allowing Pakistan to live long. The massacre of Muslim population in the Hindu majority areas and the consequent influx of millions of refugees in Pakistan had badly disturbed the socio-economic and ethno-cultural balance of Pakistan. This was done by the demarcation of the boundaries arbitrarily.
Evident injustice was made in the distribution of financial and military assets to make
Pakistan unstable in both the areas. Forcible occupation of princely states of Junagarh,
Manawader, Hyderabad and Kashmir was another blow to this new state. One more outcome of
Mountbatten-Hindu nexus was Radcliff Award and resultant deprivation of canal waters for
Pakistan. The subsequent growth of ethnic and sub-national ideologies in Pakistan had their roots in these initial problems of Pakistan. The dismemberment of East Pakistan, the local-Muhajir 137 issue in various parts of the country, particularly in Karachi, the disputes related to share of water among the provinces and the increasing sectarian divide, all caused by the Indian aspiration to undo Pakistan. Indian intentions might be judged from the statements of their leaders even before the implementation of partition plan. A Hindu leader Dr. Shyam Prasad Mukherjee stated in
1946: “If the British rule is reserved after a compulsory division of India, who will avert the free state of Hindustan from re-establishing its power over the entire Indian Territory” (Madhok,
1946: 66).
The occupation of Junagarh and Kashmir as well as the act of pushing millions of refugees towards Pakistan was aimed at re-unifying India. Sardar Patel a radical leader of Hindus uttered “Give Jinnah his state…….. It would not survive anyway. In five years, the Muslim
League would be knocking at their doors begging India‟s re-unification.” (Collins,1975:119).
The basis of these hopes was not that the Muslims would suffer pangs of separation and would yearn to be taken back into the affectionate arms of mother India. The hope was based on the solid fact that all that was humanly possible to make the survival of Pakistan impossible had been done. (Qureshi, 1993: 264). The eagerness and apathy among the Hindus had reached to the extent that they were inciting and preparing the extremists to fight for this cause. In spite of handing over a “truncated and mouth-eaten Pakistan” to the Muslims, the Hindus were ready to dissolve Pakistan into the unquiet stomach of mother India. The statement of so called liberal
Hindu leader from the Punjab, Dewan Chaman Lal, in this context was “I am not among the demoralized; therefore I am convinced that division of India is a momentary measure. In spite of this the thirty crores of Hindus must be ready to lay down their lives for the re-unification of
India and Pakistan.”(Amir-ud-Din,n.d:21). 138
Indian ambitions were strongly refuted by Jinnah in an unequivocal tone when a question was asked by Duncan Hooper, the correspondent of Reuter on October 25, 1947, regarding the basis of firm and friendly relations between India and Pakistan. Jinnah‟s answer was „It is very unfortunate that vigorous propaganda has been going on ……. That it is merely a temporary madness on the part of the Muslim leaders that has brought about this „recession‟, that Pakistan will have to come into the Union as penitent, repentant, erring son ….. I want to make it quite clear that Pakistan will never surrender and never agree in any shape or form to any constitutional union between the two sovereign states ……… Pakistan has come to stay and will stay.” (Jinnah, 1989: 82-83).
The early tension with Afghanistan on various issues like Durand Line, Pakhtonistan and
Afghan opposition in the United Nations Organization, when Pakistan was trying to become the part of the international community as a member of UNO, was not of its alone but Indian hands to provoke Afghanistan could not be disassociated. A top Hindu leader Raja Mahendra Pratap wrote in Daily „Vir Bharat‟ on December 20, 1950 “our nation cannot make any advancement unless Pakistan is finished off…….. I would, therefore, advice the government of India to join hands with Afghanistan and finish off Pakistan as quickly as possible.” (Amir-ud-Din,n.d:21).
Even Gandhi who was the biggest preacher of non-violence and peace could not hide his inner desire of aggression against Pakistan. On December 26, 1947, he maintained “although I have always been against the wars but if other means fail to achieve justice from Pakistan, we will have no other choice but to wage a war against Pakistan” (Amir-ud-Din,n.d:23).
After these unbecoming behaviors on the part of Hindu leaders, there is no doubt in the minds of the majority of Pakistanis that India has been contributing a role to the distress that
Pakistan has been facing since the time of its birth. These were Indian hegemonic designs that 139 pushed Pakistan into wars in 1948, 1965 and to some extent in 1971 as well. The followers of
Kutalya‟s doctrine had always treated neighbouring Pakistan as an enemy state and their desire for its peace was based on paying a lip service and a camouflage. This mind set has been the corner stone of Indian policy towards Pakistan since the day one. Talking about this aggressiveness of Hindu leaders Nirad C. Choudhary wrote “Sardar Patel who was then considered as the strongman of India, even went to the extent of announcing on one occasion that if India were so intent she could sweep up to Peshawar.” (Choudhary, 1965:107)
Indian mindset with anti-Pakistan sentiments did not change with growing dejection caused by India, particularly separation of East Pakistan in 1971; rather it has been advanced with the passage of time. “Anybody who visits the new India today will notice that the controversy out of which Pakistan initially emerged has never died down indeed. It is still alive.”
(Williams,1962: 15). Offensive statements flared up on the part of some Indian leaders at the time when it made its nuclear tests in May 1998. Long way back in 1974 India had actually been nuclearized when she carried out its first nuclear test. After this test India did not claim that it had become a nuclear state rather it was presented to the world as a „peaceful nuclear explosion‟.
India went on projecting itself as a peace-loving nation. However, when in 1998 a series of nuclear tests had been carried out „the Indian leadership made antagonistic, though unfathomable, statements threatening that Pakistan would have to „adjust‟ its position of
Kashmir and that it should be dealt with vehemently in the new situation of an altered strategic balance in the region‟ (Aziz, n.d: 126).
The Indian interior minister L. K. Advani started issuing threats and “vowed to end the
Pakistani menace.” (Asian Age, 19 May,1998). Another BJP minister Mr. Khurana warned
Pakistan and said that India “was prepared to fight another war with Pakistan. [It] should tell us 140 the place and time and we are ready.” (Asian Age, 22 May,1998). With such illustrations,
Pakistan was compelled to carry out its nuclear tests just to safeguard its national security and integrity.
A big misfortune of Pakistan is that India is not alone in making endeavors to destabilize
Pakistan as the western nations applied their global strategy to South Asia by promoting India as the mightiest power of the region. Therefore, they projected Indian leadership and democracy through diplomacy and propaganda. America, because of its influential role in Pakistan, had exercised its pressure upon Pakistan “to enter into some kind of confederation with India”
(Qureshi,1993:265). Western powers particularly America, by their actions disregarded the agreements with Pakistan, have put their favours towards Indian side and have contributed to disturbing the balance of power in the region. Prior to cessation of East Pakistan, the United
States remained unconcerned about the rising Indian threat in East Bengal. In the presence of
“The Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement” and “Manila Pact” Pakistani leaders were optimistic enough that Americans would defiantly „take serious note of any threat to the independence and territorial integrity of Pakistan‟ (Venkataramani. 1984:412). However the actual policy of United States may be understood from the „determination of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff that in the event of the outbreak of general war, the United States had no intention of rushing to the assistance of Pakistan, even if Pakistan were to be one of the countries attacked by the Soviet Union‟ (Venkataramani. 1984:413).
In addition to America and West, Soviet Russia (USSR) had also played its role in destabilizing Pakistan. Pakistan was exposed to India from the East and to Afghanistan from its
West. „The Indo-Afghan threat, if it were real, would become far more grievous if the Soviet
Union were to extend support, for its own reasons, to Pakistan‟s adversaries. Pakistan‟s action in 141 becoming part of the US-sponsored anti-Soviet military network was bound to lead to closer relations between the Soviet Union and India‟ (Venkataramani. 1984:409). India had built up massive military strength by acquiring arms from Soviet Union as well as from some western countries. Just before India-Pakistan war in 1971, India had signed a “friendship treaty” with
Soviet Russia and then this friendship was concluded in the dismemberment of East Pakistan in
1971.
One must look into the confidence level of then Indian Prime Minister Mrs. Indra Gandhi on their historical “triumph” against Pakistan. She remarked “we have taken the revenge of one thousand years from the Muslims and we have drowned the two nation theory into the Bay of
Bengal.” (Talo-i-Islam, 1981). Contempt and negation of Two Nation Theory had become the central theme of Indian political and military leadership since the dismemberment of East
Pakistan.
It has been projected in India at every level that the creation of Pakistan was a brand of religious intolerance and still it is and will remain in future as well (Tamimi,2010: 208). At the conversion of East Pakistan into Bangladesh, Frank Moreas, the editor of Indian Express wrote
„the only common link between two Pakistans is Islam. The present situation has verified that how pathetic this link was. With the „revolution‟ in the East Bengal that source of religion and theocracy has eliminated on which Islamic Pakistan was oriented. Bangladesh has dispersed this image into the air‟ (Moreas,1971:146). Indian quest for elimination of Pakistan and complete domination over South Asia is not finished yet; rather its level is ascending with the passage of time. When a few leaders of Pakistani ethnic groups visited India in year 2000, Mr. Sadarshan, the Chief of RSS came up with the idea that India should take initiative to get advantage from growing unrest and distrust among the Muhajirs, Sindhis, Balochis and Pashtoons of Pakistan. 142
Being an aggressor, Pakistan wants to destroy us. The only remedy available to this evil is fragmentation of Pakistan. (Tamimi, 2010:260-261).
5.2 FOREIGN COUNTRIES AND ETHNICITY IN NWFP (KPK)
India, Israel and USSR have contributed towards the growth of ethnic feelings in East
Pakistan which concluded with the dismemberment of it and the creation of Bangladesh.
However, the rise in ethnicity in Balochistan and Pakhtoon areas is not fed by India and West only as the role of „Brotherly‟ Afghanistan and Iran is also not second to none. From the very beginning, these two neighbouring Muslim states got involved in the issues related to ethnicity in
Pakistan. The Pakhtoons‟ ethnic and sub-national demand of independent Pakhtonistan had a strong footing in Afghanistan, when in 1947 Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the leader of Khudai
Khidmatgar Party, with the incitement of India and Russia, could not succeed in restricting
NWFP‟s accession with Pakistan, then he “proclaimed political and ethnic ties with Afghanistan and started declaring provincial grievances stressing the ethnic diversity of the people of
NWFP.” (Qasir,1991:25).
Afghanistan was not happy at all with the creation of Pakistan. Its main concern was about the Durand Line which was not redressed by the British, in accordance with the wishes of
Afghanistan. In relation to this, they created a maneuver that an independent Pakhtonistan should be established for the Pakhtoon people living in NWFP and Balochistan to protect and preserve the Pakhtoon identity. “When the British held a referendum in the North-West Frontier Province to decide which state the province would join – Pakistan or India – the Afghan government urged the British to allow the Pakhtoons two additional choices, namely annexation with Afghanistan or joining a sovereign state of Pakhtonistan”(Sayeed,1980:122). Afghanistan had instigated many times the people of tribal areas to rise against Pakistan. In 1955 when One Unit scheme 143 was implemented in Pakistan, Afghanistan reacted to it by an attack on Pakistan‟s Embassy in
Kabul. „The Afghan government declared 31st August as Pakhtonistan day, and celebrated it condemning Pakistan‟ (Rabbani,2006:351). The ethnic issue shrank when Soviet Union invaded
Afghanistan in 1979 and millions of Afghans entered in Pakistan as refugees and „a defecto
Pakhtonistan came into existence which turned off the political and dangerously enthused movement for Pakhtonistan‟ (Rabbani,2006:433).
The reasons behind the failure of India and Afghanistan in their endeavors to destabilize
Pakistan by instigating issues based on ethnicity, might be due to the presence of Pakhtoons in considerable numbers in the civil and military institutions of Pakistan. Ayub Khan, Yahiya Khan,
Ghulam Ishaq Khan all belonged to NWFP. Another related factor may be the prospects of
Pakhtoon‟s investment and trade towards the Punjab which is relatively better developed due to geographical reasons. Millions of Pakhtoons had also accommodated themselves in the first capital of Pakistan-Karachi which is also an industrial hub of the country. That is why;
Pakhtoons have given up the idea of independent Pakhtonistan. From Pakistan‟s point of view,
“The real threat, perhaps, was not Pakhtoon nationalism but the sustenance it was getting from
India and Afghanistan.” (Khan,2005:100). After 9/11 tragedy and fall of Taliban in Afghanistan, the Indian influence has significantly increased in Afghanistan. The rise of anti-Pakistan groups like PTM in the tribal areas of Pakistan is backed by India and Afghanistan. Recently the spokesperson of Pakistan army, Director General ISPR General Asif Ghafoor, in a media conference openly alleged Indian intelligence agency, “RAW‟ and Afghan intelligence agency,
National Directorate of Security, “NDS” for providing financial support to PTM for the purpose of creating unrest and instability in Pakistan.
144
5.3 FOREIGN COUNTRIES AND ETHNICITY IN BALOCHISTAN
The involvement of foreign countries in Balochistan is much more than that is seen in any other region of the country. The reason is obviously its geo-strategic and geo-economic importance. Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan in terms of area, having common borders with Afghanistan and Iran. There is a long coastal line towards the south of Balochistan.
Its coastal area is very close to Gulf States which are enriched in oil. Gwadar has the maximum potential of becoming an international sea port. The mineral resources of Balochistan are also in abundance and may be a source of attraction not only for those whose intentions are malafide but also for those who are the friends of Pakistan. Therefore, both enemies and friends have played their role towards promoting ethnic and sub-national ideologies in Balochistan.
Being a tribal society, the socio-political situation of Balochistan is entirely different than that of the rest of the units. In the pre-partition period, neither Congress nor Muslim League had strong footing in Balochistan. However, the Quaid-i-Azam with the help of a few tribal leaders, made it possible to annex Balochistan with Pakistan but Khan of Kalat was not convinced to join
Pakistan, so a resistance by Khan‟s brother was seen after Pakistan tried to establish its writ in the state. Most of the time neighbouring Afghanistan became the hideout of Baloch hard liners.
An important military operation was carried out against the Baloch nationalists during Bhutto‟s rule in 1973. The reason of this operation was the attempts on the part of some Baloch leaders for its secession from Pakistan with a desire to create a „Greater Balochistan‟. What convinced
Mr. Bhutto to launch a military action against Balochistan was his visit to Iran. Mr. Bhutto was shown there a map of Greater Balochistan, which might include Balochistan of Pakistan and Iran and some parts of Afghanistan. “This irredentist movement was being supported by a number of foreign countries.” (Bhutto,1977:42). Bhutto had the anxiety that if this movement was not put 145 down steadfastly, it might “affect our relations with foreign power, particularly with friendly neighbouring countries.” (White Paper on Baluchistan, 1974:10).
A few weeks before the military action the government had recovered an enormous quantity of weapons form Iraqi Embassy which was collected for the Baloch separatists for split- up of Balochistan. Being the common members of SEATO and CENTO, Pakistan and Iran both became the part of the American camp. In the context of the cold war environment, Soviet Union was not happy with Shah of Iran and Pakistan. This is why; USSR was behind this hoard of arms in the Iraqi Embassy as Iraq was aligned towards USSR at that time. “The Shah of Iran was very subtle to the nationalist inclinations in Iranian Balochistan as well as the Soviet Union‟s backing for nationalist groups.” (Khan,2005:118). Therefore, on the demand of Shah of Iran, as alleged by NAP leader, Wali Khan, in his statement in the supreme court of Pakistan, when he had challenged the dismissal of his party‟s government in Balochistan. He charged in the National
Assembly and then in his written declaration in the Supreme Court that “Mr. Bhutto was hesitant to set up the NAP government in the province because Shahinshah of Iran had expressed his disapproval” (Sayeed,1980:115-116). Another Baloch leader „senator Abdul Hayee Baloch also told the author of book „Politics of Identity, Mr. Adeel Khan in 1977 that “the Shah of Iran was one of the most important factors in the Balochistan crises.” (Khan, 2005:126).
Although some parts of Afghanistan were also included in the proposed map of Greater
Balochistan yet Afghanistan was supporting the Baloch guerrillas in 1973. One of the guerrilla leaders Mir Hazar Khan established his base camp in Southern Afghanistan and threatened
Pakistan that he would take help from other nations as Bengalis did the same during their separation movement. (Sayeed,1980: 118). During this operation, United States, being Iran‟s biggest supporter and annoyed with Soviet support for Baloch nationalists through Iraq, had also 146 come forward and provided Pakistan combat helicopters in addition to financial aid US$ 200 million through Iran. (Harrison,1996: 298). After Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan, many countries of the West and US with the further assistance of European Economic Commission,
Japan and Arab States introduced a special development programme in Balochistan.
(Noman,1990: 202).
After revolution in Iran and with the end of cold war, the dynamics of foreign involvement had changed. However, a more drastic change had come after US led war against terrorism in the aftermath of September 11 attacks on US. The potential resources of oil and gas in the Central Asian Republics and their geographically land locked status have increased the geo-economic and geo-strategic importance of Pakistan in general and of Balochistan in particular. That is why, new competitors after cold war, America and China, both looked very much interested in Balochistan. American interest is in “construction of oil pipelines from
Central Asia through Afghanistan to Pakistan.” (Ejaz, 2007: 116 ). While China looked for an access to the warm waters of Arabian Sea through Pakistan. America persuaded its policy by initiating a war against Taliban and insured the presence in Afghanistan. China has invested in
Gwadar to develop it up to the level of strategically important sea port and invested billions of dollars to construct roads, industry and power stations throughout Pakistan including Balochistan by the title of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). There are people in Pakistan who think that America, India and Iran are working jointly to undermine CEPC project. „The killing of the Taliban leader Mullah Mansour in 2016 near the Iran border was viewed suspiciously by the Pakistani military, given that Mansour had just crossed the border from Iran into Pakistan when he was killed by a drone strike. The allegation was made by Pakistan that Iran and the US 147 had colluded in making Pakistan the fall guy again‟ (Kamal Alam,15 Nov. 2017: https://www.trtworld.com).
Thus, the situation in Balochistan seemed to be converted into a tug of war between major powers of the world. The Baloch leaders were well aware of the importance of their land.
This fact gave an impetus to the national and ethnic feelings of Baloch people. When General
Pervez Musharraf initiated several mega projects in Balochistan, a reaction was seen on the part of nationalist leaders. Particularly, tribal Sardars who belonged to Bugti, Marri and Maingal tribes started insurgency and the federal government had to install military once again in the province. After the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti, many young Baloch leaders emerged on the scene, like Brahamdagh Bugti and Hyrbyair Marri who escaped to foreign lands and started a campaign against Pakistan under the banner of Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA). Many international actors, particularly India had been investing in BLA. The confessional statement of
Kulbhoshan Jadev, an Indian serving Navy officer, captured from Balochistan by Pakistani law enforcement agencies under the charges of espionage is a sort of evidence of Indian involvement in promoting secessionist elements in this province. Mr. Imtiaz Gul, Executive Director, Centre for Research and Security Studies, in an interview with top Pakistani journalist Kamran Khan, has alleged unequivocally that Indian RAW is behind most of anti-Pakistan militant elements operating in Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan. In year 2013 BLA and BLF launched attacks on many important installation of strategic importance. The Quaid-i-Azam residency Ziarat was also attacked and it was completely destroyed by the militants of secessionist organizations. Different powers are involved in Balochistan not for the betterment of the province “but for their own interests. The benefits of the Baloch and imperialists can never overlap.” (Rabbani, 2006: 439).
