Socialism: a Historical Sketch
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Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
Introduction
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-49926-2 — Revolutionary Thought after the Paris Commune, 1871–1885 Julia Nicholls Excerpt More Information Introduction Following the defeat of the Paris Commune in late May , its partici- pants and supporters were frequently moved to declare that while ‘le cadavre est à terre ... l’idée est debout’: ‘the body may have fallen, but the idea still stands’. Historians, political commentators, and world leaders alike have advanced their own interpretations of the events of spring since the last shots were fired. What precisely ex- Communards believed this idea to be, however, has never been clear. This book addresses itself to this question. Through an exploration of the nature and content of French revolutionary thought from the years immediately following the Commune’s fall, it demonstrates that this idea was not a specific policy or doctrine. Rather, by extensively redefining familiar concepts and using their circumstances creatively, it was the idea of a distinct, united, and politically viable French revolutionary movement that activists sought to preserve. The relative success of these efforts, further- more, has significant implications for the ways in which scholars under- stand both the founding years of the French Third Republic and the nature of the modern revolutionary tradition. In the small hours of March , troops from the French Army marched into Paris. Their objective was the removal of a number of cannons that had formed part of the capital’s defence during the four- month-long Siege of Paris that brought to an end the Franco-Prussian War. News of the soldiers’ early morning arrival spread quickly through the working-class districts of Belleville, Buttes-Chaumont, and Montmartre where the artillery was being stored. -
The Right to the Whole Produce of Labour
1RNIA SAN DIEGO THE EIGHT TO THE WHOLE PRODUCE OF LABOUR THE EIGHT TO THE WHOLE PBODUCE OF LABOUK THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE THEORY OF LABOUR'S CLAIM TO THE WHOLE PRODUCT OF INDUSTRY BY DK. ANTON MENGEK PROFESSOR OF JURISPRUDENCE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA TRANSLATED BY M. E. TANNER WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND BIBLIOGRAPHY BY H. S. FOXWELL, M.A. PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON ; LECTURER AND LATE FELLOW OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE Hontion MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1899 A II rights reserved INTRODUCTION DR. ANTON MENGER'S remarkable study of the cardinal Dr doctrine of revolutionary socialism, now for the first W time published in English, has long enjoyed a wide reputation on the Continent; and English students of social philosophy, whether or not they are familiar with the original, will welcome its appearance in this trans- lation. The interest and importance of the subject will not be disputed, either by the opponents or the advocates of socialism ; and those who know how exceptionally Dr. Menger is qualified for work of this kind, by his juristic eminence, and his profound know- ledge of socialistic literature, will not need to be told that it has been executed with singular vigour and ability. Hitherto, perhaps because it was not generally accessible to English readers, the book has not received in this country the notice that it has met with elsewhere. Yet there are reasons why it should be of peculiar interest to English economists. The particular method of criticism adopted by Dr. -
Fonds Gabriel Deville (Xviie-Xxe Siècles)
Fonds Gabriel Deville (XVIIe-XXe siècles) Répertoire numérique détaillé de la sous-série 51 AP (51AP/1-51AP/9) (auteur inconnu), révisé par Ariane Ducrot et par Stéphane Le Flohic en 1997 - 2008 Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1955 - 2008 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_001830 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2012 par l'entreprise Numen dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales 2 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 51AP/1-51AP/9 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Fonds Gabriel Deville Date(s) extrême(s) XVIIe-XXe siècles Nom du producteur • Deville, Gabriel (1854-1940) • Doumergue, Gaston (1863-1937) Importance matérielle et support 9 cartons (51 AP 1-9) ; 1,20 mètre linéaire. Localisation physique Pierrefitte Conditions d'accès Consultation libre, sous réserve du règlement de la salle de lecture des Archives nationales. DESCRIPTION Type de classement 51AP/1-6. Collection d'autographes classée suivant la qualité du signataire : chefs d'État, gouvernants français depuis la Restauration, hommes politiques français et étrangers, écrivains, diplomates, officiers, savants, médecins, artistes, femmes. XVIIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/7-8. Documents divers sur Puydarieux et le département des Haute-Pyrénées. XVIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/8 (suite). Documentation sur la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919. 