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Histoire De L'anarchisme Aux Etats-Unis D'amerique

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Histoire De L'anarchisme Aux Etats-Unis D'amerique RONALD CREAGH HISTOIRE DE L'ANARCHISME AUX ETATS-UNIS D'AMERIQUE Les origines: 1826-1886 1981 LA PENSEE SAUVAGE, EDITIONS A Kirsten Publié avec le concours du Centre National des Lettres © 1981, Editions La Pensée Sauvage, B.P. 141·38002 Grenoble Cedex ISBN 2 85919 041 4 Tous droits réservés pour tous pays ANARCHISME ET SOCIETE AMERICAINE Le 2 juillet 1881, le Président des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, James Abram Garfield, fut abattu d'un coup de pistolet de calibre 44 (arme choisie avec un manche de fantaisie pour figurer avec plus d'effet dans le musée où elle serait exposée) ; à la suite de cet événement, le comité «exécutif» du mouvement terroriste russe Narodnaya Volya (La Volonté du Peuple), qui venait de tuer à la dynamite le czar Alexandre II, émit une véhémente protestation: les révolutionnaires slaves n'admettaient pas que l'on attente à la vie du chef d'une nation où florissaient les libertés politiques1 . Une tradition européenne plus que millénaire avait applaudi à l'assassinat des despotes; l'autorité intellectuelle la moins contestée dans l'Eglise catholique elle-même, celle de Saint Thomas d'Aquin le Docteur angélique, justifiait le tyrannicide; plus récem­ ment, le Guillaume Tell de Schiller et tout le romantisme allemand, donnaient à ces actions éclatantes un caractère patriotique et chevaleresque; le terrorisme, et l'anarchisme qu'on lui associait, semblaient admirables sous le despotisme czariste ; ils étaient détestables dans une république li­ bérale que, bon gré mal gré, toutes les sommités intel­ lectuelles et politiques de l'Occident saluaient comme une démocratie. Au-delà du débat sur la violence, l'in­ dignation des «nihilistes» russes posait le problème toujours brûlant des méthodes de lutte populaire pour parfaire le système démocratique ou pour s'élever à une forme historique supérieure. Et pouvait-on rêver de meilleur terrain d'observation que les Etats-Unis? En effet le peuple américain a inscrit sur le livre de son destin la proclamation la plus libertaire de son époque, la Déclaration d'Indépendance de 1776. Nulle société, 1. Narodnaya Volya (La Volonté du Peuple) 23 oct. 1881, N° 6. 6 Histoire de l'anarchisme aux Etats-Unis depuis, n'a peut-être autant parlé de l'Individu et de sa liberté, nul manifeste n'a connu un aussi grand retentis­ sement. Les Etats-Unis ont invoqué dans le passé une certaine conception du contrat social et de l'équilibre des pouvoirs qui promettait de fonder la légitimité de l'Etat sur la volonté du peuple, de faire dépendre de celui-ci le sort et les décisions de celui-là, enfin de garantir la collectivité contre toute oppression. Ils se flattent aujour­ d'hui d'avoir suscité un pluralisme des centres de décision qui encourage la souplesse devant le réel et l'autonomie partielle des collectivités locales; les tensions perpétuelles entre les multiples instances du pouvoir, tout autant que les affrontements entre les groupes de pression, sont pré­ sentées comme les garants du bon fonctionnement de la démocratie et de la relative tranquillité du citoyen2 . Un tel essaim d'anges gardiens obscurcit l'horizon du peuple ; au temps de la colère, pourquoi concentrer le tir sur une tête plutôt qu'une autre et viser, de préférence, les plus hautes sphères? Dans les Etats-Unis du 1ge siècle, le cri d'«oppression politique» semble incongru! Il a fallu qu'éclatent la guerre du Vietnam et l'affaire du Watergate pour que le grand public et une minorité d'intellectuels s'intéressent fugitivement aux effets de domination d'un appareil fédéral apparemment tout-puissant et omniprésent. Or. le cas américain est plus qu'une illustration parmi d'autres de la dilatation de l'Etat, il en est l'exemple le plus saisissant. Voilà, en effet, une population coloniale qui proclame son droit de décider de la forme de son gouvernement, qui ruine les principes mêmes de l'autorité établie sur son sol et se lance dans une guerre d'indépen­ dance; libérée de la monarchie anglaise, presque sans héritage féodal, elle hésite devant la création d'une instance centrale, s'efforce de la réduire à ses plus simples éléments; mieux encore, une part non négligeable de l'élite redoute et combat ses interventions; enfin, la moitié du pays décide de s'en séparer: en vain. Les uns comme les autres 2. Nous entendons par Etat l'ensemble des appareils législatif, exécutif, judiciaire, depuis le l).iveau fédéral jusqu'au plan local. .. Anarchisme et société américaine 7 tantôt examinent avec inquiétude l'inéluctable croissance du diplodocus et tantôt rivalisent pour augmenter sa nour­ riture ; en tout cas, les institutions démocratiques n'en­ rayeront jamais ce processus de développement illimité, car même quand éclate une affaire Watergate, elles tournent la difficulté en créant de nouveaux mécanismes de contrôle, en dotant de pouvoirs nouveaux