148
5.4 FOREIGN COUNTRIES AND RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM IN PAKISTAN
Religious extremism with a number of facets, sometimes sectarianism or sometimes
Talibanism, have posed a great threat to both the state and society of Pakistan. With the passage of time particularly after Soviet invasion and consequent Jihad in Afghanistan has nourished it up to the extent that these so called Jihadi elements have organized themselves to implement their agenda of extremism. The Iranian revolution and Afghan crises changed the character of sectarian politics in Pakistan. The various sectarian groups have very shrewd leadership, trained fighters and motivated followers spread throughout the country. They are capable enough of launching arms attacks not just on their opponents but also on very sensitive installations like,
GHQ, Mehran Naval Base, Kamra Air Base, Karachi and Peshawar Air ports, Army Public
School and number of other places of such importance. They are not doing all this with their own resources but with the financial, technical and psychological assistance of many foreign elements and governments as well. The confronting ideologies of Iran and Saudi Arabia have found a battlefield in Pakistan to test their abilities through proxy war. Most of the Deobandi/Ahle
Hadith oriented groups have their links in Saudi Arabia while the Shias are closely attached with
Iran. The other religious extremists have their tentacles spread throughout the world. The great powers have been using them to further their own vested interests in the region and to destabilize the state of Pakistan, which has its foundation on religious thought. „There are however, some who have argued that it was actually Zia‟s reliance on Saudi Arabia and his attachment to
Deobandi Islam that led to the organized political activism on part of Shias in Pakistan. While
Iran was uneasy with the proximity of the Americans to its borders‟ (Hashmi,2007: 39).
What an irony that the country which was created on the base of religious thought is being fragmented in the name of religion. On one hand, this religious thought has been a source 149 of unity for majority of the people of Pakistan, whereas on the other, the same is being exploited by those who want to prove that no integration is possible on the basis of religion. Religion to them is only a private affair of the people and has nothing to do with the state system. „It is interesting to note that use of Islam not only suited the military but the secular landlords and capitalists also because such deliberations transformed the political debate in Pakistan‟
(Hashmi,2007: 34). Unfortunately, the failure of the state to implement a just and fair order in accordance with the teachings of Islam and the absence of democratic norms have provided an ideal culture for the mushroom growth of the fanatics who in their own way are trying to impose
Islamic order in the country with a desire to eliminate those who are responsible for this failure.
Their directionless sentiments have been successfully channelized by the foreign countries just to discipline the people who claim that religion is still a dynamic force and source of national integration in Pakistan.
In conjunction with domestic anti-state elements, foreign actors have played their operative role towards promoting religious extremism in Pakistan, occasionally directly and otherwise. There are plentiful chances of external involvement in sectarian incidents in Pakistan to weaken this Muslim nuclear state. Almost all the extremist organizations, functioning in
Pakistan, get financial assistance from different foreign countries which have been backing such organizations for their own benefits. „At the operational level, extremists do come from sectarian and Jihadi groups. But their masterminds are somewhere else. The pattern of events suggests that sectarianism is masterminded by internal and external forces that use the indoctrinated youth to further their own interests‟ (www.crisisgroup.org).
With the active foreign money and sustenance, sectarian organizations thrived on developing petty religious variances into bloody conflicts. Members of Deobandi and Shia sects, 150 who had been living in a fraternal atmosphere for centuries, started killing each other in Pakistan.
The people, who do not have such budding for self-destruction, seem upset by liberal and conservative forces which deny the possibility of living with one another. “ The Shia-
Deobandi/Ahle Hadith encounter is in some ways a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran”
(www.crisisgroup.org).
The associations of Deoband and Ahle Hadith receive much of their funding from charity organizations of Arab countries while the Shia institutions get their funding from Iran, (Khan,
1999: 77). The flow of unrestrained distant money to both sects has permitted them to construct spacious religious institutions with living facilities. The ultimate outcome of this funding is the eruptions of extremist activities. Religious fanaticism began since anti-Qadiyani movement in early 50‟s, but it was intensified after 1979 due to Revolution in Iran, and Soviet invasion in
Afghanistan. Prior to these regional episodes, the issue of violence in Pakistan had been mainly restricted to infrequent sectarian clashes between the majority Sunnis and the minority Shias.
After military rule of Zia ul Haq, the whole perception on violence in Pakistan began to change,
“Zia crossed the Rubicon after accepting with the reassurance of the United States, millions of dollars in Saudi money” (www.jamestown.org). This money was used to establish Madrasahs in
NWFP, Balochistan, Karachi, Islamabad and Southern Punjab. “Kuwait and Libya also contributed. Iraq, under Saddam, actively sponsored anti-Iranian Sunni organizations”
(www.crisisgroup.org).
„It is an open secret in Pakistan that most of the funds used in recruiting hired activists from the streets and madrasahs by the militant sectarian groups come from their foreign sponsors. The jihad in Afghanistan during 1980‟s provided an excellent alibi to the religious organizations in Pakistan to receive vast amounts of funds from Middle Eastern Muslim 151 countries ‟(Ahmad,1998: 114-115). The main leadership of the radical Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, was made up of persons who battled against Soviets in Afghanistan. During Nawaz Sharif‟s second government, Pakistan issued a warning to ruling Taliban command demanding that it would cease protecting and training sectarian terrorists. The then Chief Minister of the Punjab, Shahbaz
Sharif told in a press conference that “Our government has solid proof that the sectarian killers receive training in Afghanistan.” (Mir, 1999: 66). Nawaz Sharif also reinforced the allegation and said “We have made it clear to the Taliban that this is not acceptable to Pakistan” (Mir,
1999: 66)
Possibly due to this very purpose, the D.G. Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), Lt. Gen.
Khawaja Zia ud Din Butt, was especially sent to Kandahar by Nawaz Sharif in 1999 to demand that the Taliban administration would instantly close down its camps where LeJ activists were being indoctrinated and trained. „Although Taliban officials never recognized the charges and used to refute the presence of LeJ radicals in their land yet they interfered when LeJ got bifurcated into Riaz Basra and Qari Asad groups‟ (Rana,2004: 206)
In the meantime, October 12, 1999, Army Chief General Pervez Musharraf, after deposing Nawaz Sharif, became the Chief Executive of Pakistan. A ban was imposed on
Deobandi LeJ and Shia SMP, but targeted killings persisted. Islamabad appealed to Taliban supreme Leader Mullah Omar to oust the militants to Pakistan but the Taliban remained unconcerned. Musharraf administration imposed a ban on TJP and SSP as well as the Lashkar-e-
Taiba and Jaish-e-Muhammad. A crackdown was launched against banned organizations. The law enforcement agencies, however, could not succeed in arresting even a single militant leader during the operation. (Abbas, 2002: 24). 152
The conspiracy theory began to float the idea that foreign agencies had organized the sectarian killings in an attempt to undermine the government and to disrupt a possible Islamic insurgency in Pakistan. The arguments suggested that the west was scared of the nuclear
Pakistan and it wished to disgrace the Muslim forces in the country by encouraging sectarianism.
“While discussing the role of external forces in Pakistan‟s sectarian violence, the hidden hand of the Indian intelligence agencies also cannot be ruled out” (Ahmad,1998: 115). A JUI leader,
Maulana Ajmal Qadri, was convinced that the Indian intelligence agency RAW was guilty of the outbreak of sectarian assaults in Pakistan, (www.crisisgroup.org). Some circles describe the ethnic and sectarian violence in the South Asia as the fourth India-Pakistan war. This war was being fought not on the borders and not by their systematic armed forces. Rather, this was being fought in their cities and by their own intelligence agencies.
The acts of religious extremism in Pakistan on the part of Shia community or SMP are generally interconnected with the Revolution of Iran in 1979 under Khumeini. Iranian
Revolution changed the character of sectarian politics in Pakistan. Its impact on Shias was, however, more direct and that in turn influenced the politics of Sunni activism as well. „Some militant Shia groups are said to have received unofficial patronage from Tehran. Similarly, Sunni militants are said to be actively receiving Saudi support to combat Shia militancy‟ (Mahmood, n.d: 346). A number of Deobandi organizations used to allege that Imamia Students Organization
(ISO) had connections with Khumeini‟s revolutionary movement. Some ISO members had met
Khumeini when he was in Paris. Later on, Khumeini sent a message to the Shias of Pakistan. “I appreciate the sentiments of sons of Islam and my expectations of them are that they will also liberate their country of imperialism” (Rana ,2004: 419). 153
During Iran-Iraq war, many ISO members went to Iran for its support. On the other hand, the Arab world got afraid of Iran and decided to upkeep the anti-Shia sentiments in Pakistan. In this way, Pakistan had become a host of a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The anti-
Iran Arab states started providing monetary and political backing to the main Sunni organizations. „Ahle Hadith sect was, in fact, the first one to launch an anti-Shia campaign in the
Punjab after the Islamic revolution in Iran, denouncing the revolution and Khumeini as enemies of Islam‟(Ahmad, 1998: 111). A renowned Ahle Hadith scholar, Allama Ehsan Elahi Zaheer, wrote a devastating account of the Shia sect in 1980. “The book was translated into Arabic and
English and was widely circulated by the Saudi government all over the Islamic world” ( Ahmad,
1998: 111).
After September 11 incident and the consequent attack on Afghanistan and Al-Qaeda by
American forces, Pakistan once again became a base camp for the foreigners who were anxious to fight against America. Already a number of Uzbeks, Tajiks and Chechens have been living in tribal areas of Pakistan since Afghan Jihad. Now many others have joined them to combat with
US led forces. The military government of Musharraf preferred to join hands with America.
However, the fallout that Pakistan had to face was religious extremism, militancy and terrorism.
These militants launched successful attempts on a number of places of strategic importance including GHQ Rawalpindi.
Due to terrorist attacks on the part of foreign militants thousands of Pakistani, both civilians and soldiers were killed. The worst form of this extremism is suicidal attacks at public places, which caused a heavy damage to life and property. It is awful that the terrorists have been attracting some wanton youth who are ready to die for their “noble cause”. “The most dangerous 154 part is that they can allure the law, befool the young, hoodwink the questioner and over the skeptic in the garb of divine authority” (Javaid, 2010: 159).
155
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159
Chapter No. 06
RECONSTRUCTION OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT
IN PAKISTAN
Islam is a system which is basically designed to safeguard due rights of the individuals and the society as well. Like other religions of the world, Islam has its own ethical, legal, economic and political system. The origin of all systems of Islam is the Divine Revelation. „The
Revelation determined the norms and basic concepts of Islamic Law‟ (Hasan,1982: xiii). The basis of religious thought in Islam is the revealed knowledge both in the form of the Holy Quran and Hadith of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). The rest of the sources are only attempts on the part of Ummah to understand, follow and implement the basic sources of religion with letter and spirit. „It is obvious that for the recent two or three hundred years there has been a standstill, even a decline in Muslims. Seeing this decline, it is very unjust, very wrong to say that
Islam also is on the decline. This decline happened because Muslims did not trust the religion and they have been slack in carrying out its commands‟ (Gumus, 2014: 7).
According to Islamic thought, religion is not just the system of faith and worship rather it is a complete way of ordering social and personal aspects of life. “The Mohammedan, by and large, has a more concrete attitude than the Hindu both to the reality of earthly existence and the joys of the hereafter.” (Gunther, 1939:443). The overall mode of the Islamic thought is humanitarian because the Quran addresses man in general and the Muslims in particular.
The purpose and scope of modern laws are different, to some extent, from those which are based on the Quranic concept. Modern laws are generally framed by some authority of the state to govern religious, political, economic and social matters of a nation. Modern laws 160 generally do not cover an individual‟s moral character. Morality is only prevalent moderately in the form of societal protocols and customs and it is applied to the society through local institutions. However, if the majority of the people in a society decides to change social and moral behavior and tends to adopt something immoral then this would become acceptable to the rest of the members. Such changes have been adopted in most of the developed countries of
Europe and America, whereas Islamic thought is based on the Holy Quran and its laws encompass the rules of human behavior to ensure the protection of the rights of the people.
Nevertheless, „in accordance with the modern age, improvements in our religion [Islam] also should be done. Many superstitions, which does not have place in the religion, have been mixed with Islam later. It is necessary to clear them off and return Islam to its earliest true, pure state‟
(Gumus, 2014: 7).
This is the fundamental duty of an Islamic state to enforce the Quranic Laws. The management of an individual‟s conduct is the responsibility of the Muslim society in the light of
Islamic teachings. An individual‟s character in Islam is based on his relationship to God
Almighty and to the fellowmen of the society. Thus, Muslim society is bound to enforce the regulations regarding moral behavior in accordance with the divine commandments. The message of the Quran in general is to make man understand his own self and keep in view the wellbeing of other members of the society. Islamic law or Shariah provides a dignified concept of law and moral code which has the tendency to become the foundation of universal laws.
The foremost Islamic state and society was established by the Prophet of Islam
Muhammad in Medina about 1440 years ago (according to Hijrah calendar). His first priority was to introduce a system of such potential as would transform the proselytes into the individuals with completely changed thoughts, outlook, and values. A Muslim character is free from various 161 kinds of poetic and philosophical dialogues and from rewards of esteem and position. The
Islamic thought dictates upon the Muslims to submit and follow the injunctions of the religion.
Under this thought the Prophet brought about a change in the moral standards and character of his companions. Such changes in the moral behavior had converted each and every companion of the Prophet Muhammad into a complete guide and leader and made them „capable of converting the entire nation or country to his faith through his strength of character and virtuous behaviour‟
(Nadvi,1984: 5).
The establishment of a just and fair state system and a society based on high moral standards by the Prophet of Islam was a message to the entire humanity. This message suggested that the followers of Islam would be able to create an ideal society by introducing such orders as are aimed at bringing „their contemporaries to inculcate a living awareness of God on a scale wider than the Prophet had himself achieved‟(Nadvi,1984: 5).
According to Muslim belief, Islamic thought is unprecedented in a way that Allah
Almighty has blessed this religion with final Prophet and final Book and has passed a verdict of its completion and preservation through His Holy Book. The moral behaviour, political leadership and methodology applied by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) in pursuance of his objectives are unmatchable and unique and no other leader had possessed qualities alike. The way adopted by him to make the decisions was different rather contrary to the methods adopted by secular leaders with ultimate goal to establish their dynastic rule. The history of all big nations is full of such rulers who strived mostly for the prosperity so that they and their generations may enjoy the privileges for a long time. Contrary to this, the Prophet of Islam had never constituted a structure by which he, his family and progeny as well could live a life of ease and prosperity. Instead, he required his decedents to lead a life of self-sacrifice, hardship and 162 austerity. They were allowed to reach any position on the basis of their own abilities and not on the basis of their relationship with the Prophet.
The beliefs in oneness of Allah and in the absolute finality of the Prophethood of
Muhammad (PBUH) are the basic ingredients of Islamic faith and these are the determinants of national integration. “Truly, the cohesion of the followers of Islam, shield against variety of creeds and disruptive forces and the guarantee of their own spiritual power lie in the recognition of Muhammad‟s definiteness of Prophethood.” (Nadvi,1976: 175). All Muslims do have firm belief in the above said principles but they are hitherto divided and disintegrated in most of the
Muslim countries including Pakistan. In the contemporary age „It has become imperative for
Muslims to take a self- critical and introspective look at their own tradition and system of belief‟
(Abu El Fadl, 2005: 4).
The concept of worship is not limited as it is usually taken in general sense. Religion does not require man to pray all the time keeping him aloof from the worldly affairs. However, it is also about the fulfillment of the obligations towards other human beings. Religion in practicing terms may be divided into two parts, Rights of Allah and Rights of the people. Both the parts corroborate each other. „The fact of the matter is that civility, politeness and good manners contain half of the religion and conceivably the better half at that‟ (Ghaznavi,n.d:1).
Islamic teachings are based upon better relationship between the members of the society.
Therefore social relationship has been given much importance in Islam. Islam has recommended propagating saluting each other. „Whenever we say salaam to any other person, we are in actual, praying for him that may you be blessed with bodily, mental and spiritual comfort‟ (Ghaznavi, n.d:3). Therefore social solidarity is equally important in Islam besides prayers and other obligations. 163
If the Muslims are following the spirit of Islam, they will try to create a balance between their actions and performances. If the deeds and actions are in pursuance of religious thought then everything on the part of the doer may be considered the worship of Allah Almighty. Being the possessors of discretional powers, human beings are accountable to Allah Almighty. The
Muslims have been advised by their Prophet (PBUH) to “work for the affairs of the world as if you are going to live forever but work for the hereafter as if you will die tomorrow.”
(Kemal,1992: 226). In this way, the sincerity of effort is a prerequisite to be a good Muslim.
The creation of Pakistan was based on the efforts, exerted by the Muslims like Dr. Iqbal who envisioned the establishment of a Muslim state in the subcontinent which could redefine religion. He wanted to see Islam as a living force as it is in reality. The main objective of the religion is to unite the people. „Religion itself is derived from the word religio which means to bind. It binds man to the truth‟ (Nasar,1999:15).
Through religion, man is liable to surrender himself before Allah Almighty with complete submission though this phenomenon is mostly based on metaphysical concepts. The
“discovery” of Allah Almighty is the ultimate target of religion. However, before this discovery man is bound to come into the fold of “faith”. Later on, by initiating a “thought” process, he can move towards his ultimate goal of discovery of God. In his famous work “The Reconstruction of
Religious Thought in Islam”(Iqbal:1987: 188), Iqbal has divided human religious life into three stages – faith, thought and discovery. To initiate the religious thought through discovery Iqbal had given the idea of an Islamic state for the Muslims of the subcontinent.
Although majority of the Muslims of India had no judgment of Iqbal‟s philosophy of religious thought yet most of them struggled intentionally or unintentionally to initiate a thought process during the Pakistan movement. Keeping aside known and unknown tendencies of the 164 people of the subcontinent, one may conclude that in the form of independent Muslim state, the
Muslims of this region had been striving for the establishment of a state which would be based on the principles of religion. They successfully covered the beginning phase under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah but failed to follow their vision. The religious thought which became the foundation of the ideology of Pakistan, was dispersed somewhere and the state was surrounded by political unrest, economic instability, social disorder, ethnic and sub national trends, and sectarian violence, international conspiracies, bad governance and polarization in the name of politics or religion.
