A Brief History of Socialism in America.† [Published January 1900]

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Brief History of Socialism in America.† [Published January 1900] A Brief History of Socialism in America [Jan. 1900] 1 A Brief History of Socialism in America.† [Published January 1900] Published in Social Democracy Red Book (Terre Haute, IN: Debs Publishing Co., 1900), pp. 1-75. Introduction. ignated as that in which the gestation of Socialism, as native to American soil, was going on. It began with The history of Socialism in America, using the the appearance of Gronlund’s book, The Cooperative word socialism to embrace the various steps by which Commonwealth, which was soon followed by Bellamy’s enemies of the present social system have sought to Looking Backward. work toward a final deliverance, seems to divide itself 7. From 1897 down to the present time. The into seven quite clearly defined periods, as follows: period in which American Socialism having “chipped 1. The earliest period, embraced between the the shell” first asserts itself as a force in American poli- years 1776 and 1824, when the communistic ventures tics through the formation of the Social Democracy of the Shakers, Rappites, and Zoarites had the entire of America, the Socialist Labor Party, by its trans- field to themselves. planted methods, having failed to reach the American 2. From 1825 to 1828, when Robert Owen made ear. Two factors which helped prepare the field for the America the theater of his attempts to put his Utopian new party were the agitation work of Eugene V. Debs dreams into practice, by communistic experiments. and the proselyting powers of Editor J.A. Wayland, 3. From 1841 to 1847, the period when Four- successively of The Coming Nation and The Appeal to ierism swept over the country as a craze, leading to the Reason. establishment of a great number of communities and phalanxes, all of them doomed to fail within a brief * * * time. 4. The period from 1847 to 1856, when Wil- Chapter 5 — The Pioneers helm Weitling was the moving spirit in trying to orga- of Scientific Socialism. nize systematic socialistic agitation. It was during this period, also, that Cabet and his Icaria flourished and The steady influx of German immigrants fol- waned. lowing the political disturbance of 1848 made it pos- 5. From 1857 to 1888. This period of time seems sible as early as 1850 to found Turner societies in this to have been devoted to the effort of immigrant So- country, and it is an interesting fact to Socialists that cialists, particularly from Germany, to spread the te- all these early Turner organizations were avowedly so- nets of Socialism, more particularly of Social Democ- cialistic. racy, but unfortunately, without getting the “Yankee” Their influence on the succeeding growth of the ear. It was during this period that the Socialist turner Socialist movement in America is hard to estimate, for societies flourished. that growth was very slow. For years it seemed as if it 6. From 1888 to 1897. This period may be des- would never take root among the native Americans. †- Although first published in January 1900 by the fledgling publishing house of Eugene Debs, this unsigned article is clearly not written in Debs’ inimitable style — not to mention that it is many times the length of the typical article written by the Terre Haute firebrand. Ruling out Debs himself, internal evidence indicates the anonymous author was a delegate to the 1898 convention of the Social Democracy in America who bolted that organization to help found the Social Democratic Party. 1 2 A Brief History of Socialism in America [Jan. 1900] This fear finally caused great anxiety among the lead- were unorganized. ers, and many of them lost heart because of it and In 1857 a club of Communists was founded in dropped out of the fight. New York by German revolutionists of 1848. It did As a matter of fact the Turners were not orga- considerable propaganda work and on the following nized as Socialists so much for propaganda on this side year arranged a memorial meeting in honor of the Paris of the ocean as they were for the purpose of supple- June revolution of 1848, with an attendance of 1,000 menting and encouraging the movement in Germany. men of various nationalities. It is true, however, that this condition wore off and In 1865 enough followers of Lassalle were lo- that the Turners did their share in trying to get Social- cated in New York for an attempt at organization. They ism established on American soil. were not able to hold together, however, and did not The first Socialist Turn Verein convention was succeed until 3 years later. held at Philadelphia, Oct. 5, 1850. Several societies In 1866 a congress of national labor organiza- sent delegates, among them Baltimore, Boston, New tions was held in Baltimore and