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German Immigrants and the Arc of Reconstruction Citizenship in the United States, 1865-1877

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German Immigrants and the Arc of Reconstruction Citizenship in the United States, 1865-1877 Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette History Faculty Research and Publications History, Department of Spring 2010 German Immigrants and the Arc of Reconstruction Citizenship in the United States, 1865-1877 Alison Clark Efford Marquette University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.marquette.edu/hist_fac Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Efford, Alison Clark, "German Immigrants and the Arc of Reconstruction Citizenship in the United States, 1865-1877" (2010). History Faculty Research and Publications. 285. https://epublications.marquette.edu/hist_fac/285 Features GHI Research Conference Reports GHI News GERMAN IMMIGRANTS AND THE ARC OF AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP DURING RECONSTRUCTION, 1865-1877 Alison Clark Efford MARQUETTE UNIVERSITY 2009 FRITZ STERN DISSERTATION PRIZE WINNER My dissertation, “New Citizens: German Immigrants, African Amer- icans, and the Reconstruction of Citizenship, 1865-1877,” explores the infl uence of German immigrants on the reshaping of Ameri- can citizenship following the Civil War and emancipation. This >> as a Foreign Country: project was initially inspired by questions that have long occupied Reconstruction, Inside and Out,” in Reconstructions, historians of the United States. First, how did African-American ed. Brown, 117–40. Pio- men achieve citizenship rights under the Fourteenth and Fift eenth neering works addressing transnational connec- Amendments? In 1867, the Fourteenth Amendment defi ned Ameri- tions include Mitchell Snay, can citizens as all persons born or naturalized in the United States. Fenians, Freedmen, and Southern Whites: Race and Three years later, the Fift eenth Amendment prohibited states from Nationality in the Era of Re- construction (Baton Rouge, using racial qualifi cations to limit citizens’ right to vote. Having 2007), 175; Philip Katz, inaugurated these measures, however, the federal government From Appomattox to Mont- martre: Americans and retreated from implementing them. My second question therefore the Paris Commune (Cam- became: Why were African-American rights not enforced? Ameri- bridge, MA, 1998); David Prior, “‘Crete the Opening can historians have explained Reconstruction’s arc of hope and Wedge’: Nationalism disappointment in many ways, but they have not investigated the and International Affairs in 1 Postbellum America,” Jour- impact of German immigrants. There are many reasons to suspect nal of Social History 42 that these newcomers played a distinctive role in Reconstruction. (2009): 861–87. Historians of whiteness have revealed They made important contributions to the ruling Republican Party, that the ways European they remained sensitive to European events, and they were acutely immigrants defi ned them- selves as Americans affect- 2 conscious of their own status as new American citizens. ed the racial boundaries of citizenship in the United States. See especially David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the 1 For a recent historiographi- Reconstruction: America’s Beyond Equality: Labor Making of the American cal treatment of Recon- Unfi nished Revolution, and the Radical Republi- Working Class (London, struction, see Thomas 1863–1877 (New York, cans, 1862–1872 (New 1991); and Matthew Frye J. Brown, ed., Reconstruc- 1988). Historians have vari- York, 1867); Heather Cox Jacobson, Whiteness of a tions: New Perspectives ously attributed the decline Richardson, The Death of Different Color: European on the Postbellum United in Reconstruction to the Reconstruction: Race, Immigrants and the Al- States (Oxford, 2006). extent of the violent resis- Labor, and Politics in the chemy of Race (Cambridge, Some historians empha- tance of Southern whites, Post-Civil War North, MA, 1999). For a new and size the limits of white Re- the economic changes ex- 1865–1901 (Cambridge, MA, contrasting examination of publicans’ commitment to perienced in the North, and 2001); David Blight, Race how Irish immigrants and racial justice. See, for ex- white Northerners’ desire and Reunion: The Civil War African Americans affected ample, William Gillette, Re- to reunite the country. See in American Memory citizenship, see Christian G. treat from Reconstruction, LeeAnna Keith, The Colfax (Cambridge, MA, 2001). Samito, Becoming America 1869–1879 (Baton Rouge, Massacre: The Untold Story under Fire: Irish Americans, 1979). The classic study of of Black Power, White Ter- 2 For a compelling case for African Americans, and the era, however, consid- ror, and the Death of Re- transnational approach- the Politics of Citizenship ers Reconstruction a still- construction (New York, es to Reconstruction, see during the Civil War Era born