„As long as religion remains an issue of belief, it cannot be a cause of violence because all religions even at the fundamental level endorse harmony and desire their followers to respect the self-esteem of all human beings‟ (Spotlight on Regional Affairs, July 2005 : 35). Compassion for the enemy is fundamental principle of Christianity, empathy is the teaching of Buddhist, the
Hindus claim unity of all souls and Islam is fully derived from peace and kindness. Therefore, the basis of all the religions of the world is peace, harmony and respect for humanity but the behaviour of the followers of all the religions seems in contrast to the teachings of their respective religions.
Human greed, jealousy, hatred and arrogance are a few of the reasons that have converted peaceful societies into violent ones. The feelings of hatred and jealousy are prevailing among the followers of different faiths as well as the followers of the same faith. The Muslims are the most affected community since the last few centuries. Contrary to fundamental principles and practical examples of an Islamic state, put forward by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) himself, they have been subjected to disintegration everywhere including Pakistan. Their conflicts are not under the influence of the religion rather they are under the influence of religiosity and religious leaders. 165
The Muslims from all over the world may have the desire to get united but their realization is only up to paying lip services. Therefore, no practical effort has been seen anywhere in the Muslim world. The Muslims have completely forgotten the unity among the
Muslims, despite having different origins, cultures and orientations, during the times of the
Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and his immediate successors. The factor of that time that had converted the diversity into similarity was the establishment of an Islamic state. Social and political outlook of the Makkan Muslims was totally different from that of the Medinan
Muslims; however, there emerged an unprecedented unity between the two not just in the presence of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) but also after him during the periods of Orthodox
Caliphate.
The reason of the acceptance of Makkan leaders by the people of Medina was „chiefly because they understood that their material benefits were best served by the persistence of the political institution recognized by Muhammad [PBUH] and that, for this Makkan leadership was indispensable‟ (Watt, 1961: 88). It means that strong institution and consistency in policy is utmost required to establish a just and fair political system. Secondly, this is the basic responsibility of the state authority to protect material interests of the people. When Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH) and his immediate successors insured this, they remained successful in national integration.
During the period of early Caliphate there was enough unity between the people of
Makah and Medina, however, the people of other territories like nomadic tribes, people of
Yemen and Persian Gulf, were also integrated into one nation. The chronic and deep rooted differences were converted into brotherhood due to the „Satisfactory character of the new body politic‟ (Watt, 1961 : 88). Iqbal and Jinnah during Pakistan movement had tried to revive this 166 pattern but with new dimensions. The people of diverse ideologies, cultures, nationalities, languages and sects had come close to each other under the banner of Islam and Muslim League.
Punjabis, Saraikis, Bengalis, Pakhtoons, Sindhis, Balochis, Kashmiris, members of the urban rural and tribal societies, Shias and Sunnis, in spite of having their distinct and diverse cultures, interests and affiliations, merged into one nation just because they all belonged to the same religion. „The basis of their nationhood was neither territorial, nor racial, linguistic or ethnic.
They are a nation because they profess the same faith‟ (Dar, 2000: 2). Therefore, they were sure that this religion would provide them a fair system, environment and protection of legitimate interest.
Hence, religious thought does not negate material benefits of the people rather it guarantees the basic needs of the people. If a state system fails to deliver what has been promised to be delivered then the members of such system would start comparing their system with those of other countries. In case they observe that their system is not just and fair and is based on exploitation and manipulation, then the bonds of unity would never be able to exist and the process of disintegration would start.
Religion Islam has given equal importance to the matters related to faith as offering prayers, fasting in Ramadan, paying Zakat and performing Hajj as well as matters related to basic needs, social justice, rule of law, protection of life, property and honour. Islam intends to create all such qualities among the citizens by creating a just and fair social order in the shape of a state. Therefore, in an Islamic perspective, the state can insure the security of life, property and honour. The citizens of an Islamic state could never feel deprivation while comparing themselves with their neighbours and beyond. That was the main socio-economic change which Islam has brought about during early caliphate, in an extremely disintegrated and violent society and 167 transformed it into well integrated, prosperous and peaceful society. „The material features which led to the beginning of the Islamic state were varied in their explicit nature; at once it was proven, it fulfilled these ultimate needs to a pre-eminent degree equated with any other body- politic in the area‟ (Watt, 1961: 89).
The emergence of sub-national, ethnic and extremist ideologies in Pakistan, after it had become independent on the basis of attractive agenda of Islamic state, is the direct consequence of neglect and deviation from that basic concept. The people had kept aside their personal and regional considerations and exerted their efforts for the establishment of an independent Islamic state. They had sacrificed their lives and properties for the sake of the establishment of an
Islamic order. They were expecting an environment, free from all kinds of exploitation and frustration. They were anxious to follow the injunctions of the Quran and Sunnah with a peaceful state of mind. Obviously, their expectations were based on the concept that only Islamic state can provide them opportunity and environment to make their lives successful in this worldly life and in the Hereafter, they tolerated all kinds of hardships, because “Verily, along with every hardship is relief”(Ash-Sharh, 94:5-6).
Having observed what happened after Pakistan came into being, their hopes, expectations and inspirations all were shattered when they saw injustice, inequality, exploitation, manipulation, unrest, misery, disgrace, inelegance, mismanagement and incompetence, prevailing all around. Their reaction came up with a mushroom growth of counter ideologies, sometimes in the name of language and culture and sometimes in the name of sect and province.
The linguistic, ethnic, provincial and sectarian issues fully siege the whole state and society. The ultimate result of all these angularities and considerations was the dismemberment of East
Pakistan, ethnic riots in Karachi, sectarian killings throughout the country and polarization of the 168 society into moderates and extremists. The integration seen among them in 1947 was subverted easily by the state and non-state actors sitting within the country and abroad. However, it is important to keep in mind that present Pakistan cannot be summed up in just these two- moderates and extremists- categories. The reality of today is far more complex, and to speak in terms of two juxtaposed is an inadequate oversimplification.
No serious attempts have been made in Pakistan, on the part of intelligentsia, to check this rapid decay of national integration. No genuine thinker or philosopher had ever emerged on the scene after Iqbal and Jinnah who could hold the responsibility of the reconstruction of all brands of thoughts including religious and legal. There are only a few voices which could show a tendency towards the reformation of political system but the level of their acceptance is quite below the mark. Hence, they could only contribute towards further disintegration and not integration. In the atmosphere of trust deficit, no one is ready to acknowledge and appreciate the ideas of such reformers and scholars who could put their influence on a particular group or class.
The sincerity of such thinkers and scholars cannot be called into question but their achievements are too little to bring about a considerable change in the society. Among these prominent voices are Sayyed Abul Ala Maudoodi, Fazl-ur-Rahman, Muhammad Khalid Masud,
Riffat Hassan, Justice Dr. Javed Iqbal and Javed Ahmad Ghamidi. The contribution of the above mentioned reformist thinkers have been acknowledged by the Muslims as well as by the western scholars. „They all approve that the advent of Muslim modernist reformers in Indo-Pakistani
Sub-continent was a significant episode with far-reaching magnitudes‟ (Hassan, 2009: 159).
Maulana Maudoodi was the founder chief of Jamaat-i-Islami. A scholar of 20th century who left an impact on the minds of thousands of his followers. He had an association with
„Allama Muhammad Iqbal to work for the revival of Islamic law‟ (Jameelah, 1978: 261). 169
Maulana Maudoodi was not the supporter of Pakistan movement due to his fear that „Muslim
League leaders were not capable of setting up a real Islamic state‟ (Maudoodi, 1970: 49).
However, unlike his contemporaries – Abul Kalam Azad and Husain Ahmad Madani – he preferred to live in Pakistan after the partition of the Subcontinent.
Maulana demanded and struggled for the implementation of an Islamic Constitution in
Pakistan. He was an active member of that Ulema Committee which presented 22 points in 1951.
He is also the author of his six-volume Urdu commentary of the Holy Quran, known as “Tafhim- ul-Quran”. Later on, it was translated into many other languages. Through this, he proved the superiority of the Islamic way of life over all other ideologies. He also argues “How the Islamic sentences for crimes are both more anthropological and more operative than any man made law”
(Jameelah, 1978: 278).
Through his writings, he has also rejected Sir Syed‟s and Ghulam Ahmad Parvez‟s view point regarding Hadith. As regard foreign policy Maulana‟s view was strong relationship among the Muslim countries and Muslim world should be self-sufficient militarily. „He declared Islam as the only religion, capable of integrating all races into one whole, which can assist as the basis for a world state and bring about durable justice and universal harmony‟( Jameelah, 1978: 88).
He was a strong believer in national integration on the basis of religion. He laid down the foundation of his party on non-ethnic, non-regional and non-sectarian grounds. Such integration on the basis of religion can bring, among the Muslims, “about their much esteemed renaissance”.
(Maudoodi, 1967: 45).
Maulana was a critic of socialism and considered this against Islamic belief. Islam, according to him, is meant to do everything to attain the pleasure of Allah Almighty by following the way of Prophet. However, socialism negates the importance of religion and rejects 170 the existence of Prophethood. During 1970 election, Maulana predicted the disintegration of
Pakistan due to increasing sentiments of regionalism. Maulana‟s contributions towards understanding Islam, Islamic state and national integration may be acknowledged at various levels.
Another reformer of Pakistan‟s history was Fazal-ur-Rahman. He has also been considered an influential thinker of Pakistan. He studied Islamic law from his father Maulana
Shehab-ud-Din. He received his education from the Punjab University, Lahore and Oxford
University, London. After teaching in various international educational institutions, he served as an advisor to Ayub Khan. His main work is related to religious law. Under pressure from a countrywide protest launched by conservative ulema, he was forced to leave the country. From
1969 to 1988 he taught at the University of Chicago. He died in 1988. According to him, the laws in the Muslim world have not been derived from the Quran. In many cases particularly laws have been made on the basis of analogical reasoning (Qiyas), which „was not perfected to the requisite degree‟ (Rahman, 1982: 2). He propagated the philosophy and methodology of Islamic law in a way that meaning of the Quran should be understood keeping in view the historical context. (Rahman, 1982 : 6). To substantiate his view, Rahman pointed out that in many cases the Quranic verse not only gives an answer to a particular problem, but also provides rationale for that specific answer. His main emphasis was on “Ijtihad” (Independent interpretation), which according to him is „the effort to understand the meaning of a relevant text or precedent in the past containing a rule, and to alter that rule by extending, restricting or otherwise modifying it in such a manner that a new situation can be subsumed under it by a new solution‟ ( Rahman, 1982
: 7-8). Rahman presented his viewpoint on revelation in his book Islam, first published in 171
London in 1966, when it was translated into Urdu in 1968, it created huge uproar in Pakistan.
Therefore, he had to resign and leave the country.
He was a believer in democratic principle in Islam and he also explained further that there might be various forms of democracy „depending on the prevalent social conditions‟
(Rahman, 1967: 207). Therefore, the establishment of modern democratic institutions was not against the principle of Islamic democracy. However, he had the view that democracy can take different forms depending on the customary social circumstances. He was of the opinion that in the contemporary Muslim world due to un-educated and under-developed societies, it is difficult to introduce democracies. However, the spirit of democracy can be gradually cultivated among the masses.
His view point on the interest of bank accounts was that it is not un-Islamic for being different from “Riba” (Usury). He was also the architect of family laws which were introduced during Ayub Khan‟s period. He was a fair advocate of empowerment of women. According to his interpretation the Quran recognized the full personhood of a woman. In the context of women‟s testimony he says: „to say that no matter how much woman may develop intellectually, their evidence must on principle carry less value than that of a man is an affront to the Quran,s purpose of social evolution‟ (Rahman, 1982: 19). He also discussed more progressively the equality of men and women, family planning, divorce, polygamy, gender segregation, inheritance and woman as witness. He remained a controversial personality throughout his stay in Pakistan because of his reformist ideas.
Dr. Muhammad Khalid Masud is another reformer in Pakistan and a scholar of Islamic
Studies. He obtained a Ph.D. in Islamic Studies at McGill University in 1973. He remained associated with Islamic Research Institute for a long time. He taught in France, Nigeria and 172
Malaysia. He was also appointed as the Chairman of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), which advises the government of Pakistan on matters relating to Islam, during Musharraf period.
His main work is related to those issues of law for which there are no precedents in Islamic history; therefore, it was difficult to resolve them within the framework of classical Muslim law.
He is the supporter of inductive reasoning (Maslaha). Masud „views the Quran and the Hadith as basic Islamic text. He does not consider the Quran a book of laws but acknowledges its normative character‟ (Hassan, 2009: 174). On the other hand, he proposes that Hadith should also be recompiled in chronological order to avoid repetition.
Masud‟s view point regarding present forms of democracies in the entire world is that they are not compatible with Islam because present democracies do not ascribe any room and value to the common man as an individual. There is mistrust of common people in democracy.
They are seen as incapable of governing themselves. They have to elect the elite and wealthy who then govern. (Masud, 2004, http.//www.maruf.org/frames/Articles/article-3.htm). As a
Chairman of CII, he has also struggled for the amendments in Hudud Ordinance enforced during
Zia regime. He thought that this ordinance is contrary to the Quran and Sunnah and have been used to victimize the women. Therefore, a thorough revision of the Hudud Ordinance is necessary in order to make it more responsive to the philosophy of crime and punishment in the
Islam as well as in modern judicial system.
Javed Ahmad Ghamidi is another reformist thinker in contemporary Pakistan. Initially, he remained affiliated with JI‟s leaders like Amin Ahsan Islahi and Maulana Maudoodi. However, his point of view regarding the establishment of Islamic state is different than that of JI. To him the establishment of Islamic order is not the basic obligation. He is patronizing a chain of schools with the aim to prepare youth with highly qualified modern disciplines to guide them to have 173 sufficient knowledge of their religion and culture. He was the member of CII during Musharraf‟s government. According to his point of view, the Holy Quran was compiled and arranged by the
Prophet under divine guidance „Possesses nazm (coherence) at both the structural and thematic level‟ (Iftikhar, 2004: 54). His political theory also supports the democracy of such type as develops social order and political organization in the form of a just and fair government. „To succeed in this goal, humans need divine guidance. For Muslims this guidance is provided by the
Quran and the Sunnah‟ (Hassan, 2009: 178). Ghamidi‟s view about women is that men and women are absolutely equal in their capacity as human beings. They have different responsibilities and obligations. To him a good society is based on the principle of justice which means that a person should be dealt with on the basis of his or her capabilities and qualities. In
Ghamidi‟s judgment, head covering for women is a preferred part of Muslim social custom and tradition, but it is not a directive of the Islamic Law. (http://www.renaissance.com.pk/ novislaw2y2.html).
One thing is quite evident from the study of these reformist thinkers, ranging from Iqbal to Ghamidi, every person had to face a lot of criticism by the contemporary scholars who had conservative ideas. All these reformers and thinkers might not be completely reliable in their respective approaches, but at least they have tried to reconstruct the religious thought in Islam.
Their endeavours should be considered as the attempts on their part to „go back to the Quran and go forward with Ijtihad‟ (Iqbal, 1962: 148). Beyond their failure or success, „they have been determined to stimulate new thinking on contemporary issues and to demonstrate that Islam is a dynamic religion that calls for continuing intellectual review of both “normative” and
“historical” Islam, in order to construct modern, enlightened, just, forward-looking, and life- affirming Muslim societies‟ (Hassan, 2009: 161). 174
Islam was the main factor which integrated most of the Muslims during the Pakistan movement and made the creation of Pakistan possible. What an irony that the religion is the notion that has been widely exploited and abused by the religio-political leaders and organizations, the military dictators and the extremists to further their agenda of domination over state system. It is interesting to note that use of Islam not only suited the military but the secular landlords and capitalists also because such deliberations transformed the political debate in
Pakistan. The misuse of religion can be seen in many forms and manifestations. The religious parties use Islam as a slogan to influence their voters. In Pakistan‟s political history JI, JUI, JUP,
PAT, TNFJ, SSP, PST, MMA and many others have always been using the sentiments of the people with regard to Islam to achieve their political interest.
The military rulers like Yahya Khan and particularly Zia-ul-Haq used this to seek legitimacy and extension of their rule. The extremists used this to motivate their followers against socialism, capitalism and secularism. They decided to launch a “Jihad” against all such forces, which were present abroad or were inside the country. Their approach was based on “do or die” principle. Thus, they remained ever ready to commit all type of attacks including suicidal attacks against their adversaries. On other hand, secular forces taking the advantage of extremist‟s irrational and implausible approaches started abusing the religion with their own interpretations. Along with the efforts by religio-political parties to misuse the religion, the rulers and the extremists had always been strengthening anti-religion and secular forces in their attempts to distort religious background of the freedom movement.
Pakistan has become a victim of two extremes - the religious and the secular. Both the extremes are not very much clear in their respective ideologies because their political stances are subject to change with the changing situations. None of them could ever succeed in presenting a 175 systematic and workable approach to the target, „They have never developed solid plans in any areas concerning national life‟ (Jan, 2003: 214).
As far as the policies of religious parties are concerned, these parties are busy in political maneuvering and getting portfolios in various governments. In the race of power politics, they may go to any extent to establish a new faction after breaking away from the parent body. They will try to convince their voters that they are more sincere towards the establishment of an
Islamic system in the country. Not just the clergy but also the so called Muslim reformers have developed personal interests. „They are ready to defend their stakes and go to any length to justify their point of view‟ (Jan, 2003 : 215).
In Pakistan‟s political culture, neither secular rulers like Ayub Khan nor religious rulers like Zia-ul-Haq nor the combination of the two like Musharraf could succeed in winning goodwill of the people. Majority of the people does believe that religious parties use Islam for votes through which they intend to implement their own specific version of religion. Particularly, the masses get annoyed with the violent religious groups in the form of LeJ and Taliban.
Pakistan is lacking in developing a system through constitutional means to provide the
Muslims of this state an optimism that our struggle is for implementation of Islamic thought and our ultimate target is to create a justice based welfare state. All Pakistani‟s want to live their lives in accordance with the Islamic principles if provided an opportunity to live so. If a genuine religious thought prevail to exist in Pakistan then all the extremes whether religious or secular would automatically disappear.
Islam has combined the spiritual or religious side and the worldly side together. „On the spiritual or religious side Islam had been perfected, but on the mundane or worldly side, the state in Islam was not a finished product, as the community was to keep on developing under a legal 176 order. This development was to be accomplished through a continuous process of Ijtihad‟ (Jan,
2003 : 240). Allah, Who is the Most Gracious and the Most Merciful, has not made any laws which may cause pain to His creatures. Instead He wants from human being to live under certain order. There should be peace and justice in the society so that the people may worship Him without any fear of pauperism, exploitation and lawlessness. „Allah has only one global and universal rule for making one prosperous that is hard work‟ (Ahmad, 2004:99).