a Socialist delegate York, and Cincinnati, which were the strongest. The named E. Schlegel, who was elected vice president of name American Gymnastic Union of North America the congress, made an unsuccessful effort to create a was chosen, but this was changed the following year political labor party. to the Socialistic Gymnastic Union. It had at that time During the year following, several members of 17 local societies with large memberships. When the the club of Communists, together with some mem- war of the Rebellion broke out, most of the Turners bers of the labor organizations in New York and in went to the front to fight against negro slavery. coalition with a newly formed club of Lassallites, is- When the war was over the Turner Societies re- sued a call for a mass meeting for the purpose of start- organized as the North American Gymnastic Union, ing a proletarian political party. The meeting was held and ceased to be distinctively Socialistic. In 1876 a Jan. 20, 1868, in the Germania assembly rooms in the Socialistic Turner Society and turn school existed in Bowery [New York City] and was well attended. An New York City, but it had no influence with the other organization known as the Social Party was effected societies of the country. Many of the old Turners have and a platform adopted which embodied the principles become Republicans as a legacy of the war, while oth- of the International of Marx, together with several ers have become large employers and grown conserva- positive demands for the laboring class. tive by reason of their changed class interests. During the following summer an address was In the spring of 1852, Joseph Weydemeyer, a sent to the central body of the International at Geneva, friend of Karl Marx, began to disseminate the teach- Switzerland, by the temporary Central Committee of ings of Marx and Engels as set forth in the Commu- the party, and signed by its president, F.A. Sorge. nist Manifesto. During the same year the National Labor Union, In order to do this the better, he began the pub- which had previously held aloof from politics, recon- lication of a monthly magazine in the German lan- sidered the matter and formed the Labor Reform Party. guage, which he called The Revolution. The first num- The members of the Social Party did not wish to in ber was especially notable through containing a spe- any way obstruct this class-conscious action of the trade cially contributed article by Marx. The magazine could organizations and so ceased all agitation under their not well have been more short lived, as the second party name and gave the new movement all their number never made its appearance. Weydemeyer had strength. The result was that the new political party the financial assistance of a German merchant named sent a delegate to the congress of the International H. Meyer, but the magazine was found too expensive which was held that year at Basle, Switzerland. The to continue. Weydemeyer was an engineer under Fre- name of the delegate was A.C. Cameron. W.H. Sylvis, mont during the war and built the fortifications round who served as one of the presidents of the Labor Re- St. Louis. He died in that city. form Party, was one of the hardest working Socialists. In 1853 Weitling’s Arbeiter Bund dissolved, and In 1869 the Social Party took on new life and for several years thereafter the Socialists in New York was strengthened by an affiliation with the Interna- A Brief History of Socialism in America [Jan. 1900] 3 tional through the London office. Soon the Interna- Internationals took the place of one. By the removal tional became international in fact, by the formation of the headquarters to New York, the struggle between of sections in the various cities of the United States, the Socialists and the Anarchists reappeared on the new which sections did a valuable work by keeping in close shore. fellowship with the various labor unions. The first proclamation from the new headquar- During all this time the “respectable” people of ters was an appeal to workingmen to emancipated la- the United States had increased their apprehension as bor and to eradicate all national and international strife. to Socialism and Communism. The foreign news was The disastrous times of the following year helped its full of lurid accounts of the “new social terror,” which agitators and it made no little headway. During 1872 the American capitalist editors took good care to a socialist congress was held in New York with 22 sec- supplement with denunciatory and foreboding edito- tions represented by delegates. rials. This “respectable” element breathed a little easier In 1874 the Socialists founded the Social Demo- in 1870, when Judge Thomas Hughes, the Christian cratic Workingmen’s Party at a convention held at Socialist and author of Tom Brown at Rugby and Tom Philadelphia.