les élus et fonctionnaires chargés de cette surveillance, et donc en ajoutant encore à la somme globale des pouvoirs de l'appareil. Le mouvement anarchiste des Etats-Unis fut l'un des tout premiers de ce pays à dénoncer le corps politique, et le seul à maintenir sans défaillance ses critiques parce que, par principe, il refuse le régime de démocratie repré­ sentative ; selon lui, tout pouvoir établi a pour conséquence fatale la domination d'une classe sur l'ensemble du peuple. A tort ou à raison, l'anarchisme accompagne dans l'histoire l'Etat démocratique américain comme son reproche vivant. Ce mariage forcé, ce ménage houleux remet en question ces convictions démocratiques qui relèvent plutôt de la foi inconditionnelle dans «le moins mauvais des systèmes». Les anarchistes des Etats-Unis, en effet, ne réclament pas davantage de démocratie, à l'instar de la majorité des fidèles; ils invitent à découvrir et développer les processus susceptibles d'instaurer un système plus respectueux des libertés que la Démocratie, une société <dransdémocratique». Fabuleux personnage que l'anarchiste! Les dirigeants de l'opinion publique l'associent au terrorisme et au chaos; figure ténébreuse, infernale, il occupe dans la mythologie politique une place de choix, celle de spectre3 . Les maîtres à penser lui assignent des bornes: tout anarchiste refuse le progrès4 , ou l'organisation5 ; l'abolition de l'Etat est 3. Voir les caricatures de Johann Most; rappelons aussi les nom­ breuses tentatives pour démontrer le caractère fatal du destin de l'anarchiste. 4. Pour une discussion de ce thème favori de certains historiens et de quelques autres idées préconçues, voir Mirko Roberti, «La storio­ grafia deU' anarchismo», A Rivista Anarchica, Milan, VI (mars, avril et mai 1976). 5. Par exemple, d'éminents critiques présentent H.n. Thoreau comme un individu hostile à la vie en société. 8 Histoire de l'anarchisme aux Etats-Unis sa panacée6. D'où le slalom des idéologues dont les dé­ finitions «scientifiques» se désintéressent des luttes anti­ autoritaires pour n'observer que le seul combat antiéta­ tique7. D'où la thèse simpliste du marxiste Plékhanov: l'anarchisme, ligoté à la philosophie de la libre entreprise, serait l'enfant terrible du laissez-faire libéral8. Le trucage pseudo-méthodologique tire l'anarchisme par les oreilles et le sort de la marmite de l'histoire comme le lapin du chapeau du prestigiditateur; que vaut une recherche qui écarte d'emblée des groupes nommément anarchistes? Et le découpage du gibier aboutit à un hachis: les limites d'un ouvrage, mais surtout les préférences de l'auteur ont souvent entraîné des dichotomies et des gé­ néralités. Trente années durant, les historiens n'ont re­ connu qu'un anarchisme politique d'origine religieuse, excroissance du protestantisme «radical»9 ; par réaction, l'ouvrage «classique» de James J. Martin, Men against the State, a évacué le fonds religieux des personnages de son histoire pour offrir à ses lecteurs des militants «éco­ nomistes» et «athées» tandis que ses collègues associent souvent «individualiste», «petit-bourgeois», «réformateur» et «endogène», en opposition à «communiste», «prolé­ tarien», «apocalyptique» et «exogène»10. Or, la littérature 6. Le refus de l'Etat ne fait pas un anarchiste: il peut vouloir quelque autre autorité, p. ex. religieuse. 7. Comparer, d'une part, Sébastien Faure, Encyclopédie anar· chiste (Paris: Librairie internationale, n.d.), art. «Anarchie»; P .A. Kropotkin, «Anarchism», Encyclopedia Britannica, Ilth ed., 1905, avec, d'autre part James J. Martin, Men Against the State. The Expo­ sitors of Indiuidualist Anarchism in America, 1827-1908 (1935; 3d ed. Colorado Springs: Ralph Myles, 1970). Voir aussi John Clark, «What ls Anarchism ?», Freedom, Londres, 40 (Feb. 24,1979,10-16. La réduction de l'anarchisme à l'an tiétatisme relève des doctrines néo-libérales et de la «découverte» de l'ingérance des pouvoirs publics dans tous les actes sociaux et privés. 8. G.V. Plékhanov, Anarchism and Socialism, trans. E.M. Aveling (Chicago: Kerr, 1909 ; 1 st ed. 1907), 143. 9. Charles E. Merriam, A History of American Political Theories (New York: Macmillan, 1903). 10. J.J. Martin, op. cit. II. Anarchisme et société américaine 9 des «individualistes» a séduit parfois le prolétariat d'origine allemande ou italienne, et la houle communiste a remué les Américains de souche aussi bien que les immigrants, atteignant tantôt les travailleurs manuels et tantôt d'autres milieux. C'est dire si la connaissance des fractions libertaires est indispensable à une pleine mise en lumière de tout phénomène majeur de l'histoire américaine, qu'il s'agisse de la tradition du pacifisme, de l'action directe, de la cause des esclaves, du mouvement ouvrier, de l'immigration, du contrôle des naissances, du féminisme, de la dénonciation persistante des monopoles, des plaidoyers pour la réduction de l'appareil d'Etat et de ses pouvoirs, des luttes pour la liberté d'expression individuelle et collective.
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