177
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180
Chapter No. 07
CONCLUSION
It is essential to note that the sense of integration in practical form is already present in
Pakistani society. For example, it exists in the administrative system including the laws, as well as in the political structure of the country. This can also be considered the legacy left to the people of Pakistan by the British. Building up the normative system was entirely the liability of local citizens of the country, because the foreign rulers neither understood this system nor liked it. Though they did not completely focus the requirements for the systematic changes, the damage their lack of understanding caused seems not irreparable. Though the effects of this lack of understanding are still present in the form of ideological or political differences among the people, the major splits have shown grave dissimilarities which range from absolute socialism to resolute orthodoxy among the people. The foremost dilemma is, therefore, to remove the barriers of differing ideologies and to construct a normative integration among the people of Pakistan while unifying them with the help of the religious thought.
The conclusion which can be drawn from the whole forgoing argument is that any state of affairs which threatens to deteriorate allegiance to society or the state is liable to become a crisis of integration. To avoid this crisis, the religious thought can serve a role in unifying variant sections which feel threatened for having any sense of being deprived in social, political or economic spheres. This way, the religious thought may act as the mechanism of integration which is based on the principles of harmony and peace both of which are the parts of Islam.
To reiterate, the most horrible sort of grievance is a sentiment, true or erroneous, that injustice is being done. The right therapy of this feeling is not shallow management but 181 satisfactory elimination of that sensitivity. Superficial treatment may only bury it underground for the time being. Integration of the society being the unity among all of its sections, it cannot be achieved unless there is a common point of reference for all of them. Such a vital point for any society is the belief-system of the social order. Upon the strength of peoples‟ loyalty to it depends the strength of their devotion to the society. Climatic, racial, tribal and related diversities which do not come into conflict with the basic psychological integration are, and should, be accepted as sub-cultures of the parent culture.
The most valuable mechanisms for creating integration are two: first, an objective which is capable of inspiring the nation as a whole; and second, a leader who holds the vision to work towards that objective. The leaders with a desire to gain personal interests are bound sooner or later to fall into corruption and bribery. The test of an inspiring cause is not based on personal interests which are obtained through its accomplishment, but on the vision which results from the sacrifices made for it. For such a cause the leaders who can build the integration among the people definitely serve as positive change for any nation.
Pakistan came into existence on the basis of considerable unity demonstrated by the
Muslims of the Subcontinent for the purpose of the creation of an Islamic welfare state. The idea was initiated by Dr. Allama Muhammad Iqbal and persuaded by the Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad
Ali Jinnah till the time of successful culmination. „The Pakistan movement was not a spontaneous reaction of any political, economic or constitutional intricacy rather it had its origin in a strong religious vision‟ (Tamimi, 2008: 353). The Pakistan movement was fundamentally a religio-political struggle and it was consequence of the historical realities of the Subcontinent.
Sincere and self-motivated leadership was the utmost requirement to materialize the concept of a separate state for the Muslims of South Asia. Therefore, the leadership which could 182 make the Muslims united for this cause was the need of that time. If the Muslims would have succeeded in maintaining the integration, an Islamic state might have emerged in this region and their identity and nationhood would have been acknowledged. The Muslims of South Asia found their leaders of caliber and competency, Dr. Muhammad Iqbal and Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The challenge before the leadership was to find an irrefutable source which could unite the Muslims for their ultimate objective. There existed an extensive diversity among the Muslims of South
Asia. They were fragmented into castes, sects, races, regions and cultures. Nothing except religion seemed common among the followers of Islam. Hence, religion was the only factor which could develop among them the sense of national integration.
Reasonably inspired by the religious thought, leadership and the people both did achieve the success in 1947 by having contributed their role to shaping Pakistan. The quantum of sacrifices reached beyond calculations but the nation remained intact and bore the entire catastrophe with restraint and utmost endurance. The sufferers included all sects, races and denomination. However, their spirit to become the part of such movement, which was reflected at that time, was based on religious thought. The people struggled, sacrificed their belongings and relatives and endured the consequences to see the state and its system which would be based on the religious thought. The feelings of Islamic brotherhood, harmony and preference were at their apex. The religious thought had united the nation into one whole and they were anxious to see the turning of their dream into a reality– an Islamic state.
The realization of the dream of an Islamic state and society in accordance with the spirit of Islam is still an ongoing process. The unnecessary delay, whether justifiable or not, in implementation of Islamic system had badly shaken the foundations of the country. The will of the people and their sentiments were not channelized in a proper direction. The policies 183 introduced by the so-called popular leadership as well as by the civil and military establishment could neither fill the vacuum nor check the rapid fragmentation of the society.
A status quo continued to prevail in the country even after the independence. The imperialist style of administration was sustained by the nexus of feudal and civil-military bureaucracy. Resultantly, the entire direction of religious thought was changed into a fragmented vision. No fragmented vision had ever been capable of acting as a source of integration. That is why, new ideologies like ethnicity, regionalism, sectarianism and narrow nationalism began to emerge. The dismemberment of East Pakistan in 1971, secessionist movements in Balochistan and tribal areas and some demands for loose confederation, instead of a strong federation of other regions of the state, put a big question mark on the ideological orientation of Pakistan.
The secular extremists completely refuted the basis of Pakistan on Islam while the religious extremists projected a theocratic model. Each of these factions wanted to impose its respective frame work upon the rest of the millions of Pakistanis. „A broad classification leaves us with two extremes: Mullas and “Moderates”, with many shades on each side‟ (Jan, 2003:
213). The religious leaders specifically in Pakistan have been enjoying their influence at gross root level. They have always been in a position to exploit and manipulate religious tendencies of the people while keeping in view the desire of the people to establish the Islamic state based on
Shariah or Islamic law.
The secular and liberals are strongly influenced by the western ways and thoughts. They generally lack understanding on the ground realities of the society of Pakistan. Their liberal and democratic models are based, in one way or the other, on the separation of religion from the state affairs. However, they too have remained unsuccessful in presenting a viable state system which would have been compatible with the needs of the people of Pakistan. They generally talk of a 184 state system based on an idealist approach. They have failed to understand that democratic values are concealed in Islamic thought if one wants to look for them, and that it would be more natural and organic for the Muslim world to develop existing liberal practices from its own sources than to import them wholesale from alien philosophies. (Fuller, 2002 : 52).
Islamic system of statecraft is based on democratic principles of consultations. There is a clear concept of elections and parliament. However, this election and parliament may not resemble the western democratic systems. Islamic system has its own distinct features which make it totally an independent ideology. If the Muslims are holders of a perfect religion then why they are so divided and so dejected? The reason seems to be obvious that the Muslims are unsuccessful in making their religion update and practicable with the changing, native and global, geo-political and socio-economic circumstances. To secure the genuineness of the religion no Islamic research institutions, with the exception of some half-hearted attempts, has been established to bring the religious teaching out of stagnation.
The revival and renaissance is only possible by making Islam as a dynamic religion, through „reconstruction of religious thoughts‟. The Holy Prophet provided a lot of further explanation of the Quranic verses through “Hadith” which means the sayings of the Prophet.
According to Muslim belief, Hadith is also a revealed knowledge which is not included in the
Quranic text.
Later on, the religious thought was updated and reconstructed by the companions of the
Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and their successor religious scholars. The main system introduced for this purpose was “Fiqh” (Jurisprudence). The basis of jurisprudence was also Divine
Revelation in the forms of the Quran and Hadith, whereas the emerging issues were also resolved through other sources of Islamic knowledge i.e., “Ijma” (Consensus of opinion of the competent 185 persons), “Qiyas” (Analogical deductions) and “Ijtihad” (Independent interpretation). Even the companions of Muhammad (PBUH) used all these sources while making decisions regarding
„The points on which the Quranic injunctions were either silent or unclear‟ (Hassan, 1982: 16).
All the above mentioned sources were primarily the attempts on the part of the leaders to integrate the society into a whole.
This recommendation of the Quran about a consistent thought process is not restricted just to the legal matters rather it covers the aspects namely, social, political, theological, legal and economic. However, no religion of the world, including Islam, allows its followers to make interpretations on the basis of self-will. In an Islamic system, one of the institutions responsible for Ijtihad is the Parliament. Any such interpretation must be carried out in accordance with the
Quran and Sunnah. However, „not everything that is passed by the Parliament would itself become part of the Deen [religion] because delegating too much power would invest sovereignty of Parliament instead of Allah‟ (Jan, 2003: 196).
None of the Parliaments in Pakistan‟s history was competent enough to make decisions on the basis of personal interpretations because the state structure was based on western democratic model instead of an Islamic model of democracy. Although a few attempts were made within as well as outside the Parliament to make all legislation within the boundaries of the
Quran and Sunnah, yet all such attempts were neutralized by landed aristocracy. Mostly, the constitutions and the laws were made to safeguard the interests of the upper classes and ruling elites without any regard to protect the rights of the masses. The preamble of the constitution, the chapters of fundamental rights, the directive principles of state policy and Islamic provisions were added to the constitution just as cosmetics to disguise a secular constitution under the garb of Islam. In ordinary circumstances these chapters, preamble, fundamental rights, principles of 186 policy etc., of the constitutions do not affect the lives of poor and under-privileged majority of
Pakistanis.
The dream of the people of an Islamic welfare state was about the state „where they would be able to get freedom, equality and justice, was destroyed by systems of exploitation‟
(Ali, 1992: 122). Consequently, the oppressed, disgruntled and downtrodden classes of the society under the influence of opportunistic leaders lost confidence in the state institutions. This trust deficit gave birth to sub-national and counter ideologies which caused a serious damage to national integration.
Since both the rulers and the subjects in Pakistan are not completely aware of their duty, they lack the effort to understand the relationship between religious thought and the political system. Therefore, they are unable to implement and follow a system which can unify the society. Insufficient attempts to implement Islamic order have further worsened the situation in the country. Alongside ethnic and regional groups, the conservatives and liberals have bifurcated the society into new formats. The fundamentalists believe that keeping beard, wearing specific dress and carrying on “Jihad” (Holy War) against the non-believers is total Islam. While the so called liberals and seculars go to an extreme position by saying that the implementation of
Shariah (Islamic Law) would be equal to the violation of human rights. The religio-political parties of Pakistan, which are the biggest advocates of Shariah, do not have capable researchers and well-equipped team of persons having socio-economic, geo-political and scientific knowledge as well as an insight into the dynamics of a political system. Whenever they came to power, in any capacity, they could not address the customary issues of the society.
In the prevailing circumstances both secular and religious parties do not have any mechanism to resolve the issues of disharmony, sectarian divide, ethnic consideration and 187 disintegration due to mutual differences amongst themselves. The religious thought, not the religiosity, holds the potential to unite the Muslims into one nation while drawing on the systematic mechanism of the state.
188
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Nazaria-i-Pakistan, Lahore, September. 2012. Newsline, Karachi, Vol.11, No. 4, October, 1999. Nida-I-Millat (weekly), Lahore, June, 2-8,2005. Newspapers Asian Age, New Delhi Dawn, Lahore Morning News, Dacca, Nawa-e-Waqat, (Urdu), Lahore New York Times The News, Lahore Web Sites 206 207 Appendix A EXTRACTS FROM SIR MUHAMMAD IQBAL’S 1930 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS TO THE 25TH SESSION OF THE ALL-INDIA MUSLIM LEAGUE ALLAHABAD, 29 DECEMBER 1930 Gentlemen, I am deeply grateful to you for the honour you have conferred upon me in inviting me to preside over the deliberations of the All-India Muslim League at one of the most critical moments in the history of Muslim political thought and activity in India. I have no doubt that in this great assembly there are men whose political experience is far more extensive than mine, and for whose knowledge of affairs I have the highest respect. It will, therefore, be presumptuous on my part to claim to guide an assembly of such men in the political decisions which they are called upon to make today. I lead no party; I follow no leader. I have given the best part of my life to a careful study of Islam, its law and polity, its culture, its history and its literature. This constant contact with the spirit of Islam, as it unfolds itself in time, has, I think, given me a kind of insight into its significance as a world fact. It is in the light of this insight, whatever its value, that, while assuming that the Muslims of India are determined to remain true to the spirit of Islam, I propose not to guide you in your decisions, but to attempt the humbler task of bringing clearly to your consciousness the main principle which, in my opinion, should determine the general character of these decisions. It cannot be denied that Islam, regarded as an ethical ideal plus a certain kind of polity – by which expression I mean a social structure regulated by a legal system and animated by a specific ethical ideal – has been the chief formative factor in the life-history of the Muslims of India. It has furnished those basic emotions and loyalties which gradually unify scattered individuals and groups, and finally transform them into a well-defined people, possessing a moral consciousness of their own. Indeed it is not an exaggeration to say that India is perhaps the only country in the world where Islam, as a people-building force, has worked at its best. In India, as elsewhere, the structure of Islam as a society is almost entirely due to the working of Islam as a culture inspired by a specific ethical ideal. What I mean to say is that Muslim society, with its remarkable homogeneity and inner unity, has grown to be what it is, under the pressure of the laws and institutions associated with the culture of Islam. 208 The ideas set free by European political thinking, however, are now rapidly changing the outlook of the present generation of Muslims both in India and outside India. Our younger men, inspired by these ideas, are anxious to see them as living forces in their own countries, without any critical appreciation of the facts which have determined their evolution in Europe. In Europe Christianity was understood to be a purely monastic order which gradually developed into a vast church organisation. The protest of Luther was directed against this church organisation, not against any system of polity of a secular nature, for the obvious reason that there was no such polity associated with Christianity. And Luther was perfectly justified in rising in revolt against this organisation; though, I think, he did not realise that in the peculiar conditions which obtained in Europe, his revolt would eventually mean the complete displacement of universal ethics of Jesus by the growth of a plurality of national and hence narrower systems of ethics. Thus the upshot of the intellectual movement initiated by such men as Rousseau and Luther was the break-up of the one into [the] mutually ill-adjusted many, the transformation of a human into a national outlook, requiring a more realistic foundation, such as the notion of country, and finding expression through varying systems of polity evolved on national lines, i.e. on lines which recognise territory as the only principle of political solidarity. If you begin with the conception of religion as complete other-worldliness, then what has happened to Christianity in Europe is perfectly natural. The universal ethics of Jesus is displaced by national systems of ethics and polity. The conclusion to which Europe is consequently driven is that religion is a private affair of the individual and has nothing to do with what is called man's temporal life. Islam does not bifurcate the unity of man into an irreconcilable duality of spirit and matter. In Islam God and the universe, spirit and matter, Church and State, are organic to each other. Man is not the citizen of a profane world to be renounced in the interest of a world of spirit situated elsewhere. To Islam, matter is spirit realising itself in space and time. Europe uncritically accepted the duality of spirit and matter, probably from Manichaean thought. Her best thinkers are realising this initial mistake today, but her statesmen are indirectly forcing the world to accept it as an unquestionable dogma. It is, then, this mistaken separation of spiritual and temporal which has largely influenced European religious and political thought and has resulted practically in the total exclusion of Christianity from the life of European States. The result is a set of mutually ill-adjusted States dominated by interests not human but national. And these mutually ill-adjusted States, after trampling over the moral and religious convictions of 209 Christianity, are today feeling the need of a federated Europe, i.e. the need of a unity which the Christian church organisation originally gave them, but which, instead of reconstructing it in the light of Christ's vision of human brotherhood, they considered fit to destroy under the inspiration of Luther. A Luther in the world of Islam, however, is an impossible phenomenon; for here there is no church organisation similar to that of Christianity in the Middle Ages, inviting a destroyer. In the world of Islam we have a universal polity whose fundamentals are believed to have been revealed but whose structure, owing to our legists' [=legal theorists'] want of contact with the modern world, today stands in need of renewed power by fresh adjustments. I do not know what will be the final fate of the national idea in the world of Islam. Whether Islam will assimilate and transform it, as it has before assimilated and transformed many ideas expressive of a different spirit, or allow a radical transformation of its own structure by the force of this idea, is hard to predict. Professor Wensinck of Leiden (Holland) wrote to me the other day: "It seems to me that Islam is entering upon a crisis through which Christianity has been passing for more than a century. The great difficulty is how to save the foundations of religion when many antiquated notions have to be given up. It seems to me scarcely possible to state what the outcome will be for Christianity, still less what it will be for Islam." At the present moment the national idea is racialising the outlook of Muslims, and thus materially counteracting the humanizing work of Islam. And the growth of racial consciousness may mean the growth of standards different [from] and even opposed to the standards of Islam. I hope you will pardon me for this apparently academic discussion. To address this session of the All-India Muslim League you have selected a man who is [=has] not despaired of Islam as a living force for freeing the outlook of man from its geographical limitations, who believes that religion is a power of the utmost importance in the life of individuals as well as States, and finally who believes that Islam is itself Destiny and will not suffer a destiny. Such a man cannot but look at matters from his own point of view. Do not think that the problem I am indicating is a purely theoretical one. It is a very living and practical problem calculated to affect the very fabric of Islam as a system of life and conduct. On a proper solution of it alone depends your future as a distinct cultural unit in India. Never in our history has Islam had to stand a greater trial than the one which confronts it today. It is open to a people to modify, reinterpret or reject the foundational principles of their social structure; but it is absolutely necessary for them 210 to see clearly what they are doing before they undertake to try a fresh experiment. Nor should the way in which I am approaching this important problem lead anybody to think that I intend to quarrel with those who happen to think differently. You are a Muslim assembly and, I suppose, anxious to remain true to the spirit and ideals of Islam. My sole desire, therefore, is to tell you frankly what I honestly believe to be the truth about the present situation. In this way alone it is possible for me to illuminate, according to my light, the avenues of your political action. What, then, is the problem and its implications? Is religion a private affair? Would you like to see Islam as a moral and political ideal, meeting the same fate in the world of Islam as Christianity has already met in Europe? Is it possible to retain Islam as an ethical ideal and to reject it as a polity, in favour of national polities in which [the] religious attitude is not permitted to play any part? This question becomes of special importance in India, where the Muslims happen to be a minority. The proposition that religion is a private individual experience is not surprising on the lips of a European. In Europe the conception of Christianity as a monastic order, renouncing the world of matter and fixing its gaze entirely on the world of spirit, led, by a logical process of thought, to the view embodied in this proposition. The nature of the Prophet's religious experience, as disclosed in the Quran, however, is wholly different. It is