Recommended publications
  • The Convention
    Fifth Year, No. 43. New York and New Haven, Saturday, October 26, 1889 Price 3 Cents REPORT THE CONVENTION. COMPLETE REPORT OF ITS PROCEEDINGS. Twenty-seven Sections Represented. Long Sessions, Short Speeches, and Practical Work—The Grand Mass Meeting at Vorwærts Turn Hall—Thousands of Sympathizers and Twenty-five Sore-Heads in Chicago—Platform and Resolutions. SATURDAY, Oct. 12.—At 3 p.m. the convention was called to order by Comrade A. Negendank, of Philadelphia, in the name of the Board of Supervision. After a few remarks by him in German and by Phil. Rappaport, of Indianapolis, in English, the delegates proceeded to the election of a chairman pro tem., and Comrade Foth, of New York, was elected. On motion of Comrade Shevitch it was resolved that English be the official language of the convention, but that the minutes be kept in English and German, and that every delegate might speak any language he pleased, provided the sense of his remarks be translated into English at the request of any other delegate. In order to carry out this resolution, Rappaport was elected English secretary and Fellermann, of Hartford, German secretary. A Committee on Credentials, composed of Otto Reimer, of New York; Lother, of Pittsburg; and Mrs. Greie, of New York, was then elected, and a short recess taken, at the end of which the committee reported the following Sections to be represented: New York (German Section), by Otto Reimer, S.E. Shevitch, Johanna Greie, Hy. Foth and Reinh. Meyer. New York (American Section), by Lucien Sanial. Brooklyn, N.Y., by Fr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Right to the Whole Produce of Labour
    1RNIA SAN DIEGO THE EIGHT TO THE WHOLE PRODUCE OF LABOUR THE EIGHT TO THE WHOLE PBODUCE OF LABOUK THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE THEORY OF LABOUR'S CLAIM TO THE WHOLE PRODUCT OF INDUSTRY BY DK. ANTON MENGEK PROFESSOR OF JURISPRUDENCE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA TRANSLATED BY M. E. TANNER WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND BIBLIOGRAPHY BY H. S. FOXWELL, M.A. PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON ; LECTURER AND LATE FELLOW OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE Hontion MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1899 A II rights reserved INTRODUCTION DR. ANTON MENGER'S remarkable study of the cardinal Dr doctrine of revolutionary socialism, now for the first W time published in English, has long enjoyed a wide reputation on the Continent; and English students of social philosophy, whether or not they are familiar with the original, will welcome its appearance in this trans- lation. The interest and importance of the subject will not be disputed, either by the opponents or the advocates of socialism ; and those who know how exceptionally Dr. Menger is qualified for work of this kind, by his juristic eminence, and his profound know- ledge of socialistic literature, will not need to be told that it has been executed with singular vigour and ability. Hitherto, perhaps because it was not generally accessible to English readers, the book has not received in this country the notice that it has met with elsewhere. Yet there are reasons why it should be of peculiar interest to English economists. The particular method of criticism adopted by Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • GERMAN IMMIGRANTS, AFRICAN AMERICANS, and the RECONSTRUCTION of CITIZENSHIP, 1865-1877 DISSERTATION Presented In
    NEW CITIZENS: GERMAN IMMIGRANTS, AFRICAN AMERICANS, AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF CITIZENSHIP, 1865-1877 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Alison Clark Efford, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Doctoral Examination Committee: Professor John L. Brooke, Adviser Approved by Professor Mitchell Snay ____________________________ Adviser Professor Michael L. Benedict Department of History Graduate Program Professor Kevin Boyle ABSTRACT This work explores how German immigrants influenced the reshaping of American citizenship following the Civil War and emancipation. It takes a new approach to old questions: How did African American men achieve citizenship rights under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments? Why were those rights only inconsistently protected for over a century? German Americans had a distinctive effect on the outcome of Reconstruction because they contributed a significant number of votes to the ruling Republican Party, they remained sensitive to European events, and most of all, they were acutely conscious of their own status as new American citizens. Drawing on the rich yet largely untapped supply of German-language periodicals and correspondence in Missouri, Ohio, and Washington, D.C., I recover the debate over citizenship within the German-American public sphere and evaluate its national ramifications. Partisan, religious, and class differences colored how immigrants approached African American rights. Yet for all the divisions among German Americans, their collective response to the Revolutions of 1848 and the Franco-Prussian War and German unification in 1870 and 1871 left its mark on the opportunities and disappointments of Reconstruction.