51AP/9. Papiers privés ; notes de travail ; rapports sur les archives de la Marine et les bibliothèques publiques ; écrits et documentation sur les départements français de la Révolution (Mont-Tonnerre, Rhin-et-Moselle, Roer et Sarre) ; manuscrit d'une « Chronologie générale avant notre ère ». -
A Century of Struggle
A Century of Struggle To mark the 100th anniversary of the formation of the American Federation of Labor, the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution invited a group of scholars and practitioners "to examine the work, technology, and culture of industrial America . " The conference was produced in cooperation with the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations . The excerpts on the following pages are drawn from papers and comments at that conference, in the Museum's Carmichael Auditorium, November IS and 16, 1986. Mary Kay Rieg, Olivia G. Amiss, and Marsha Domzalski of the Monthly Labor Review provided editorial assistance. Trade unions mirror society in conflict between collectivism and individualism A duality common to many institutions runs through the American labor movement and has marked its shifting fortunes from the post-Civil War period to the present ALICE KESSLER-HARRIS ideology of American trade unions as they developed in Two competing ideas run through the labor movement, as and post-Civil War period. It also tells us something of their they have run through the American past. The first is the the The conglomeration of unions that formed the Na- notion of community-the sense that liberty is nurtured in impact . Union and the 15,000 assemblies of the an informal political environment where the voluntary and tional Labor of Labor responded to the onslaught of industrial- collective enterprise of people with common interests con- Knights the Civil War by searching for ways to reestablish tributes to the solution of problems . Best characterized by ism after of interest that was threatened by a new and the town meeting, collective solutions are echoed in the the community organization of work. -
Thomas Hodgskin and Economic Progress; a Radical Reconstruction of His Endogenous Growth Theory
THOMAS HODGSKIN AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS; A RADICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF HIS ENDOGENOUS GROWTH THEORY F.G. Day PhD 2009 THOMAS HODGSKIN AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS; A RADICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF HIS ENDOGENOUS GROWTH THEORY Frederick George Day A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Manchester Metropolitan University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Economics The Manchester Metropolitan University June 2009 1 Declaration I confirm that no part of this thesis has been submitted for the award of a qualification at this or any other university. 2 Abstract By means of a close reading of early 19th century economic works, and by reconstructing aspects of Thomas Hodgskin‘s political economy, this thesis presents an exposition of those parts of his work that contributed to his position on growth. Rather than concentrating on his ideas on capital, we have centred on his concept of political economy as a science concerned with labour as the sole creator of wealth. We present his political economy as having labour as its focal point within a hypothetical pure market economy. From here he sought a foundation to economic growth derived from human action rather than capital or other material circumstances. Hodgskin saw human knowledge and the use of technology as the starting point that would, from his perspective, lead inevitably to those economic conditions that produce improvements in economic welfare and by doing so allow for an increase in population. In order to demonstrate his ideas on growth, we reconstruct his concepts of what was natural and artificial to equate to the modern notions of endogenous and exogenous. -
A Brief History of Socialism in America.† [Published January 1900]