not mere experience in the sense of a purely biological event, happening inside the experiment and necessitating no reactions on its social environment. It is individual experience creative of a social order. Its immediate outcome is the fundamentals of a polity with implicit legal concepts whose civic significance cannot be belittled merely because their origin is revelational. The religious ideal of Islam, therefore, is organically related to the social order which it has created. The rejection of the one will eventually involve the rejection of the other. Therefore the construction of a polity on national lines, if it means a displacement of the Islamic principle of solidarity, is simply unthinkable to a Muslim. This is a matter which at the present moment directly concerns the Muslims of India. "Man," says Renan, "is enslaved neither by his race, nor by his religion, nor by the course of rivers, nor by the direction of mountain ranges. A great aggregation of men, sane of mind and warm of heart, creates a moral consciousness which is called a nation." Such a formation is quite possible, though it involves the long and arduous process of practically remaking men and furnishing them with a fresh emotional equipment. It might have been a fact in India if the teaching of Kabir and the Divine Faith of Akbar had seized the imagination of the masses of this country. Experience, however, shows that the various caste 211 units and religious units in India have shown no inclination to sink their respective individualities in a larger whole. Each group is intensely jealous of its collective existence. The formation of the kind of moral consciousness which constitutes the essence of a nation in Renan‟s sense demands a price which the peoples of India are not prepared to pay. The unity of an Indian nation, therefore, must be sought not in the negation, but in the mutual harmony and cooperation, of the many. True statesmanship cannot ignore facts, however unpleasant they may be. The only practical course is not to assume the existence of a state of things which does not exist, but to recognise facts as they are, and to exploit them to our greatest advantage. And it is on the discovery of Indian unity in this direction that the fate of India as well as of Asia really depends. India is Asia in miniature. Part of her people has cultural affinities with nations of the east, and part with nations in the middle and west of Asia. If an effective principle of cooperation is discovered in India, it will bring peace and mutual goodwill to this ancient land which has suffered so long, more because of her situation in historic space than because of any inherent incapacity of her people. And it will at the same time solve the entire political problem of Asia. It is, however, painful to observe that our attempts to discover such a principle of internal harmony have so far failed. Why have they failed? Perhaps we suspect each other‟s intentions and inwardly aim at dominating each other. Perhaps, in the higher interests of mutual cooperation, we cannot afford to part with the monopolies which circumstances have placed in our hands, and [thus we] conceal our egoism under the cloak of nationalism, outwardly simulating a large-hearted patriotism, but inwardly as narrow-minded as a caste or tribe. Perhaps we are unwilling to recognise that each group has a right to free development according to its own cultural traditions. But whatever may be the causes of our failure, I still feel hopeful. Events seem to be tending in the direction of some sort of internal harmony. And as far as I have been able to read the Muslim mind, I have no hesitation in declaring that if the principle that the Indian Muslim is entitled to full and free development on the lines of his own culture and tradition in his own Indian home-lands is recognized as the basis of a permanent communal settlement, he will be ready to stake his all for the freedom of India. The principle that each group is entitled to its free development on its own lines is not inspired by any feeling of narrow communalism. There are communalisms and communalisms. 212 A community which is inspired by feelings of ill-will towards other communities is low and ignoble. I entertain the highest respect for the customs, laws, religious and social institutions of other communities. Nay, it is my duty, according to the teaching of the Quran, even to defend their places of worship, if need be. Yet I love the communal group which is the source of my life and behaviour; and which has formed me what I am by giving me its religion, its literature, its thought, its culture, and thereby recreating its whole past as a living operative factor, in my present consciousness. Even the authors of the Nehru Report recognise the value of this higher aspect of communalism. While discussing the separation of Sind they say, "To say from the larger viewpoint of nationalism that no communal provinces should be created, is, in a way, equivalent to saying from the still wider international viewpoint that there should be no separate nations. Both these statements have a measure of truth in them. But the staunchest internationalist recognises that without the fullest national autonomy it is extraordinarily difficult to create the international State. So also without the fullest cultural autonomy – and communalism in its better aspect is culture – it will be difficult to create a harmonious nation. Communalism in its higher aspect, then, is indispensable to the formation of a harmonious whole in a country like India. The units of Indian society are not territorial as in European countries. India is a continent of human groups belonging to different races, speaking different languages, and professing different religions. Their behaviour is not at all determined by a common race-consciousness. Even the Hindus do not form a homogeneous group. The principle of European democracy cannot be applied to India without recognising the fact of communal groups. The Muslim demand for the creation of a Muslim India within India is, therefore, perfectly justified. The resolution of the All-Parties Muslim Conference at Delhi is, to my mind, wholly inspired by this noble ideal of a harmonious whole which, instead of stifling the respective individualities of its component wholes, affords them chances of fully working out the possibilities that may be latent in them. And I have no doubt that this House will emphatically endorse the Muslim demands embodied in this resolution. Personally, I would go farther than the demands embodied in it. I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single State. Self-government within the British Empire, or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North-West Indian Muslim State appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of North-West India. The proposal was put forward before the Nehru 213 Committee. They rejected it on the ground that, if carried into effect, it would give a very unwieldy State. This is true in so far as the area is concerned; in point of population, the State contemplated by the proposal would be much less than some of the present Indian provinces. The exclusion of Ambala Division, and perhaps of some districts where non-Muslims predominate, will make it less extensive and more Muslim in population – so that the exclusion suggested will enable this consolidated State to give a more effective protection to non-Muslim minorities within its area. The idea need not alarm the Hindus or the British. India is the greatest Muslim country in the world. The life of Islam as a cultural force in the country very largely depends on its centralisation in a specified territory. This centralisation of the most living portion of the Muslims of India, whose military and police service has, notwithstanding unfair treatment from the British, made the British rule possible in this country, will eventually solve the problem of India as well as of Asia. It will intensify their sense of responsibility and deepen their patriotic feeling. Nor should the Hindus fear that the creation of autonomous Muslim states will mean the introduction of a kind of religious rule in such states. I have already indicated to you the meaning of the word religion, as applied to Islam. The truth is that Islam is not a Church. It is a State conceived as a contractual organism long before Rousseau ever thought of such a thing, and animated by an ethical ideal which regards man not as an earth-rooted creature, defined by this or that portion of the earth, but as a spiritual being understood in terms of a social mechanism, and possessing rights and duties as a living factor in that mechanism. The character of a Muslim State can be judged from what the Times of India pointed out some time ago in a leader on the Indian Banking Inquiry Committee. "In ancient India," the paper points out, "the State framed laws regulating the rates of interest; but in Muslim times, although Islam clearly forbids the realisation of interest on money loaned, Indian Muslim States imposed no restrictions on such rates." I therefore demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim State in the best interests of India and Islam. For India, it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power; for Islam, an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and with the spirit of modern times. Gentlemen, I have finished. In conclusion I cannot but impress upon you that the present crisis in the history of India demands complete organisation and unity of will and purpose in the 214 Muslim community, both in your own interest as a community, and in the interest of India as a whole. The political bondage of India has been and is a source of infinite misery to the whole of Asia. It has suppressed the spirit of the East and wholly deprived her of that joy of self- expression which once made her the creator of a great and glorious culture. We have a duty towards India where we are destined to live and die. We have a duty towards Asia, especially Muslim Asia. And since 70 millions of Muslims in a single country constitute a far more valuable asset to Islam than all the countries of Muslim Asia put together, we must look at the Indian problem not only from the Muslim point of view, but also from the standpoint of the Indian Muslim as such. Our duty towards Asia and India cannot be loyally performed without an organised will fixed on a definite purpose. In your own interest, as a political entity among other political entities of India, such equipment is an absolute necessity. Our disorganised condition has already confused political issues vital to the life of the community. I am not hopeless of an inter-communal understanding, but I cannot conceal from you the feeling that in the near future our community may be called upon to adopt an independent line of action to cope with the present crisis. And an independent line of political action, in such a crisis, is possible only to a determined people, possessing a will focalised by a single purpose. Is it possible for you to achieve the organic wholeness of a unified will? Yes, it is. Rise above sectional interests and private ambitions, and learn to determine the value of your individual and collective action, however directed on material ends, in the light of the ideal which you are supposed to represent. Pass from matter to spirit. Matter is diversity; spirit is light, life and unity. One lesson I have learnt from the history of Muslims. At critical moments in their history it is Islam that has saved Muslims and not vice versa. If today you focus your vision on Islam and seek inspiration from the ever-vitalising idea embodied in it, you will be only reassembling your scattered forces, regaining your lost integrity, and thereby saving yourself from total destruction. One of the profoundest verses in the Holy Quran teaches us that the birth and rebirth of the whole of humanity is like the birth and rebirth of a single individual. Why cannot you who, as a people, can well claim to be the first practical exponents of this superb conception of humanity, live and move and have your being as a single individual? I do not wish to mystify anybody when I say that things in India are not what they appear to be. The meaning of this, however, will dawn upon you only when you have achieved a real collective ego to look at them. 215 In the words of the Quran, "Hold fast to yourself; no one who erreth can hurt you, provided you are well guided" (5:104). Source: Speeches, Writings, and Statements of Iqbal, compiled and edited by Latif Ahmed Sherwani. (1977)[1944]. Lahore: Iqbal Academy, (2nd ed., revised and enlarged), pp. 3-26. 216 Appendix B THE OBJECTIVES RESOLUTION [Article 2(A)] 12 March, 1949 Whereas sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to Allah Almighty alone and the authority which He has delegated to the State of Pakistan, through its people for being exercised within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred trust; This Constituent Assembly representing the people of Pakistan resolves to frame a Constitution for the sovereign independent State of Pakistan; Wherein the State shall exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people; Wherein the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice as enunciated by Islam shall be fully observed; Wherein the Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accordance with the teachings and requirements of Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and the Sunnah; Wherein adequate provision shall be made for the minorities to profess and practice their religions and develop their cultures; Wherein the territories now included in or in accession with Pakistan and such other territories as may hereafter be included in or accede to Pakistan shall form a Federation wherein the units will be autonomous with such boundaries and limitations on their powers and authority as may be prescribed; Wherein shall be guaranteed fundamental rights including equality of status, of opportunity and before law, social, economic and political justice, and freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship and association, subject to law and public morality; Wherein adequate provisions shall be made to safeguard the legitimate interests of minorities and backward and depressed classes; Wherein the independence of the Judiciary shall be fully secured; 217 Wherein the integrity of the territories of the Federation, its independence and all its rights including its sovereign rights on land, sea and air shall be safeguarded; So that the people of Pakistan may prosper and attain their rightful and honoured place amongst the nations of the World and make their full contribution towards international peace and progress and happiness of humanity. Source: Mahmood, Dr. Safdar. (1990). “Constitutional Foundations of Pakistan” Lahore: Jang Publishers, p. 46. 218 Appendix C THIS SPEECH BY PRIME MINISTER LIAQUAT ALI KHAN INTRODUCED THE OBJECTIVES RESOLUTION IN THE FIRST CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF PAKISTAN ON MARCH 9, 1949. THE RESOLUTION WAS ADOPTED THREE DAYS LATER. "In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful; Sir, I consider this to be a most important occasion in the life of this country, next in importance only to the achievement of independence, because by achieving independence we only won an opportunity of building up a country and its polity in accordance with our ideals. I would like to remind the House that the Father of the Nation, Quaid-i-Azam, gave expression to his feelings on this matter on many an occasion, and his views were endorsed by the nation in unmistakable terms. Pakistan was founded because the Muslims of this sub-continent wanted to build up their lives in accordance with the teachings and traditions of Islam, because they wanted to demonstrate to the world that Islam provides a panacea to the many diseases which have crept into the life of humanity today. It is universally recognized that the source of these evils is that humanity has not been able to keep pace with its material development, that the Frankenstein Monster which human genius has produced in the form of scientific inventions, now threatens to destroy not only the fabric of human society but its material environment as well, the very habitat in which it dwells. It is universally recognized that if man had not chosen to ignore the spiritual values of life and if his faith in God had not been weakened, this scientific development would not have endangered his very existence. It is God-consciousness alone which can save humanity, which means that all power that humanity possesses must be used in accordance with ethical standards which have been laid down by inspired teachers known to us as the great Prophets of different religions. We, as Pakistanis, are not ashamed of the fact that we are overwhelmingly Muslims and we believe that it is by adhering to our faith and ideals that we can make a genuine contribution to the welfare of the world. Therefore, Sir, you would notice that the Preamble of the Resolution deals with a frank and unequivocal recognition of the fact that all authority must be subservient to God. It is quite true that this is in direct contradiction to the Machiavellian ideas regarding a polity where spiritual and ethical values should play no part in the governance of the people and, therefore, it is also perhaps a little out of fashion to remind 219 ourselves of the fact that the State should be an instrument of beneficence and not of evil. But we, the people of Pakistan, have the courage to believe firmly that all authority should be exercised in accordance with the standards laid down by Islam so that it may not be misused. All authority is a sacred trust, entrusted to us by God for the purpose of being exercised in the service of man, so that it does not become an agency for tyranny or selfishness. I would, however, point out that this is not a resuscitation of the dead theory of Divine Right of Kings or rulers, because, in accordance with the spirit of Islam, the Preamble fully recognizes the truth that authority has been delegated to the people, and to none else, and that it is for the people to decide who will exercise that authority. For this reason it has been made clear in the Resolution that the State shall exercise all its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people. This is the very essence of democracy, because the people have been recognized as the recipients of all authority and it is in them that the power to wield it has been vested. Sir, I just now said that the people are the real recipients of power. This naturally eliminates any danger of the establishment of a theocracy. It is true that in its literal sense, theocracy means the Government of God; in this sense, however, it is patent that the entire universe is a theocracy, for is there any corner in the entire creation where His authority does not exist? But in the technical sense, theocracy has come to mean a Government by ordained priests, who wield authority as being specially appointed by those who claim to derive their rights from their sacerdotal position. I cannot over-emphasize the fact that such an idea is absolutely foreign to Islam. Islam does not recognize either priesthood or any sacerdotal authority; and, therefore, the question of a theocracy simply does not arise in Islam. If there are any who still use the word theocracy in the same breath as the polity of Pakistan, they are either labouring under a grave misapprehension, or indulging in mischievous propaganda. You would notice, Sir, that the Objectives Resolution lays emphasis on the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice, and further defines them by saying that these principles should be observed in the constitution as they have been enunciated by Islam. It has been necessary to qualify these terms because they are generally used in a loose sense. For instance, the Western Powers and Soviet Russia alike claim that their systems are based upon democracy, and, yet, it is common knowledge that their polities are inherently 220 different. It has, therefore, been found necessary to define these terms further in order to give them a well-understood meaning. When we use the word democracy in the Islamic sense, it pervades all aspects of our life; it relates to our system of Government and to our society with equal validity, because one of the greatest contributions of Islam has been the idea of the equality of all men. Islam recognizes no distinctions based upon race, colour or birth. Even in the days of its decadence, Islamic society has been remarkably free from the prejudices which vitiated human relations in many other parts of the world. Similarly, we have a great record in tolerance, for under no system of Government, even in the Middle Ages, have the minorities received the same consideration and freedom as they did in Muslim countries. When Christian dissentients and Muslims were being tortured and driven out of their homes, when they were being hunted as animals and burnt as criminals - even criminals have never been burnt in Islamic society - Islam provided a haven for all who were persecuted and who fled from tyranny. It is a well-known fact of history that, when anti-Semitism turned the Jews out of many a European country, it was the Ottoman Empire which gave them shelter. The greatest proof of the tolerance of Muslim peoples lies in the fact that there is no Muslim country where strong minorities do not exist, and where they have not been able to preserve their religion and culture. Most of all, in this sub-continent of India, where the Muslims wielded unlimited authority, the rights of non-Muslims were cherished and protected. I may point out, Sir, that it was under Muslim patronage that many an indigenous language developed in India. My friends, from Bengal would remember that it was under the encouragement of Muslim rulers that the first translations of the Hindu scriptures were made from Sanskrit into Bengali. It is this tolerance which is envisaged by Islam, wherein a minority does not live on sufferance, but is respected and given every opportunity to develop its own thought and culture, so that it may contribute to the greater glory of the entire nation. In the matter of social justice as well, Sir, I would point out that Islam has a distinct contribution to make. Islam envisages a society in which social justice means neither charity nor regimentation. Islamic social justice is based upon fundamental laws and concepts which guarantee to man a life free from want and rich in freedom. It is for this reason that the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice have been further defined by giving to them a meaning which, in our view, is deeper and wider than the usual connotation of these words. The next clause of the Resolution lays down that Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accord with the teachings and requirements of 221 Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and the Sunnah. It is quite obvious that no non-Muslim should have any objection if the Muslims are enabled to order their lives in accordance with the dictates of their religion. You would also notice, Sir, that the State is not to play the part of a neutral observer, wherein the Muslims may be merely free to profess and practise their religion, because such an attitude on the part of the State would be the very negation of the ideals which prompted the demand of Pakistan, and it is these ideals which should be the corner-stone of the State which we want to build. The State will create such conditions as are conductive to the building up of a truly Islamic society, which means that the State will have to play a positive part in this effort. You would remember, Sir, that the Quaid-i-Azam and other leaders of the Muslim League always made unequivocal declarations that the Muslim demand for Pakistan was based upon the fact that the Muslims had a way of life and a code of conduct. They also reiterated the fact that Islam is not merely a relationship between the individual and his God, which should not, in any way, affect the working of the State. Indeed, Islam lays down specific directions for social behaviour, and seeks to guide society in its attitude towards the problems which confront it from day to day. Islam is not just a matter of private beliefs and conduct. It expects its followers to build up a society for the purpose of good life - as the Greeks would have called