    [Show full text]
  • Bevir the Making of British Socialism.Indb
    Copyrighted Material CHAPTER ONE Introduction: Socialism and History “We Are All Socialists Now: The Perils and Promise of the New Era of Big Government” ran the provocative cover of Newsweek on 11 Feb­ ruary 2009. A financial crisis had swept through the economy. Several small banks had failed. The state had intervened, pumping money into the economy, bailing out large banks and other failing financial institu­ tions, and taking shares and part ownership in what had been private companies. The cover of Newsweek showed a red hand clasping a blue one, implying that both sides of the political spectrum now agreed on the importance of such state action. Although socialism is making headlines again, there seems to be very little understanding of its nature and history. The identification of social­ ism with “big government” is, to say the least, misleading. It just is not the case that when big business staggers and the state steps in, you have socialism. Historically, socialists have often looked not to an enlarged state but to the withering away of the state and the rise of nongovern­ mental societies. Even when socialists have supported state intervention, they have generally focused more on promoting social justice than on simply bailing out failing financial institutions. A false identification of socialism with big government is a staple of dated ideological battles. The phrase “We are all socialists now” is a quo­ tation from a British Liberal politician of the late nineteenth century. Sir William Harcourt used it when a land reform was passed with general acceptance despite having been equally generally denounced a few years earlier as “socialist.” Moreover, Newsweek’s cover was not the first echo of Harcourt’s memorable phrase.
    [Show full text]
  • A Weak Argument: Laurence Gronlund Condemns the Action of the Bolters: Berger’S Platform Analyzed and Its Defects Pointed out — Americans Demand a Practical Movement
    Gronlund: A Weak Argument [June 23, 1898] 1 A Weak Argument: Laurence Gronlund Condemns the Action of the Bolters: Berger’s Platform Analyzed and Its Defects Pointed Out — Americans Demand a Practical Movement. by Laurence Gronlund Published in The Social Democrat [Chicago], v. 5, no. 24 ( June 23, 1898), pg. 1. The reason why I condemn Comrade [Vic- liarly German, and which surely ought in the fu- tor] Berger of Milwaukee and his followers for se- ture to be avoided and eliminated. ceding from the Social Democracy is because they First, it starts out with the old, threadbare thereby intended to break up and destroy a new truism that labor, manual and mental, is the source and splendid instrument for the emancipation of of all wealth, and then follows a string of proposi- the masses. It is a childish procedure. It is just like tions ending with a demand for public ownership. a child who refuses to play anymore with its It is a way of reasoning that is very powerful to playfellows because it cannot have its will in a par- the German and French mind, but that has just ticular point. No matter how right they have been as little effect on an American as water poured on on the question of political action vs. coloniza- the back of a duck. It is the old deductive way of tion, they should for the time being have bowed argument that was such a favorite with the French to the will of the majority and afterwards tried to philosophers of the last [18th] century, but which persuade and convince their comrades.
    [Show full text]
  • Utopia & Terror in the 20Th Century.Pdf
    Utopia and Terror in the 20th Century Part I Professor Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius THE TEACHING COMPANY ® Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius, Ph.D. Associate Professor of History, University of Tennessee Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius was born in Chicago, Illinois. He grew up on Chicago’s Southside in a Lithuanian- American neighborhood and spent some years attending school in Aarhus, Denmark, and Bonn, Germany. He received his B.A. from the University of Chicago. In 1989, he spent the summer in Moscow and Leningrad (today St. Petersburg) in intensive language study in Russian. He earned his Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania in European history in 1994, specializing in modern German history. After receiving his doctorate, Professor Liulevicius spent a year as a postdoctoral research fellow at the Hoover Institution on War, Peace, and Revolution at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California. Since 1995, he has been a history professor at the University of Tennessee in Knoxville. He teaches courses on modern German history, Western civilization, Nazi Germany, World War I, war and culture, 20th-century Europe, nationalism, and utopian thought. In 2003, he received the University of Tennessee’s Excellence in Teaching award. Professor Liulevicius’s research focuses on German relations with Eastern Europe in the modern period. His other interests include the utopian tradition and its impact on modern politics, images of the United States abroad, and the history of Lithuania and the Baltic region. He has published numerous articles and his first book, War Land on the Eastern Front: Culture, National Identity and German Occupation in the First World War (2000), published by Cambridge University Press, also appeared in German translation in 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Sixth National Convention