revolution: Eric Foner, 2008); David Montgomery, Mark M. Smith, “The Past >> (Ithaca, 2009). EFFORD | GERMAN IMMIGRANTS AND AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP 61 “New Citizens” recovers the debate over citizenship within the German-language public sphere in the border states of Missouri and Ohio and evaluates its national ramifi cations. Missouri and Ohio off er variations on the signifi cant midwestern German-American experience. In Missouri, a loyal slave state that determined its own Reconstruction policy, German immigrants were overwhelmingly Republican. In Ohio, Germans were as politically divided as the state as a whole. During the Civil War era, Ohio earned a reputa- tion as a political bellwether. German immigrants made up just 7 to 8 percent of the population in each state, but Anglo-American politicians recognized that they, along with their American-born children, had the potential to become a formidable voting bloc, 3 U.S. Bureau of the Census, especially in St. Louis and Cincinnati, which were each considered Abstract of the Eighth Cen- about a third “German.”3 sus (Washington, DC, 1865), 620–23. German Ohioans and Missourians engaged in Reconstruction poli- 4 John L. Brooke, “Consent, Civil Society, and the Public tics from within a public sphere segmented by language. Jürgen Sphere in the Age of Revo- Habermas has theorized the public sphere as a deliberative arena lution and the Early Ameri- can Republic,” in Beyond the lying between the state and the individual. Informed by historians Founders: New Approaches who have elaborated and critiqued Habermas’s formulation, I con- to the Political History of the Early American Republic, ed. ceptualized a German-language public sphere in which immigrants Jeffrey Pasley, Andrew W. who had little else in common debated American politics and what Robertson, and David Wald- streicher (Chapel Hill, 2004), it meant to be German-American. Historian John L. Brooke sug- 209; Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of gests that the concept of the public sphere has the power to bridge the Public Sphere: An Inquiry the gap between the “the old political history of law and the new into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Thomas Burger political history of language.” He conceives of the public sphere as a (Cambridge, MA, 1989); Joan communicative space of both authority and dissent, involving both B. Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of persuasion (the unequal exchange of cultural signals, particularly the French Revolution (Ithaca, language, that “set boundaries on the possible”) and deliberation 1998); Nancy Fraser, “Rethink- ing the Public Sphere: A Con- (“the structured and privileged assessment of alternatives among tribution to the Critique of legal equals leading to a binding outcome”).4 I examine these Actually Existing Democracy,” in Habermas and the Pub- themes of authority and dissent by reading the editorial sentiment lic Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun in the German-language press against private correspondence, the (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 109–42; Oskar Negt and Alexander p olitical record, election results, and reports of public celebrations Kluge, Public Sphere and Expe- and protests. My analysis explicates the interplay between persua- rience: Toward an Analysis of the Bourgeois and Proletarian sion and deliberation during Reconstruction. Public Sphere, trans. Peter Labanyi, Jamie Owen Daniel, and Assenka Oksiloff (Minne- Focusing on the public sphere has allowed me to examine how apolis, 1993); Joanna Brooks, attitudes took shape without assuming that there was a German- “The Early American Public Sphere and the Emergence of American consensus. The German-language press refl ected the fault a Black Print Counterpublic,” lines in the German community: German Americans were divided by William and Mary Quarterly 62 (2005): 67–92. political affi liation, religious faith, place of residence, and class. In 62 BULLETIN OF THE GHI | 46 | SPRING 2010 Features GHI Research Conference Reports GHI News the 1870s, one German American quipped, “Wherever four Germans gather, you will fi nd fi ve diff erent ideas.”5 In cities such as St. Louis and Cincinnati, immigrants could choose between daily newspapers presenting Re- publican and Democratic viewpoints. The ~ ..@ ~ , , ..., --· ~~ON,~- .. - e; debates between competing editors oft en took on the intimate intensity of a bitter family feud. Even religious publications such as Cincinnati’s episcopally sanctioned Roman Catholic weekly, the Wahrheits- Freund (Friend of Truth), were drawn into the fray. Working-class immigrants also founded newspapers to express their in- terests. Disenchanted with the mainstream press, socialists in St. Louis established the Volksstimme des Westens (People’s Voice of the West). The activities of German Ameri- cans in rural areas received some coverage in urban
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