it, with this difference, that Islamic "good-life" is essentially based upon spiritual values. For the purpose of emphasizing these values and to give them validity, it will be necessary for the State to direct and guide the activities of the Muslims in such a manner as to bring about a new social order based upon the essential principles of Islam, including the principles of democracy, freedom, tolerance and social justice. These I mention merely by way of illustration; because they do not exhaust the teachings of Islam as embodied in the Quran and the Sunnah. There can be no Muslim who does not believe that the word of God and the life of the Prophet are the basic sources of his inspiration. In these there is no difference of opinion amongst the Muslims and there is no sect in Islam which does not believe in their validity. Therefore, there should be no misconception in the mind of any sect which may be in a minority in Pakistan about the intentions of the State. The State will seek to create an Islamic society free from dissensions, but this does not mean that it would curb the freedom of any section of the Muslims in the matter of their beliefs. No sect, whether the majority or a minority, will be permitted to dictate to the others and, in their own internal matters and sectional beliefs, all sects shall be given the fullest possible latitude and freedom. Actually we hope that the various sects will act in accordance with the desire of the 222 Prophet who said that the differences of opinion amongst his followers are a blessing. It is for us to make our differences a source of strength to Islam and Pakistan, not to exploit them for narrow interests which will weaken both Pakistan and Islam. Differences of opinion very often lead to cogent thinking and progress, but this happens only when they are not permitted to obscure our vision of the real goal, which is the service of Islam and the furtherance of its objects. It is, therefore, clear that this clause seeks to give the Muslims the opportunity that they have been seeking, throughout these long decades of decadence and subjection, of finding freedom to set up a polity, which may prove to be a laboratory for the purpose of demonstrating to the world that Islam is not only a progressive force in the world, but it also provides remedies for many of the ills from which humanity has been suffering. In our desire to build up an Islamic society we have not ignored the rights of the non- Muslims. Indeed, it would have been un-Islamic to do so, and we would have been guilty of transgressing the dictates of our religion if we had tried to impinge upon the freedom of the minorities. In no way will they be hindered from professing or protecting their religion or developing their cultures. The history of the development of Islamic culture itself shows that cultures of the minorities, who lived under the protection of Muslim States and Empires contributed to the richness of the heritage which the Muslims built up for themselves. I assure the minorities that we are fully conscious of the fact that if the minorities are able to make a contribution to the sum total of human knowledge and thought, it will redound to the credit of Pakistan and will enrich the life of the nation. Therefore, the minorities may look forward, not only to a period of the fullest freedom, but also to an understanding and appreciation on the part of the majority which has always been such a marked characteristic of Muslims throughout history. Sir, the Resolution envisages a federal form of government because such is the dictate of geography. It would be idle to think of a unitary form of Government when the two parts of our country are separated by more than a thousand miles. I, however, hope that the Constituent Assembly will make every effort to integrate the units closer and forge such ties as would make us a well-integrated nation. I have always advocated the suppression of provincial feelings, but I want to make it clear that I am not an advocate of dull uniformity. I believe that all the areas and units, which form Pakistan, should contribute to the richness of our national life. I do, however, want to make it clear that nothing should be permitted which, in any sense, tends to weaken 223 national unity, and provision should be made for bringing about a closer relationship amongst the various sections of our population than exists today. For this purpose the Constituent Assembly will have to think anew as to what will be the best method for the distribution of subjects between the Centre and the units, and how the units should be defined in our new setup. Mr. President, it has become fashionable to guarantee certain fundamental rights, but I assure you that it is not our intention to give these rights with one hand and take them away with the other. I have said enough to show that we want to build up a truly liberal Government where the greatest amount of freedom will be given to all its members. Everyone will be equal before the law, but this does not mean that his personal law will not be protected. We believe in the equality of status and justice. It is our firm belief and we have said this from many a platform that Pakistan does not stand for vested interests or the wealthy classes. It is our intention to build up an economy on the basic principles of Islam which seeks a better distribution of wealth and the removal of want. Poverty and backwardness - all that stands in the way of the achievement of his fullest stature by man - must be eradicated from Pakistan. At present our masses are poor and illiterate. We must raise their standards of life, and free them from the shackles of poverty and ignorance. So far as political rights are concerned, everyone will have a voice in the determination of the policy pursued by the Government and in electing those who will run the State, so that they may do so in the interests of the people. We believe that no shackles can be put on thought and, therefore, we do not intend to hinder any person from the expression of his views. Nor do we intend to deprive anyone of his right of forming associations for all lawful and moral purposes. In short, we want to base our polity upon freedom, progress and social justice. We want to do away with social distinctions, but we want to achieve this without causing suffering or putting fetters upon the human mind and lawful inclinations. Sir, there are a large number of interests for which the minorities legitimately desire protection. This protection the Resolution seeks to provide. The backward and depressed classes are our special charge. We are fully conscious of the fact that they do not find themselves in their present plight for any fault of their own. It is also true that we are not responsible by any means for their present position. But now that they are our citizens, it will be our special effort to bring them up to the level of other citizens, so that they may bear the responsibilities imposed by their being citizens of a free and progressive State, and share them with others who have been more fortunate than themselves. We know that so long as any sections amongst our people are 224 backward, they will be a drag upon society and, therefore, for the purpose of building up our State we must necessarily took to the interests of these sections. Mr. President, in the end we firmly believe that by laying the foundations of our constitution on the principles enunciated in this Resolution, we shall be able to put Pakistan on the path of progress, and the day is not far distant when Pakistan will become a country of which its citizens, without distinction of class or creed, will be proud. I am confident that our people have great potentialities. Through their unparalleled sacrifices and commendable sense of discipline, displayed at the time of a grave disaster and crisis, they have earned the admiration of the world. Such a people, I am sure, not only deserves to live, but is destined to make a contribution to the welfare and progress of humanity. It is essential that it should keep alive its spirit of sacrifice, and its adherence to its noble ideals, and Destiny itself will lead it to its place of glory in the affairs of the world, and make it immortal in the annals of humanity. Sir, this people has traditions of great achievement to its credit; its history is replete with deeds of glory; in every sphere of life it has contributed its full measure of achievement; its heroism adorns the pages of military chronicles; its administrators created traditions which have withstood the ravages of time; in creative art, its poverty, architecture and sense of beauty have won their tribute of appreciation; in the matter of spiritual greatness it has few parallels. It is this people which is again on the march, and, given the necessary opportunities, it will surpass its previous record of glorious achievement. This Objectives Resolution is the first step in the direction of the creation of an environment which will again awaken the spirit of the nation. We, whom Destiny has chosen to play a part, howsoever humble and insignificant, in this great drama of national resurrection, are overwhelmed with the magnitude of the opportunities which are before us. Let us use these opportunities with wisdom and foresight, and I have not the least doubt that these humble efforts will bear fruit far in excess of our wildest expectations, through the help of a Providence which has brought Pakistan into existence. It is not every day that great nations come into their own; it is not every day that peoples stand on the threshold of renaissance; it is not every day that Destiny beckons the down-trodden and the subjugated to rise and greet the dawn of a great future. It is the narrow streak of light heralding the brilliance of the full day that we salute in the form of this Resolution. Source: Choudhury, G. W. (1967). “Documents and Speeches on the Constitution of Pakistan”Dacca: Green Book House. 225 Appendix D AGREED 22 POINTS OF ULEMA-E-PAKISTAN TO ESTABLISH ISLAMIC SHARIAH (1) ALLAH (SWT) is the REAL Sovereign and Lord of this universe. (2) The Law of the country shall be based on Quran and Sunnah and neither any law shall be enacted nor any administrative injunction shall be laid down that is repugnant to Quran and Sunnah. (3) This country shall not be based on any geographical, racial, linguistic or any other concepts but on those principles and aims which are based on the code of life laid down by Islam. (4) It shall be the obligation of Islamic state to establish the goods defined by Quran and Sunnah, suppress the wrongs and arrange for the revival and supremacy of Islamic beliefs and for the necessary education of established Islamic sects according to their understandings of religion. (5) It shall be the obligation of Islamic state to strengthen the unity and brotherhood among all the Muslims of the world. It shall get rid of all the means that may give rise to differences among the Muslim citizens of the state due to ignorant prejudices of racism, linguistics, regionalism or any other sort of discrimination and ensure the stability of unity among the Islamic community. (6) State shall sponsor, without any religious, race or other discrimination, the basic needs such as food, clothing, shelter, health and education for all such people who cannot earn their livelihood or cannot do so temporarily due to unemployment, illness or other reasons. (7) Citizens of the country shall enjoy all the rights laid down for them in Islamic Sharia. It means protection of life, property and dignity within the Law, freedom of religion and sect, freedom to worship, freedom of caste, freedom of expression, 226 freedom to move, freedom to gather, freedom to earn livelihood, equal opportunity to progress and right to get benefits from social organizations. (8) None of the above-mentioned rights of any citizen shall be suppressed at any time without any legitimate reason according to Islamic Law and none shall be punished for any accusation of crime without provision of an opportunity to defend and without a judicial decision. (9) The established Islamic sects shall enjoy complete religious freedom within the prescribed boundaries and Law. They shall have the right to educate their followers on their religion. The decisions related to their personal affairs shall be made according to their religious jurisprudence and it shall be suitable to make an arrangement that their own judges make such decisions. (10) The non-Muslim citizens of the state shall enjoy complete freedom, within the prescribed boundaries and Law, to practice their religion, worship, culture, religious education and they will have the right to get decisions on their personal affairs according to their religious law or traditions. (11) It shall be mandatory to abide by the agreements made, with non-Muslim citizens of the state, within the boundaries of Sharia. Both the Muslim and non-Muslim citizens shall have equal civic rights as mentioned above in clause no. 7. (12) It shall be mandatory for the President of the country to be a male Muslim whose trustworthiness, capability and decision-making enjoys the confidence of people or their elected representatives. (13) The president of the state shall be actually responsible for administering the state. However he can delegate any part of his authority to a person or an organization. (14) The government of the President shall not be autocratic but consultative. It implies that he shall execute his duties after consultation with the members of government and the elected representatives of the people. (15) The President shall have no right to govern without the help of consultation after 227 suspending the constitution partially or completely. (16) The organization that shall elect the President shall also have the right to remove him with majority votes. (17) The President of the state shall have the same civil rights as general Muslims and shall not be immune to impeachment. (18) Same law shall be applied to the members and workers of the government and the citizens and the general courts shall implement it. (19) The judiciary shall be separate and independent from the administration so that the judiciary does not get influenced by the administration in performing its duties. (20) It shall be prohibited to preach or promote any of such thoughts and ideologies, which may be destructive to the basic principles of the Islamic state. (21) The various provinces and parts of the country shall be considered the Administrative Units of one state. Their status shall not be racial, linguistic or tribal entities but shall be of administrative territories, which may be delegated administrative authorities under the central dominion keeping in view the administrative convenience but they shall not have right to disintegrate from the centre. (22) Any interpretation of the Constitution that is against Quran and Sunnah shall not be valid. Following is the list of Ulema who documented the 22 points dossier: (1) Allama Sayyid Suleiman Nadwi (President, Majlis-e-Haza) (2) Maulana Sayyid Abul A‟la Maududi (Ameer, Jamate-e-Islami Pakistan) (3) Maulana Shams-ul-Haq Afghani (Minister for Education, State of Qalat) (4) Maulana Badar Alam (Ustaaz-ul-Hadees, Tando Allah Yar, Sindh) 228 (5) Maulana Ihtisham-ul-Haq Thanwi (Administrator, Dar-ul-Uloom Al Islamia, Ashraf-Abad, Sindh) (6) Maulana Muhammad Abdul Hamid Qadri, Badyouni (President, Jamiat-Ulema Pakistan) (7) Mufti Muhammad Shafi (Member Board of Islamic Education, Constituent Assembly Pakistan) (8) Maulana Muhammad Idris Kandhalwi (Sheikh-ul-Jamia, Jamia Abbasiya, Bahalwpur)\ (9) Maulana Khair Muhammad (Administrator, Madrasa Khair-ul-Madaris, Multan city) (10) Maulana Mufti Muhammad Hassan (Administrator, Madrasa Ashrafiya, Neela Gunbad, Lahore) (11) Peer Sahab Muhammad Ameen-ul-Hasanaat (Manki shareef, Sarhad) (12) Maulana Yusuf Binori (Shiekh-ul-Tafseer, Ashraf Abad, Sindh) (13) Haji Khadim-ul-Islam Muhammad Ameen (Al Mujahid-Abad, Peshawar) Khalifa Haji Tarang Zai (14) Qazi Abdul Samad Sarbaazi (Qazi Qalaat, Balochistan) (15) Maulana Athar Ali (President Jamiat-Ulema Islam, East Pakistan) (16) Maulana Abu ja‟far Muhammad Saleh (Ameer Hizbullah, East Pakistan) (17) Maulana Raghib Hassan (Vice President Jamiat-Ulema Islam, East Pakistan) (18) Maulana Muhammad Habib-ur-Rehman (Sarseena Shareef, East Pakistan) (19) Maulana Muhammad Ali Jalandhri (Majlis Ihrar-e-Islam, Pakistan) (20) Maulana Dawud Ghaznavi (President Jamiat Ahl-e-Hadees, West Pakistan) (21) Mufti Jafar Hussein Mujtahid (Member Board of Islamic Education) 229 (22) Mufti Hafiz Kifayat Hussein Mujtahid (Supreme Organization for Protection of Rights of Shia-e-Pakistan, Lahore) (23) Maulana Muhammad Ismail (Nazim Jamiat Ahl-e-Hadees, Gujranwala, Pakistan) (24) Maulana Habibullah (Jamia Deeniya Dar-ul-Huda, Therhy, Khairpur Mir) (25) Maulana Ahmad Ali (Ameer Anjuman Khuddam-ul-Deen Sheranwala Darwaza, Lahore) (26) Maulana Muhammad Sadiq (Administrator, Madrasa Mazhar-ul-Uloom, Khadda, Karachi) (27) Professor Abdul Khaliq (Member Board of Islamic Education) (28) Maulana Shams-ul-Haq Fareed Puri (Main Administrator, Madrasa Ashraf-ul- Uloom, Dhaka) (29) Maulana Mufti Sahab Dad (Madrasat-ul-Islam, Karachi, Sindh) (30) Maulana Muhammad Zafar Ahmad Ansari (Sec. Board of Islamic Education, Constituent Assembly, Pakistan) (31) Peer Sahab Muhammad Hashim Mujaddadi (Tando Sayeen Daad, Sindh) Source: http://kashifiat.wordpress.com/2011/03/05/agreed-22-points-of-ulema-e- pakistan-to-establish-islamic-shariah/ Appendix E 230 Appendix E 6 POINTS OF SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN (AWAMI LEAGUE) 1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in the true sense on the basis of the Lahore Resolution and for a parliamentary form of government based on the supremacy of a directly elected legislature on the basis of universal adult franchise. 2. The Federal Government shall deal with only two subjects; Defence and Foreign Affairs. All residuary subjects will be vested in the federating states. 3. There should be either two separate, freely convertible currencies for the two Wings, or one currency with two separate reserve banks to prevent inter-Wing flight of capital. 4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units. The Federal Government will receive a share to meet its financial obligations. 5. Economic disparities between the two Wings shall disappear through a series of economic, fiscal, and legal reforms. 6. A militia or paramilitary force must be created in East Pakistan, which at present has no defence of its own Source: http://storyofpakistan.com/awami-leagues-six-point-program/ 231 Appendix F South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol. 29, No. 2, July-December 2014, pp. 441-459 Evolution of Sectarianism in Pakistan: A Threat to the State and Society Muhammad Nadeem Shah University of Engineering and Technology, Lahore ABSTRACT Contemporary Pakistan has been passing through the worst phase of its history due to internal law and order and security issues. Terrorism and sectarianism had never struck the state with such intensity in the past as it has been since the last two decades. Suicide attacks on the worshippers in the Mosques and Imambargahs as well as target killing of religious leaders of either sect, at various places in the country has posed a serious threat to the peace loving nation of Pakistan. The feelings of vulnerability have continuously been increasing day by day. This situation has put the entire social structure of the country at stake. Why the Muslims are killing the Muslims? Who are the masterminds? And what is the remedy to this menace? All such questions are yet to be answered. This paper will try to unveil the elements involved in this bloody game of viciousness. The work will also through light on the affects of sectarian ferocity on the state and society of Pakistan. KEY WORDS: Extremism, Militancy, Pakistan, Religion, Sectarianism, Terrorism, Violence. Introduction If various religious factions in a society antagonize each other with such stringency that each of them reflect its beliefs as a complete religion and do not prepared to reconcile with the diverse view, would be a state of sectarianism. “the term Sect is used in the sociology of religion to 232 designate a particular kind of religious group” (International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968: 130).Usually a sect is a body of people who bond in holding certain opinions divergent from those of others who are accounted to be of the same religion. Normally this word is used for a “separately organized religious group having its typical name and its own places of worship” (The Oxford English Dictionary, 1961: 361). Pakistan has been under a serious threat of sectarian fierceness since the time of its inception. The main contenders are the Sunnis and the Shias. The nature of hostility is not only inter-sects bet also intra sects. The most unfortunate facet of this encounter is that all the sects involved in violence do have the claim of serving the religion. Killing of intellectuals, religious scholars, and innocent worshipers in the Mosques and Imambargahs is service to religion in their judgments. A religion of peace and tolerance has been transformed into a religion of extremism and radicalism. These fanatics not only consider their adversaries as infidels but also are convinced not to give them the right to alive. The vested interests of political bosses and foreign aid have further intensified the situation. Each sect justifies itself on the true path and is sure to go to the paradise. They construe the religion according to their own concern and consider the others as non-believer even inferior to that. “Sectarian differences have re-emerged now with atrocious intensity due to unchecked and uncontrolled religious intolerance promoted by the semi-literate, little educated religious leaders supported by selfish political leaders with vested interests” (Naek, 2001: 29). The sectarian situation become worsen when Haq Nawaz Jhangvi created Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan(SSP) in 1985 and demanded to pronounce Shias as non-Muslims and Pakistan as a Sunni State. He took part in politics and later on was murdered by his opponents. But his followers alleged Shia community, responsible for his assassination. Later on Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) came on the scene with Riaz Basra as its chief, and exterminated many Shias including intellectuals, scholars and worshipers. „To respond such killing Shias from Thokar Niaz Beg, Lahore made Sipah-e-Muhammad Pakistan (SMP) and embattled Deobandis‟ (Rana, 2004: 415). Although both the organizations are banned in Pakistan since many years but bloodshed and target killing of people of either sect are persist without any restraint. Generally terrorists do come from sectarian and Jihadi groups, but their masterminds are somewhere else. Some exterior elements are normally alleged in this regard along with Pakistan‟s secret agencies. LeJ extremists may have their links in Afghanistan while SMP in 233 Iran. Due to the activities of such organizations thousands have been killed in the name of religion. „The victims and the distressed groups customarily blame America of aiding the offenders to blowout what they look as their agenda of global supremacy. Beside America, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Iran and India are also held responsible for providing financial aid to the organizations involved in sectarian violence‟ (www.crisisgroup.org). Several belligerent organizations in Pakistan were banned and their accounts frozen over the past few years. The main organizations banned are SSP, LeJ, SMP Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Tahrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). In a speech in June 2001, to leading religious scholars, Former military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf lashed out against the religious extremists “It (the world) looks upon us as terrorists. We have been killing each other and now we want to spread violence and terror abroad” (Spotlight on Regional Affairs, 2005: 21). Islam is a religion of peace. It stands for moderation and wellbeing of all. Violence and insecurity initiate from human greed, disgust, jealousy and conceit. Some people misuse religion as a source of worldly power. Freedom to practice ones religion is a fundamental human right. The more constructive approach to manage religious fanaticism is, for the mainstream groups and ruling elites, to practice Tolerance, Equality and Justice and have a respect for minority‟s faith, their values and cultures. To undermine the sinful intentions of the extremists and anti-state elements, promotion of education, employment opportunities and values, like tolerance and moderation are prerequisites. Allah says in the Holy Quran, (4:93) “And whoever kills a believer intentionally, his recompense is Hell to abide therein; and the Wrath and the Curse of Allah are upon him and a great punishment is prepared for him” Background In Muslim history different sects appeared due to the interpretations, which were made to comprehend the spirit of the commandments of Allah and His messenger Muhammad (PBUH). The companions of the Prophet (PBUH) varied from each other in wisdom and aptitudes. They have the conviction in obeying the sayings of the Prophet without any amendment. They stayed silent if could not catch any statement of the Prophet about certain issues. „It is correct that over some issues a certain group or individual was in the right or very close to the truth but in various matters every interpretation was derived from the basic teachings 234 of Islam‟ (Tirmazi, n.d: 28). With the passage of time these variances, because of human limitations, turned into prejudice and factionalism. The foundation of most of the sects was rested on sincerity but under the dominance of human desires a state of conflict and enmity had developed. Although there was unanimity of views on most of the religious codes yet the contentious matters were largely more focused and the excited followers unnoticed certain instructions of Islam in order to execute their personal will upon others. Therefore, they started defying religion and ideology and became argumentative to each other. This stubborn attitude of the followers had developed a bad tradition among Muslims. Hereafter a religion of peace and harmony has encompassed certain components of intemperance. Most of Muslim sects in the early days of Islam primarily emerged as political schools of thought. Later on, in course of their endeavor to find out scriptural and theological bases of their respective political opinions they gradually converted into theological sects. The first serious political disagreement that brook out in the Ummah was about the office of the caliph but after the Battles of Jamal and Safeen the political differences turned into religious disputes. Many sects appeared on the scene. Kharijites are considered as the first sect in Muslim history. Up to the battle of Safeen they were the supporter of Hazrat Ali but they seceded from the Alids on the plea that “no one has the right to become arbitrator or decision maker in the matters of Din” (Ghazi, 1992: 166). When Kharijites started killing the innocent people in the name of religion, Hazrat Ali crushed their power by defeating them at the battle of Nahrwan. Another important sect was Shias. „The people who supported Hazrat Ali throughout his life and after his martyrdom remained loyal to his descendants were given the name Shian-e-Ali or Shia‟ (Urdu Encyclopedia of Islam, 1975: 297). However after the martyrdom of Hazrat Imam Hussain in Karbala the Muslim community bifurcated permanently into Shias and Sunnis and the gulf could not be bridged since then. “The South Asian societies in contemporary environment are confronted with religion based violence, sectarianism, extremism, communalism and even regionalism” (Javaid, 2011: 10). South Asian societies have always been religious in outlook. Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Islam, Sikhism and Christianity are the main religions of this region. Most of them have been confronting against each other in different course of history. The disagreements were not only inter-religion but also intra-religion. Even the similar schools of thought sometimes indulged in 235 violence amongst themselves. The past of South Asia is full of religious, ethnic and cultural clashes. Religion has been used as an instrument during most of the movements. The seekers of supremacy have constantly misused the religious emotions of the people for the fortification of their vested interests. The destiny of South Asia regarding religious activism could not change with the changing world. Instead the state of affairs are extraordinary serious as the places of worship are not even free from this menace. Such state of intolerance and immoderation has brought a bad name to Muslims in particular. Although extremism is prevalent among all the religions of this region yet the Islam only is commonly more focused and projected in the negative light. The history of sectarianism and ethnicity in South Asia may be outlined and examined during three different eras. The Muslim rule, the British raj and the post-colonial scenario. During Muslim reign there were not only conflicts among ruling elites on political bases but also „prevail a religious scuffle among different sects of Muslim society. During the Sultanate rule in India (1206-1526) they practised the Hanfi code of law‟ (Iqbal, 2003: 66). The Mughals were of Sunni persuasion except Humayun. During his rule the influence of Shiaism spread significantly in the Southern India. The Muslims themselves, only for worldly advantages, exploited the Shia- Sunni variances in such a way that the thirteen hundred years old disputes were made anew. At that time a number of Muslim scholars made efforts to stabilize the ties between two confronting ideologies of Muslims. Among these scholars the services of Shah Wali Ullah and his family on the part of Sunnis and Syed Dildar Ali and his family on the part of Shias are praiseworthy. „They not only categorically rejected the notion of different sects in Islam but also suggested that only the enemies of the Muslim faith benefit from sectarian conflicts, which also try to fuel the rifts in Islam‟ (Singh, 2002: 207). Another scholar of that time was Allama Tafazzul Hussain Kashmiri (Died 1801). He was Shia scholar and never indulged in the provocative issues. „It was included in his daily routine to deliver lecture of Imamia school of thought before the Zuhar prayer and of Hanafi school of thought after the Zuhar prayer‟(Ikram, 1970: 640). With the collapse of Muslim authority in India and the rise of British, many new religious groups appeared which, with the passage of time, advanced on sectarian ground. Besides Wahabi movement, Ahl-e-Hadith, Beverlalwis, Deobandis and Shias were the main schools of thought 236 during colonial rule. The policy of „Divide and Rule‟ was also playing its role behind this sectarian division. “The sectarian divisions were exacerbated with the advent of western colonialism and the European colonialists, were perfectly aware that while they could not overcome Islam. Sectarian division could easily destroy the faith” (Singh, 2002: 207). Although rawness may be observed to some extent in the inter-sectarian relationship within the Muslim community of India yet they have presented unanimity and harmony in the struggle for freedom of Pakistan. Particularly the Shia community contributed more devotedly. Among the pioneers of freedom, many prominent leaders were from Shia sect. Syed Ameer Ali, Sir Agha Khan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and many others, consciously created an atmosphere free from sectarian prejudice. These leaders never tried to uphold their specific ideologies but represented the whole Muslim community of the subcontinent. At one occasion when the institution of Khilafat was abolished by the Turks, then Syed Ameer Ali and Agha Khan wrote a letter on behalf of Sunnis to the Turkish authorities regarding the restoration of institution of Khilafat. „But they were rebuked by the Turkish leader Ismat Pasha with the argument that no Shia can represent the Sunnis, (Ikram, 1970: 171). Except few religious leaders whole of the Muslim community reinforced the idea of creation of Pakistan. After the partition of subcontinent, the religious parties restructured themselves in both the newly born states. In post partition India the state of inter-sectarian harmony among Muslims became much better as compared to Pakistan. “As for the Shia Sunni feud, it is now by and large a story of the past. Today, the Muslims form one single community and the fact that they belong to one school or to another is no longer a barrier to friendly relations and marriages” (Kettani, 1990: 117). However in Pakistan the situation of sectarianism has remained terrible and fearsome since the time of its establishment “because religious sentiments of unsuspecting, illiterate and simple masses are being exploited by politically motivated religious leaders.” (Spotlight on Regional Affairs, 2005: 2). In Pakistan, both Sunnis and Shias have ordered themselves as political parties, the former as the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) and SSP and the latter as Tehrik Nafaz Fiqah Jafria(TNFJ) and SMP. „The political influence of each is much more limited than their sectarian following‟ (Alvi, 1988: 86). Furthermore the Shia-Sunni aversion and disapprobation has revolved into armed conflicts that claimed thousands of precious lives. A 237 country created in the name of Islam- the religion of peace- is seems to be unworthy of its watchwords “Pakistan Ka Mutlab kia La Ilaha illAllah”. Sectarian Face of Religio-Political Groups Pakistan the first state in world history ever created in the name of religious ideology. The chief objective of its creation was to offer conducive environment to the Muslims of this area, to live a life in accordance with the principles of Islam and they could promote and practice Islamic codes and values freely and independently. Islam has imparted religious freedom, equality, justice and rule of law for all regardless of colour, caste and creed. It does not entertain sectarian tendency and dividing the Muslim community into Sunnis, Shias, Deobandis, Baralawis, Wahabis or any other sect. Father of the nation Quaid-I-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was well aware of the fact that Pakistan is a multi-ethnic and multi sectarian society. So, at many occasions he warned the people of Pakistan about the vices of such considerations. In a public meeting at Dacca in March 1948 he expressed “if you want to build up yourself into a Nation, for God‟s sake give up this provincialism. Provincialism has been one of the curses; and so is sectionalism-Shia, Sunni etc” (Jinnah, 1989: 181). Like all other advices of Jinnah, the nation mistreated this one as well and since independence these ethnic and sectarian variances went on mounting with the passage of time. The most deplorable feature is that all is being done in the name of faith. Most of the religio- political organizations have remained active towards the elevation of religious aggressiveness. Almost all the sects have been involved in reciprocal riots. Bad practice of pronouncing the adversaries, as infidel is very common. And the doctrine of the activists is seems to be no infidel has the right to stay alive. All the religio-political organizations including Jamat-i-Islami (JI), JUI, JUP, Jamiyat-e-Ahl-e-Hadees, TNFJ and Pakistan Awami Tehreek want to enforce Islamic system in Pakistan but the Islamic system of each of them is quite different than that of others. Also the Islamic System of any of them is entirely undesirable for all others. As most of the religio-political parties have specific benefits in their respective systems therefore, for the achievement of those objectives, each of them have led to the birth of their militant off-shoots which in the long run have taken over the parent body. SSP and L-e-J traces its links with JUI while SMP with TNFJ. The activists of all such militant factions have always served the vested 238 interests of their respective mother organizations. In some cases regimes and leaders are also blackmailed by these non-state actors as they have specified certain constituencies for themselves. Appearance and augmentation of SSP in the politics of Jhang is a perfect sign of such description. The graph of religious intolerance has been constantly moving in the upward direction since the so called Islamization of Zia-ul-Haq appended with Afghan Jihad, provided an ultimate atmosphere for the mushroom growth of such militant organizations. The wave of Shia-Sunni violence, undoubtedly the most horrible in the history of its kind, that has left several religious scholars and leaders dead on both sides, has shaken the whole society. Due to this sectarian xenophobia, Muslims are killing the Muslims mercilessly. Pakistan is being projected among the nations of world as an intolerant and violent society. But the innocence rather ignorance of the blind followers is being exploited by the Mullahs, Pirs and Imams, for their seditious activities, in the name of religion. “The situation is being continually fueled and exacerbated by highly inflammatory speeches from the pulpits by the activists of the militant Sunni organization Sipah- i-Sahaba and, the equally militant Shia organization, Sipah-i-Muhammad” (Ahmad, 1998: 101). Innocent people are embattled in Mosques and Imam Bargahs. Posters and handbills produced by the imprudent leaders from both sides are daily enflaming their supporters to “rise, take up arms, and seek paradise by eliminating the enemies of Islam” (Ibid). Regrettably most of the rulers in Pakistan have come into power by grabbing authority with little public support, have suffered from lack of legitimacy and authenticity. Thus they had to support and boost such religio-political organizations to withstand their illegitimate government and prolong themselves in command. “All dictators and even Mr. Bhutto appeased them to win and retain their support and favour” (The Nation, 16 September, 1994). General Zia ul Haq imposed Martial Law in Pakistan in1977 after a protest campaigning launched by the religio-political parties by the name of Tehreek-e-Nizam-e-Mustafa, against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto the then Prime Minister of Pakistan. Zia, to accommodate the religious sentiments of the masses introduced a process of so called Islamization. “His Islamization policies encouraged and promoted all types of movements but the conservative Deobandis, Ahle Hadith and Jamat-i-Islami were the main beneficiaries” (www.crisisgroup.org). Coincidentally the internal environment of the state was changed due to Martial Law and the peripheral due to the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan and Islamic Revolution in Iran. These developments put their 239 influence on Pakistan as well. Consequently, the more conventional and militant version of Sunni Islam had grown in strength and public influence. Tthe Shia community organized themselves and formed TNFJ in 1979. TNFJ started criticizing Zia‟s certain policies like Zakat and Ushar ordinance. To counter this Shia activity, Zia adopted a policy of promoting Deobandi sect. In this respect many appointments were made in the Auqaf Department and the graduates of Wafaq-al-Madaris were preferred in recruitment. „In this way Hundreds of mosques fell into Deobandi hands. Distribution of Zakat funds was equally lopsided in favour of Deobandi and Ahle Hadith madrasas‟ (Ibid). In this environment a city of central Punjab „Jhang‟ has become the center of sectarian politics. Here in 1985 SSP was founded by Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, who was an active member of JUI. The slogan espoused by this organization “Kafir Kafir Shia Kafir” was highly provocative and it was raised in all the meetings and demonstrations of the organization with complete fervor. In the meanwhile Deobandi organizations started a country wide campaign against Shia community through publications associated with JUI and SSP. “Deobandi journals especially Al-Haq (Akora Khatak), Al-Balagh (Karachi) and Tarjuman-i-Islam (Lahore) were publishing highly inflammatory writings against the Shias and were, in fact demanding a separate quota of electoral seats and administrative positions for them as they had earlier demanded in the case of the Ahmadis” (Ahmad, 1998: 108). The expression of these pamphlets clearly illustrated the political motives of SSP and it came on the forefront of the politics by taking part in general elections in 1988 against Syeda Abida Hussain, a renowned and dominant politician of Shia sect. In these elections she stood victorious on two seats of National Assembly by defeating Haq Nawaz Jhangvi and Maulana Rahmat Ullah. Nevertheless Haq Nawaz Jhangavi had posed a threat to the political elites of district Jhang. Beholding the fame and potential of SSP, the Sunni businessmen community started sponsorship this organization, obviously with finance. Sheikh Muhammad Yousaf, one of the richest men of Pakistan, and Haji Abid Hussain another industrialist used the forum of SSP to reach the benches of Punjab Assembly. There was also conflict of interest between the Sunni businessmen and Shia feudals, as majority of the big landholders of Jhang belonged to Shia community and were very influential in the politics. That is why the Sunni businessmen invested in SSP. 240 The chief of SSP was an expressive and fiery orator hence the pivotal theme of his speeches was the Shias and feudalism. “Maulana Jhangvi‟s incendiary speeches and Shia scholar‟s attitude further inflamed the sectarian fires among the young people who began terrorist activities against each other” (Rana, 2004: 195). On February 22, 1990 chief of SSP, Haq Nawaz Jhangvi was assassinated, just on the door of his house. That incident has proved to be highly explosive for the peace and law and order of Jhang. The leadership of SSP accused the local Shia landlords, particularly Abida Hussain, against whom Haq Nawaz Jhangvi contested in the National Assembly elections, and the Iranian government for this murder. The jinni of religious fanaticism and sectarianism has come out of the bottle and everything went out of control. Since then the nervous breaking tension, blood-curd sectarianism spellbound the whole area “However in Jhangvi‟s assassination SSP found a martyr whom they could use in the political arena of Jhang. The National Assembly seat lost by Haq Nawaz Jhangvi in 1988 was won by SSP in 1990” (Ibid: 196). The followers of both sects were pitted against each other and approaches of disgust reached at its apex. Furthermore personal hostilities, clash of drug trafficking and other such illegal business interests, involvement of the interests of selfish politicians had further extended the complexity of the issue. “Criminal elements, drug mafia and the collusive politicians had made well use of the things and employed all their stratagems and mean political tricks to politicize the situation by further fanning sectarian differences to serve only of their vested interests” (Sadiq, 2002: 243). Consequently more than three hundred people died in sectarian violence in Jhang District alone during the period between 1986 and 1998. With the increasing violent incidents against Shia community on the part of SSP, few emotional activists of TNFJ decided to launch a militant wing that could counter SSP. The group had the backing of Imamia Students Organization (ISO). As soon as the announcement of the formation of SMP, was made. A lot of young men from ISO joined the new organization. “When Sipah Sahaba threatened Asif Zardari with murder he had Sipah Mohammad created to counter the threat and provided financial support and arms” (Rana, op.cit; 414). The headquarter of SMP was setup at Thokar Niaz Beg Lahore. The organization held its first public meeting at Mochi Gate, Lahore. About two thousand people were present and most of them were armed. The speeches delivered at the occasion were highly provocative and SMP leaders uttered, we are exhausted of picking up bodies. Now, we will remove the name of SSP. After that SMP 241 launched many attacks on SSP leadership and workers. In these attacks dozens of people were killed including Zia-ur-Rahman Farooqui, the chief of SSP. Latter on SMP was debarred on August 14, 2001 along with its counterpart LeJ, an offshoot of SSP. Potential of Banned Organizations Imposition of ban could not restrict LeJ to kill the adversaries and its terrorist activities exceeded government‟s power. This was the second Government of Nawaz Sharif. LeJ going beyond bounds, attempted on Prime Minister‟s life by exploding a bomb on Raiwind Road in Lahore. Then the government decided to crush the power of LeJ. Dozens of its activists were killed during encounters with police. However its chief Riaz Basra escaped to Afghanistan, where Taliban administration was ever ready to give shelter to anti-Shia terrorists. After couple of years the government of that time succeeded to get rid of Riaz Basra on May 14, 2002 when he was killed in a police encounter at Mailsi in District Vihari. After Basra‟s death, his successor Muhammad Ajmal alias Akram Lahori was also taken into custody in July 2002 from Karachi. After this apprehension, LeJ changed its strategy and joined hands with other jihadi groups, active in Pakistan. Its new chief Asif Ramzi claimed “that all the major jihadi organizations, including Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, are gathering on a platform- the Muslim United Army. In the near future, guerrilla activities will be launched against anti-Islam police officers and other non- Muslims” (Herald, December 2002: 45). There have been reports of close association of LeJ with al-Qaeda. This was a challenge for Musharraf‟s military government thus sectarian terrorist groups, particularly LeJ, were vigorously targeted and has had substantial impact domestically. A noteworthy number of LeJ leaders were either arrested or killed during several encounters. In the course of action SMP, the main Shia organization responsible for sectarian violence, remained dormant. Regardless of these various blows, however, the group looks to have retained a significant ability to assault. In July 2003 LeJ claimed responsibility for the suicide attack on a Shia mosque in Quetta, which resulted in the deaths of over 50 worshippers. This “massacre in Quetta suggest that the underground networks and support structures of sectarian groups particularly that of the Laskar-e-Jhangvi, remain unimpaired, and may, indeed, have achieved 242 greater complexity and resilience through their linkages with other terrorist organizations” (http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/EG09Df09.html) In response to Musharraf‟s policy, attempts were made on his life. Eid Muhammad of LeJ, was alleged to have rigged Chaklala Bridge, Rawalpindi, with explosives in an attempt to kill President Pervez Musharraf on December 14, 2003. The more stern policy was adopted by the government towards LeJ, the more it targeted Shia community. In March 2004, LeJ bombed a Shia mosque in Quetta, this time massacred 47 worshippers. The military rule replied with a police search in Karachi and an intensified aggression in the tribal area of South Waziristan. Then the terrorists ensued towards Punjab after giving jerks to Karachi and Quetta. In the month of October, 2004 more than 70 people from both sides were killed in the space of 10 days at Sialkot, Multan and Lahore. The victims in Multan were Deobandi‟s who had assembled there to observe the death anniversary of SSP‟s chief and MNA, Azam Tariq. In the Multan bombing more than 40 Deobandis were slain. While the victims in Sialkot and Lahore were Shias. “Whether the victims are Sunnis as in Multan, or Shias as in Sialkot, Lahore and most other cases, one is no better or worse than the other. Muslims are killing Muslims, that is the point” (The News, 13 October, 2004). In spite of government‟s forceful exertions the nasty series of sectarian homicide is yet uninterrupted up to the year 2013. “It is only after about 2005 that Pakistan‟s capacity to control militant organizations became a real question” (www.tonyblairfaithfoundation.org). Many prominent figures from both sides had been killed by the competitor groups at scattered places across the country. The slaughtered included Haroon ul Qasmi of SSP, IG Sakhiullah Tareen, a Sunni hardliner in the Northern Areas, Allama Riaz Hussain Najafi, head of Jamia Al Muntazir, a major Shia seminary in Lahore, Mufti Rehman and Maulana Irshad, leaders of the Banori Mosque Karachi, Allama Hassan Turabi and Allama Nasir Abbas renowned Shia scholars, Mufti Nizamuddin Shamzai and Shamas ur Rahman Moawiah, famous Sunni scholars. The worst incidents of sectarian genocide during last decade include bomb blast at Karachi in the gathering of Sunni Tehrik in April, 2006 where top leadership of Sunni Tehrik were killed, killing of Hazara community in Baluchistan in January, 2013, explosion in Abbas Town Karachi in March, 2013 and massacre of innocent people in Rawalpindi on Youm-e- Ashoor in November.2013. 