    Report of Proceedings September 17. The Sixth Congress of the Socialistic Labor Party was con- vened at Turn Hall, Buffalo, N. Y., on the afternoon of Satur- day, September 17, 1887. Secretary of the Nat. Ex. Com., W. L. Rosenberg, called the meeting to order, and Com. Geo. M. Price, of Buffalo Am. Sec- tion, was elected temporary Chairman. Comrades G. Metzler, of Philadelphia, and J. F. Busche, of New Haven, were elected temporary Secretaries. Com. Philip Rappaport, of Indianapolis, moved that the of- ficial language of the Congress be English, but that every member be allowed to use his own language, which was car- ried. A Committee on Credentials, consisting of Comrades O. Dorn, of Baltimore, P. Knickrehm, of Chicago, and Paul Zim- mermann, of New Haven, was elected. Recess of 10 minutes. The Committee on Credentials being ready to report, the Congress was called to order, and the following delegates were reported with credentials: Sect. Albany: Th. Fiedler, Cigarmaker. “ Baltimore; O. Dorn, Machinist. “ Brooklyn, Greenpoint and L. I. City: H. Szimmath, Shoemaker. “ Bridgeport and New Haven, Conn.: J. F. Busche, Printer. “ Boston: W. Isenecker, Cigarmaker. “ Buffalo: G. Henke, Tailor. “ “ Geo. M. Price, Editor. “ Cincinnati : C. Ruemmele, Carpenter. “ Cleveland: E. Wagenknecht, Shoemaker. “ Sect. Chicago: P. Knickrehm, Cigarmaker. “ Detroit: W. Krieghoff, Cigarmaker. “ Dayton: Harry Vrooman, Journalist. “ Erie, Pa.: Ch. Forth, Machinist. Western Dist., New England: D. Sievers, Cabinetmaker. “ “ “ “ Paul Zimmermann, Cigar- maker. Socialist Labor Party 2 www.slp.org SI XTH NATI ONAL CONVENTI ON PR OCEEDI NGS Hudson County, N. J., Sect.: K. Willhausen, Cigarmaker. “ “ “ “ J. Eulenstein, Weaver. Sect.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rand School of Social Science: 140 E 19Th Street, New York: What the Rand School Is
    The Rand School of Social Science: 140 E 19th Street, New York: What the Rand School Is Unsigned article in St. Louis Labor, whole no. 761 (Sept. 4, 1915), pg. 6. Likely an uncredited reprint from the New York Call. “I do not undervalue the part which sentiment plays in social progress. Love of liberty and hatred fro injustice are great motive forces. But I am of the opinion that sentiment reaches its higher power when it is backed by arithmetic. It is not enough to have an inspiring ideal; we must also know the conditions and means to its realization. No revolution ever rises above the intellectual level of the class by which it is achieved. In order that the movement of the proletariat may fulfill our hopes, the working class itself must be equipped with knowledge adequate to the greatness of its task.” In such words as these Lucien Sanial, a white-haired and young- hearted veteran of the Socialist and Labor movement in America, speaking at a dinner held by friends of the Rand School of Social Sci- ence, had stated the need which the institution serves. The establishment of the Rand School in 1906 was made possible by an endowment provided at the suggestion of Prof. George D. Her- ron, by the late Mrs. Carrie D. Rand, with a contributory fund added by her daughter, Mrs. Carrie Rand Herron, who showed a keen inter- est in the work until her untimely death early in 1914. The income from this fund is supplemented by tuition fees and by donations from individuals and organizations in sympathy with the purpose of the school.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party
    University of Kentucky UKnowledge American Politics Political Science 1974 Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party Peter H. Argersinger University of Maryland Baltimore County Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Argersinger, Peter H., "Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party" (1974). American Politics. 8. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_political_science_american_politics/8 POPULISM and POLITICS This page intentionally left blank Peter H. Argersinger POPULISM and POLITICS William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party The University Press of Kentucky ISBN: 978-0-8131-5108-3 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 73-86400 Copyright © 1974 by The University Press of Kentucky A statewide cooperative scholarly publishing agency serving Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky State College, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University- Editorial and Sales Offices: Lexington, Kentucky
    [Show full text]
  • 1896 – Proceedings of the 9Th National Convention of the Socialist Labor Party
    PROCEEDINGS OF THE Ninth Annual Convention OF THE SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY, HELD AT Grand Central Palace, 43rd St. & Lexington Ave., N.Y. City, JULY 4th to JULY 10th, 1896. FIRST DAY’S SESSION. Saturday, July 4th, 1896. The Convention was called to order by Henry Kuhn, Secretary of the National Executive Committee. Delegate Lucien Sanial was unanimously elected temporary chairman, and Delegate Charles B. Copp temporary secretary. On motion of Delegate Hugo Vogt two committees, of five mem- bers each, were elected as follows: On Credentials, Delegates Herrschaft, Jonas, Bennetts, Ruther and Kreft. On Rules and Regulations, Delegates Vogt, Curran, De Leon, Nagler and Watkins. A recess of thirty minutes was then taken. The Committee on Credentials being ready to report, the Con- vention was again called to order. The following is a complete list of the ninety-four delegates who were admitted, including one from Chicago, Ill., and one from Pawtucket, R.I., who arrived on the fol- lowing day: CONNECTICUT— F. Serrer ................................................................................................. New Haven. M. Goldsmith ...................................................................................... New Britain. F.O. Pilgrim .................................................................... Waterbury, American. J.S. Powell ................................................................................................... Hartford. ILLINOIS— Fr. Kalbitz ................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Socialist Register 2005 O Império Reloaded
    Socialist Register 2005 O Império Reloaded Editores: Leo Panitch e Colin Leys Sumário Leo Panitch e Colin Leys Prefácio Varda Burstyn A Nova Ordem Imperial Prevista Stephen Gill As Contradições da Supremacia dos EUA Leo Panitch e Sam Gindin As Finanças e o Império Estadunidense Christopher Rude O Papel da Disciplina Financeira na Estratégia Imperial Scott Forsyth Hollywood Reloaded: O Filme como Mercadoria Imperial Vivek Chibber Revivendo o Estado Desenvolvimentista? O Mito da “Burguesia Nacional” Gerard Greenfield Bandung redux: Nacionalismos Antiglobalização no Sudeste Asiático Yuezhi Zhao A Matrix Midiática: A Integração da China no Capitalismo Mundial Patrick Bond O império norte-americano e o subimperialismo sul africano Doug Stokes Terrorismo, Petróleo e Capital: A Contra- insurgência Norte-Americana na Colômbia Paul Cammarck “Sinais dos Tempos”: Capitalismo, Competitividade, e a Nova Face do Império na América Latina Boris Kagarlitsky O Estado Russo na Era do Império Norte- Americano John Grahl A União Européia e o Poder Norte-Americano Tonny Benn e Colin Leys Bush e Blair: o Iraque e o Vice-Rei Norte- Americano da Grã-Bretanha PREFÁCIO Este volume, o da 41ª Socialist Register anual, é o que acompanha o extremamente bem-sucedido volume de 2004 sobre O Novo Desafio Imperial. Planejado originalmente como um volume único que logo se mostrou demasiado grande, formam agora um par que se complementa. O Novo Desafio Imperial lida com a natureza geral da nova ordem imperial –como entender e explicá-la, e quais suas forças e fraquezas. O Império Reloaded circunda-o com uma análise das finanças, da cultura e do modo com que o novo imperialismo está penetrando nas maiores regiões do mundo –Ásia Menor, Sudeste Asiático, Índia, China, África, América Latina, Rússia e Europa.
    [Show full text]
  • Karl Marx's Changing Picture of the End of Capitalism
    Journal of the British Academy, 6, 187–206. DOI https://doi.org/10.5871/jba/006.187 Posted 30 July 2018. © The British Academy 2018 Karl Marx’s changing picture of the end of capitalism Master-Mind Lecture read 21 November 2017 GARETH STEDMAN JONES Fellow of the Academy Abstract: This essay examines three successive attempts Marx made to theorise his conception of the ‘value form’ or the capitalist mode of production. The first in the 1840s ascribed the destruction of an original human sociability to the institution of private property and looked forward to its destruction and transcendence in the coming revolution. This vision was shattered by the disenchanting failure of the 1848 revolutions. The second attempt, belonging to the 1850s and outlined in the Grundrisse, attempted to chart the rise, global triumph, and the ultimate destruction of what Marx called the ‘value form’. Its model of global triumph and final disintegration was inspired by Hegel’s Logic. But the global economic crisis of 1857–8 did not lead to the return of revolution. Marx’s disturbed reaction to this failure was seen in his paranoia about the failure of his Critique of Political Economy (1859). Marx’s third attempt to formulate his critique in Das Kapital in 1867 was much more successful. It was accompanied by a new conception of revolution as a transi­ tional process rather than an event and was stimulated by his participation in the International Working Men’s Association and the accompanying growth of cooper­ atives, trade unions, and a political reform movement culminating in the Reform Bill of 1867.
    [Show full text]