A Brief History of Socialism in America [Jan. 1900] 1 A Brief History of Socialism in America.† [Published January 1900] Published in Social Democracy Red Book (Terre Haute, IN: Debs Publishing Co., 1900), pp. 1-75. Introduction. ignated as that in which the gestation of Socialism, as native to American soil, was going on. It began with The history of Socialism in America, using the the appearance of Gronlund’s book, The Cooperative word socialism to embrace the various steps by which Commonwealth, which was soon followed by Bellamy’s enemies of the present social system have sought to Looking Backward. work toward a final deliverance, seems to divide itself 7. From 1897 down to the present time. The into seven quite clearly defined periods, as follows: period in which American Socialism having “chipped 1. The earliest period, embraced between the the shell” first asserts itself as a force in American poli- years 1776 and 1824, when the communistic ventures tics through the formation of the Social Democracy of the Shakers, Rappites, and Zoarites had the entire of America, the Socialist Labor Party, by its trans- field to themselves. planted methods, having failed to reach the American 2. From 1825 to 1828, when Robert Owen made ear. Two factors which helped prepare the field for the America the theater of his attempts to put his Utopian new party were the agitation work of Eugene V. Debs dreams into practice, by communistic experiments. and the proselyting powers of Editor J.A. Wayland, 3. From 1841 to 1847, the period when Four- successively of The Coming Nation and The Appeal to ierism swept over the country as a craze, leading to the Reason. -
Sixth National Convention
Report of Proceedings September 17. The Sixth Congress of the Socialistic Labor Party was con- vened at Turn Hall, Buffalo, N. Y., on the afternoon of Satur- day, September 17, 1887. Secretary of the Nat. Ex. Com., W. L. Rosenberg, called the meeting to order, and Com. Geo. M. Price, of Buffalo Am. Sec- tion, was elected temporary Chairman. Comrades G. Metzler, of Philadelphia, and J. F. Busche, of New Haven, were elected temporary Secretaries. Com. Philip Rappaport, of Indianapolis, moved that the of- ficial language of the Congress be English, but that every member be allowed to use his own language, which was car- ried. A Committee on Credentials, consisting of Comrades O. Dorn, of Baltimore, P. Knickrehm, of Chicago, and Paul Zim- mermann, of New Haven, was elected. Recess of 10 minutes. The Committee on Credentials being ready to report, the Congress was called to order, and the following delegates were reported with credentials: Sect. Albany: Th. Fiedler, Cigarmaker. “ Baltimore; O. Dorn, Machinist. “ Brooklyn, Greenpoint and L. I. City: H. Szimmath, Shoemaker. “ Bridgeport and New Haven, Conn.: J. F. Busche, Printer. “ Boston: W. Isenecker, Cigarmaker. “ Buffalo: G. Henke, Tailor. “ “ Geo. M. Price, Editor. “ Cincinnati : C. Ruemmele, Carpenter. “ Cleveland: E. Wagenknecht, Shoemaker. “ Sect. Chicago: P. Knickrehm, Cigarmaker. “ Detroit: W. Krieghoff, Cigarmaker. “ Dayton: Harry Vrooman, Journalist. “ Erie, Pa.: Ch. Forth, Machinist. Western Dist., New England: D. Sievers, Cabinetmaker. “ “ “ “ Paul Zimmermann, Cigar- maker. Socialist Labor Party 2 www.slp.org SI XTH NATI ONAL CONVENTI ON PR OCEEDI NGS Hudson County, N. J., Sect.: K. Willhausen, Cigarmaker. “ “ “ “ J. Eulenstein, Weaver. Sect. -
Parties and Interest Associations Report Intra-Party Democracy, Association Competence (Business), Association Competence (Others)
Sustainable Governance Indicators SGI 2015 Parties and Interest Associations Report Intra-party Democracy, Association Competence (Business), Association Competence (Others) SGI 2015 | 2 Parties and Interest Associations Indicator Intra-party Democracy Question How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes? 41 OECD and EU countries are sorted according to their performance on a scale from 10 (best) to 1 (lowest). This scale is tied to four qualitative evaluation levels. 10-9 = The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open. 8-6 = The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are rather open. 5-3 = The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are largely controlled by the party leadership. 2-1 = A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership. Denmark Score 8 Four of the political parties represented in the Danish parliament, the Liberal Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Social Liberal Party and the Conservative Party have existed for more than 100 years and have all regularly taken part in governments. -
4Th Ed (1932) 32Pp
WORKERS DEMONSTRATE, UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK, MAY DAY, 1930 loaf bread business have for years been suffering worse than Egyp tian bondage. They have had to labor on an average of eighteen to twenty hours out of the twenty-four." The demand in those localities for a Io-hour day soon grew into a movement, which, although impeded by the crisis of 1837, led the federal government under President Van Buren to decree the Io-hour day for all those employed on government work. The struggle for the universality of the Io-hour day, however, continued during the next decades. No sooner had this demand been secured in a number of industries than the workers began to raise the slogan for an 8-hour day. The feverish activity in organizing lab()r unions during the fifties gave this nltw demand an impetus which, however, was checked by the crisis of 1857. The demand was, however, won in a few well-organized trades before the crisis. That the movement for a shorter workday was not only peculiar to the United States, but was prevalent wher ever workers were exploited under the rising capitalist system, can be seen from the fact that even in far away Australia the building trade workers raised the slogan "8 hours work, 8 hours recreation and 8 hours rest" and were successful in securing this demand in 1856. Eight-Hour Movement Started in America The 8-hour day movement which directly gave birth to May Day, must, however, be traced to the general movement initiated in the United States in 1884. -
Haymarket Riot (Chicago: Alexander J
NATIONAL HISTORIC LANDMARK NOMINATION NFS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS1 MONUMENT Page 1 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service______________________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 1. NAME OF PROPERTY Historic Name: Haymarket Martyrs' Monument Other Name/Site Number: 2. LOCATION Street & Number: 863 South Des Plaines Avenue Not for publication: City/Town: Forest Park Vicinity: State: IL County: Cook Code: 031 Zip Code: 60130 3. CLASSIFICATION Ownership of Property Category of Property Private: X Building(s): Public-Local: _ District: Public-State: _ Site: Public-Federal: Structure: Object: Number of Resources within Property Contributing Noncontributing ___ buildings ___ sites ___ structures 1 ___ objects 1 Total Number of Contributing Resources Previously Listed in the National Register:_Q_ Name of Related Multiple Property Listing: Designated a NATIONAL HISTrjPT LANDMARK on by the Secreury 01 j^ tai-M NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS' MONUMENT Page 2 United States Department of the Interior, National_P_ark Service___________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 4. STATE/FEDERAL AGENCY CERTIFICATION As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this __ nomination __ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. In my opinion, the property __ meets __ does not meet the National Register Criteria. -
The Origin of Socialist Reformism in France*
CARL LANDAUER THE ORIGIN OF SOCIALIST REFORMISM IN FRANCE* PRELUDE: THE OPPOSITION TO MARX IN THE INTERNATIONAL Although the International Workingmen's Association is often called the Marxian International, it was at no time safely under the control of Karl Marx. The spirit of Marx, however, was the strongest single influence in the organization from its beginning, and from 1868, when the Proudhonians had suffered defeat at the Brussels Congress, to 1872, when Bakunin's opposition proved too strong to be overcome, Marx possessed more power in the organization than anyone else. Yet this power collapsed in 1872: Although formally Marx was the victor at the Hague Congress, actually in the conflict with Bakunin it became evident that Marx's position was disintegrating. What were the reasons? "Marx accused his opponent of the intention to introduce into the Association ideological disorder, the spirit of [political] abstentionism and of federalism, in the Utopian desire to create a communal organi- zation without government. Bakunin, in his turn, criticized Marx for wanting to impose on the International a unified dogma and a party discipline in order to create a regime of authoritarian communism first in the Association and then in the state (dans les gouvernements)."1 Unfortunately for Marx and for the unity of the workers' movement, many members of the International who by no means believed in a "communal organization without a government" and perhaps were not * The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Institute of International Studies at the University of California at Berkeley for financial support in meeting expenses incurred in the collection of material; also to Monsieur Couta- rel, librarian of the Prefecture de police in Paris, for permission to use the files of the Prefecture; and to the staff of the Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis in Amsterdam, especially to Mr T.