243 Effect of Religious Intolerance in Pakistan The first ideological state of the world, Pakistan, created over a conception as visualized by our cerebral leadership, not through the armaments but through the arguments. During the colonial era, its case was effectively supplicated by Ali brothers, Allama Iqbal and others and finally by the Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. 66 years and two generations have gone during this long period, one which had shaped Pakistan and the second which has inherited it. But much that one would regret, the basic question is still answerable. Our body polity during these six and half decades, had gone through different experiences of governance, fading the basic concept of creation of Pakistan more or less in the background, including the bureaucratization during 1950‟s, militarization during 1960‟s, politicization during 1970‟s, Islamization during 1980‟s, powerization during 1990‟s, usurpation and monopolization during the recent era but without conceptualization. Dearth of leadership and absence of democratic norms have further depreciated the conceptual aptitude of Pakistani masses. For about 35 years the state has been under the military autocrats and the rest of thirty years, although called democratic yet without any true spirit of democracy. The governments of Pakistan Peoples Party and Pakistan Muslim League may be taken as a struggle for self-supremacy rather than strengthening democratic institutions. In practical every successive government did just the opposite to the vision of their founding fathers. A model to “lay the foundation of our democracy on the basis of truly Islamic ideals and principles” (Jinnah, 1989: 142) has become a dream yet to be cherished. Politics of Islamization Policies of so called Islamization and relegation of democratic forces has given birth to sectarian violence in Pakistan. Co-option and sponsorship of religious groups by successive military governments have brought Pakistan to a point where religious activism threatens to erode the roots of the state and society. By depriving democratic forces of an even playing field and continuing to overlook the need for state policies that would reassure and indeed reflect the country‟s religious diversity, the governments has permitted religious immoderate organizations and rebellious groups to flourish. It seems unsuccessful to safeguard an exposed judiciary and furnish its law-enforcement agencies with the tools they need to eradicate sectarian violence. 244 Many religious parties have sought a political role in Pakistan with a vigor and persistence. All are committed to setup an Islamic polity. And none of them has succeeded in creating a mass constituency for itself till the creation of Mutahida Majjlise Amal (MMA) in elections 2002. In spite of political adjustments, disagreements exist yet. “While they represent an Islamic lobby of some consequence, their mutual differences are rooted in sectarian conflicts” (Waseem, 1987: 145). These religiously oriented political groups with their steadfast corps of workers and commendably engaged politico-ideological resources have represented as an unceasing reminder of the Islamic foundation of Pakistan‟s statehood. Little did the religious parties understand that they were being used by the rulers in their endeavor to fulfill their needs for legitimacy and popular support. During Zia regime in Pakistan Islamic resurgence “came in the wake of a military coup which later sponsored certain selected legal-institutional changes in the name of Islamization” (Ahmad, op.cit. 107). Religious stimulation in Pakistan became supplementary with increasing sectarianism because the primary focus of Islamization was on the execution of Shariah rather than on the implementation of the fundamental Islamic doctrines of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice. A legalistic approach to Islamization was bound to raise the question as to which, and whose, interpretation of the Islamic law should form the basis for public policy. Any attempt on the part of the government to apply Shariah was sure to bring to surface the old juristic and doctrinal dissimilarities not only between the Shias and the Sunnis but also among the four Sunni schools themselves. History conforms “that whenever and wherever politics has been mad subservient to belief, a battle of sects has been unavoidable. All theocratic polities must inexorably degenerate into tyranny of the dominant sect” (Rehman, 1999: 79). External Actors and Sectarianism Besides local anti-state elements, external actors have played their part towards sponsoring sectarianism in Pakistan occasionally directly and otherwise. There are sufficient probabilities of distant contribution in sectarian episodes in Pakistan to weaken this leading Muslim nuclear power. Virtually all sectarian groups, operating in Pakistan, get financial aid from one or another foreign state and those states support such organizations for their own benefits. “The pattern of events suggests that sectarianism is masterminded by internal and external forces that use the indoctrinated youth to further their own interests” (www.crisisgroup.org). 245 Through this active foreign financial support sectarian organizations are successful in mounting petty religious differences into bloodstained conflicts. Followers of Sunni and Shia sects, who had been living in a fraternal atmosphere for centuries, started confronting each other in more than one Muslim states including Pakistan. “ The Shia-Deobandi/Ahle Hadith conflict is in some ways a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran, the regional champions of their respective brands of Islam” (Ibid). Sectarian scuffle began to escalate about 35 years ago, when Pakistanis watched two events take place in neighboring countries. One, the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran, encouraged many Pakistani Shias to claim more rights for their community. The other, the holy war against Soviet forces in Afghanistan, incited the Pakistani Sunni majority‟s own sense of identity. Prior to 1979, regional developments, the issue of violence in Pakistan had been mostly restricted to infrequent sectarian clashes between the majority Sunni Muslims and the minority Shia Muslims. After 1979 the entire perspective on violence in Pakistan began to change, during the military government of Zia ul Haq who “crossed the Rubicon after accepting with the encouragement of the United States, millions of dollars in Saudi money” (http://www.jamestown.org/news_details.php?news_id=54 9). With this money Madrasahs mushroomed not only in NWFP and Baluchistan but also in Karachi, Islamabad and Central Punjab. “The jihad in Afghanistan during 1980‟s provided an excellent alibi to the religious organizations in Pakistan to receive vast amounts of funds from Middle Eastern Muslim countries in the name of Afghan relief and then use these funds, or part of them, for their sectarian activities” (Ahmad, op.cit.). When Nawaz Sharif became Prime minister for the second time, the Pakistan government issued a warning to Afghanistan‟s ruling Taliban administration, demanding that it stop protecting and training Pakistani sectarian terrorists who are known to be in Kabul, including some on the most wanted list. The then Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif blamed for the first time that the youth trained in Afghanistan were mainly liable for killing Shias in Pakistan and spreading sectarian violence. Despite this apprehension on the part of the government, the sectarian killings did carry on. Embarrassed by their mishandling of sectarian problem, the officials started floating the conspiracy theory that America and other western countries were behind the murders because they want to undermine a possible Islamic revolution in Pakistan. JUI was convinced that the Indian intelligence agency, Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), 246 was responsible for the wave of sectarian occurrences in Pakistan. “While discussing the role of external forces in Pakistan‟s sectarian violence, the hidden hand of the Indian intelligence agencies also cannot be ruled out” (Ahmad, op.cit.). On the other hand killing of Sunnis on the part of Shias or SMP are generally interrelated with the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 under Imam Khummani.“Some militant Shia organizations are said to have received unofficial patronage from Tehran. Any future sectarian based tension in Pakistan may intensify this involvement with adverse consequences” (Mahmood, n.d. 346). A reference from Imam Khumeini‟s letter to the Shias of Pakistan states. “I appreciate the sentiments of sons of Islam and my expectations of them are that they will also liberate their country of imperialism” (Rana, 2004: 419). As many Sunni groups have participated in Afghan Jihad, similarly many Shias, particularly ISO members went to Iran, to fight against Iraq. During that time the imperial powers in the Arab world got scared of Iran and decided to backing the anti-Shia sentiments throughout the globe, specifically Pakistan has become a host of a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Most of the Pakistani sectarian militants are the by-products of international conflicts. Religious Seminaries Religious seminaries (Madrasahs) have been a source of knowledge and producing scholars for centuries. Unluckily, the spread of Madrasahs since 1977 has contributed to the sectarian split. The mushroom growth of „foreign funded‟ religious institutions, teaching extremely confrontational courses and serving as recruitment and training centers for sectarian militants, has created an enormous support base for violent activities in Pakistan. It is also a fact that a number of enemy agents, drug mafia and other criminals, under the garb of Mullahs, misusing the situation to further their evil plans and protection of their illegitimate business interests. The seminaries supported by religious foundations at home and overseas, offer its students free tuition and board, which most of the public and private schools do not. Also the syllabi and courses of these institutions are beyond the state‟s educational structure with many emphasizing narrow interpretations of faith and little tolerance for dissimilarities. Various Pakistani regimes have encouraged or accepted the opening of new institutions to compensate for scarcities of schools in Pakistan. With the passage of time the aim of such institutions changed 247 from religious to political as few of them have made attempts to dictate the state authorities their own particular thoughts. The Lal Masjid episode is one of the instances of such brands. Illiteracy, Unemployment and Poverty Beyond certain limits, illiteracy, unemployment and poverty itself become a crime. Allegiance of an illiterate, unemployed or poverty stricken person can easily be changed or purchased on the strength of illegal black money. Most of the sectarian terrorist organizations in Pakistan have sufficient black money to invest in such projects to safeguard their vested interests. “Widespread illiteracy could be blamed as one of the major causes of extremism in our society. But this (extremism) is not the product of this single factor. Extremism flourishes in poverty” (The News, 2004, April 4). Absurdly our governments have dejectedly unsuccessful in restructuring our educational system just according to the needs and desires of the unemployed in streets, with degrees in their hands in search of job. Such dissatisfied and desperate youths can easily be fallen into the hands of the agents of sectarian organizations, who abuse them for the fulfillment of their extremist accomplishments. Therefore the leading factor behind sectarian violence is economic for the reason that the unemployed and under privileged sections of society became an easy constituency of those elements whose agenda required creating uncertainty in the state. Had economic and social inconsistencies in our society not been so grave, the intolerance would not have taken a serious turn. Another psychological factor may also be considered as the cause of bitterness, as the graduates of religious institutions, due to deficiencies of modern learning, cannot compete with the degree holders of formal colleges and universities in the struggle of getting job. Consequently fall in animosity and jealousy against the whole society. Hence compelled by the economic factors, this jobless youth of Pakistan have found an occupation, an ideology and a new family, in the form of militant organizations, in which they find closeness and comradeship. The radical, militant groups have well organized militant devotees. „The masters of such militants try to uphold the ignorant minds that only their particular version of religion is the true one and that all other beliefs and sects as they exist today are false. This approach logically results in extremism, intolerance, political and social singularization‟ (Chandio, 2002: 20). 248 Aftermaths of Sectarian Intolerance The sectarian vehemence has seriously affected the religious, political, economic, social, and diplomatic businesses of Pakistan. The worst hit area is religion where wide scale intolerance has ruined the social order in the country. Sectarianism has upraised its ugly head and further threatens to divide Pakistani society on the basis of religious prejudice. Because of this deep- rooted religious bigotry, Islam-religion of peace- is being portrayed as a religion of intolerance, violence, terror and fanaticism, which is contrary to its genuine essence and teaching. Hence much deception, disorder and chaos has been created in the name of faith that an ordinary Muslim is confused and considers the performance of his religious obligations precarious and a threat to his life and property. People feel frightened and insecure of going to the places of worship for prayers because these have become the targets of bomb attacks and gun battles by the zealots. People are killed in broad day light on the busy places. Taking the advantage of this situation, while different sects of Muslim are busy in mutual aggression, the anti-Islamic elements have entered the ranks of sectarian organizations and start killing the moderate, neutral and enlightened leadership of the Muslims. The killing of Dr. Ghulam Murtaza Malik, Hakeem Muhammad Saeed, Slah ud Din, Zahra Shahid Hussain and many others is the part of a conspiracy, against the sectarian harmony and reconciliation. Such occurrences specify the secret motives of the irreverent powers, aimed at connecting Islam with extremism and terrorism. Through these killings they want to prove that there is no scope in Islam for progression and enlightenment. The adverse propaganda campaign on their part in this regard has, therefore, become a source of discouragement for the unbiased and peace loving intellectuals. Deterioration in law and order situation has badly affected the economic activity in the country. The ever increasing sectarianism, ethnicity and lawlessness around the business hubs, make it difficult for the foreigners as well as local investors to risk their involvement on a long term basis, (Saeed, 1995: 439). Unsatisfactory security situation keep the potential foreign investors, particularly, on the sidelines. Safety of capital and security for the personnel involved in the project are necessary components which administer foreign investment. Regrettably, the law and order situation has remained far from contentment in the major growth poles of the country because of sectarian encounters. Karachi, the largest industrial and commercial centers and the only viable port of the country has remained upset in varying degree since 1989. „The 249 most violent area is Karachi which indeed topped the list of all districts of Pakistan in terms of social indicators, (Waseem, 1997: 717). Thousands of people from both major sects have been killed including scholars and intellectuals. After every incidence the mourners march through the streets and clash with troops and police who are mobilized to block protests. Vehicles and buildings including banks, shops and government offices are set alight. There are industrial strikes as well, which incurred a loss of millions to the economy of the country. Due to sectarian violence, the law and order situation has also deteriorated in the other parts of the country. It has spread its limbs from Karachi to Gilgit and poses a serious threat to the fragile harmony. “Notwithstanding attractive incentives offered to foreign investors this factor has discouraged them to setup their business in Pakistan” (Khan, 1997: 976). The intensifying sectarian ferocity has clearly exposed the institutional failure and futile statehood. It is due to this very reason that sectarian organizations have their own militias composed of trained and armed militant youth. They are equipped with the sophisticated arms which is an enough proof of the foreign backing to the assassins and rebels. The killers never feel hesitant to use the weapons and are completely aware of the incapability of country‟s judicial and legal systems. Such situation suits well to drug mafia and criminals business and for the purpose these powerful gangs move in their trained agents into the ranks of such sectarian and terrorist organizations to seek shelter for their illegal cover. All such operations and criminal activity are engineered and planned at headquarters of the sectarian organizations under the shelter of their heads. Because of the religious cover, police and other law enforcing agencies usually avoid or hesitate to apprehend such criminals. This state of affair has cheered them to increase and enlarge the circle of their evil activities. As troubled law and order situation provides ideal atmosphere for their unlawful business, so they continue to formulate means for the persistence of sectarian tense situation as long as possible. Pakistan has been facing a lot of international pressure and humiliation due to the menace of sectarianism. With the growing cases of violence against the nationals of friendly countries like Iran, China, France, decline in the relationship to some extent, can be perceived. There came many ups and downs in the Pak-Iran ties, particularly, due to sectarian violence against the Shia Muslims in Pakistan. Tehran and Islamabad both say they want to preserve good neighbourly relations but there are two main obstacles which frequently strain their efforts 250 to do so. The one is Afghanistan and the other is sectarian violence in Pakistan, which regularly escalates clashes between extremist Sunni and Shia militants. Hundreds of Shia pilgrims, while returning from Iran, have been killed by their sectarian rivals. L-e-J due to its links with al-Qaeda has made many strikes against the American and western interests in Pakistan. The slaughter of Wall Street Journal Danial Pearl, killing of 11 French nationals in 2002 and attack on Sri Lankan cricket team in 2009, created many difficulties for Pakistan on diplomatic front. Pakistan is thus paying a heavy price for its fundamentalist group‟s adventurism, both in terms of a loss of valuable human lives and in the threats it continuously faces from the world‟s powerful countries of harsh economic and military sanctions for its failure to deal with the terrorist organizations. The government‟s resolve to adopt an extraordinary strict policy against the sectarian organizations is always proving to be a phony. Even with few strict measures the chain of sectarian violence is still unbroken, at least at national level. Conclusion Sectarian killings and extremism in Muslim societies have posed a serious threat to peace loving citizens. Islam is being projected, of course erroneously, by the non-Muslims and particularly by the western media, as a religion of vehemence and intolerance. Islam and violence is associated so profoundly that one can hardly associate it with harmony and reconciliation. It is also supposed that any attempt to bring out compromise between Islam and peace may result in an abstract adjustment rather than a tangible scheme. But study of the Holy Quran and the Sunna of the Prophet (PBUH) shows a different rather true picture of Islam. The fact is that Islam is neither a religion of violence, nor violence is integral to this religion. Islam is a religion (Deen) of nature, free from all categories of sectarian splits. It means submission to the will of God Almighty in the one hand, and instituting peace on the other. The word for peace in Arabic is “Slam”. When Muslim meet each other, they reciprocate saying Assalam-o-Alaykum (peace be on you). Hence it is a religious obligation of Muslim to endeavor for setting up a peaceful society. So Islam means establishment of peace and Muslim means establisher of peace through his deeds and character. A true Muslim lives and dies in submission to Allah and in the establishment of peace in this world. Telling the merits of believers Allah says in the Holy Quran 251 “The believers are nothing else than brothers (in Islamic religion) so make peace and reconciliation between your brothers and fear Allah, that you may receive mercy” (49 :10). How painful it is that this very Deen is not only divided into various sects, in desecration of basic doctrine of Islam, but each sect assert itself to be on right track and all others are mistaken and misinformed and are worth killing. Thus slayings are going on, and the sectarian ruthlessness has been sweeping through the whole society confronting all the law enforcing machinery and what we realize all around is a flood of sectarianism across the country. The disaster is that the passionate militants of different organization are being constantly ill-advised by the religious clergy, that whatever they are doing is a service to religion. „It is not surprising therefore that even after years and years of ceaseless failure since the creation of Pakistan, these „holy men‟ are still unable to learn from their mistakes and still oblivious to the actual challenge they face‟ (Iftikhar, 1999: 19). Apportioning Muslims into sects, denominations and groups is an evil and a warning to them from Allah is “As for those who divide their religion and break up into sects, thou hast no part in them in the least: their affair is with Allah: He will in the end tell them the truth of all that they did”. (6:159) The foremost challenge faced by the state and society of Pakistan is sectarian violence. By killing Muslims, whether Sunnis or Shias at places of religious workshop, the country‟s image in the international community is critically distorted. It is disastrous that Islam is being projected as a religion of violence and extremism. Suicide attacks and target killings means the state apparatus has failed to check those elements who are involved in such atrocious offenses. It is well if the government takes a serious notice of unrestricted sectarian violence and harshly penalizes those who are involved in the progression of homicides. It is heartbreaking that our Ulema and Zakirs instead of speaking love, tolerance and harmony are promoting petty differences which are far less in number than the common blessings of Islam. They must focus on acknowledged and undeniable beliefs for the sake of national unity and peace. At the societal level, those who expound hatred against fellow Muslims should be rejected because their coldhearted deeds have a tendency to cause colossus damage to Pakistan at different levels. Prejudice and intolerance whether religious or political, habitually transmit within it the seeds of social conflict. 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(1997). “ Political Development and Conflict Resolution in Pakistan” „The Pakistan Development Review, Vol. 36, No.4 Part II winter, pp.717-718. Urdu Encyclopaedia of Islam. (1975). Vol.15. 1st. Edi. Lahore: University of the Punjab: p.297. Biographical Note Muhammad Nadeem Shah is Assistant Professor of Pakistan Studies in Department of Islamic Studies, University of Engineering & Technology, Lahore and PhD scholar at Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore.