Gronlund: A Weak Argument [June 23, 1898] 1

A Weak Argument: Laurence Gronlund Condemns the Action of the Bolters: Berger’s Platform Analyzed and Its Defects Pointed Out — Demand a Practical Movement. by Laurence Gronlund

Published in The Social Democrat [], v. 5, no. 24 ( June 23, 1898), pg. 1.

The reason why I condemn Comrade [Vic- liarly German, and which surely ought in the fu- tor] Berger of and his followers for se- ture to be avoided and eliminated. ceding from the Social Democracy is because they First, it starts out with the old, threadbare thereby intended to break up and destroy a new truism that labor, manual and mental, is the source and splendid instrument for the emancipation of of all wealth, and then follows a string of proposi- the masses. It is a childish procedure. It is just like tions ending with a demand for public ownership. a child who refuses to play anymore with its It is a way of reasoning that is very powerful to playfellows because it cannot have its will in a par- the German and French mind, but that has just ticular point. No matter how right they have been as little effect on an American as water poured on on the question of political action vs. coloniza- the back of a duck. It is the old deductive way of tion, they should for the time being have bowed argument that was such a favorite with the French to the will of the majority and afterwards tried to philosophers of the last [18th] century, but which persuade and convince their comrades. That now in all branches of science is condemned as would have been the proper procedure, simply faulty and everywhere replaced by the inductive because the Social Democracy is the only Ameri- form. Instead of starting out with a general propo- can Socialist movement there is. The Socialist sition, like the rights of man, or the source of all Labor Party is, in spite of its pretensions, a Ger- wealth, on which it is by no means evident that man movement; it is now more than 25 years old all philosophic minds agree, and then proceeding and has just as little chance of winning an Ameri- down to facts, the modern, scientific way is to can majority as a 50 year old maiden has of being begin with facts which all who see must admit, married. But it is not the way of persuading and like trusts, and from these lead up to general prin- winning Americans to kick them. ciples. Prove to a German or a Frenchman that There are, however, other criticisms I have the existing system is false and unjust and he is to make on the platform which Berger presented ready for . Not so the American; he im- to the convention [1st Regular: Chicago, June 7- mediately inquires: Is Socialism practicable? Prove 11, 1898]. It is in the first place altogether too to him that the trust must end in Socialism and long and too wordy for a political document; but he is convinced. besides this it possesses certain weaknesses, pecu-

1 2 Gronlund: A Weak Argument [June 23, 1898]

Practical Steps. Class Consciousness.

Again, Comrade Berger’s practical program Lastly, “class consciousness” is a fatal Ger- begins with demanding the socialization of all large man theory, upon which our German fellow So- industries controlled by trusts and monopolies. cialists on all, proper and improper, occasions in- That is the common fault of all German programs, sist. It is a theory entirely un-American, however, that they do not connect with reality, just because fitted to European conditions; unfortunately our the German mind is theoretical. They do not unite brothers of German origin will never condescend the system we now have with the Socialist system. to give way to American characteristics and Ameri- How are we to reach the latter regime? Are we to can conditions; and therefore Comrade Berger and jump to it? Well, that is evidently what the Ger- his followers had to insist on the theory also on mans intend. But nations do not jump; a nation this occasion. But it is always foolish to run one’s cannot jump. Even the great head against a brick wall. The theory of class con- was not a jump, but a gradual, though rapid, de- sciousness means that society is divided by a hori- scent into the inferno. Now that is a defect which zontal line into two sections: the wage-earners the majority of the Social Democracy at any rate below the line and the possessing classes above avoided. They propose a step to collectivism, to the line, and then a class war is proclaimed be- wit: the abolition of the inferior Federal courts tween the two sections. That is the theory, but and of the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court over the practice of the Social Democratic Party, even acts of Congress. Ah, that would be an excellent in Germany itself, is the very opposite to it, for its step if such abolition could be effected by an act leaders, like the party leaders in France and En- of Congress. Unfortunately it cannot be, for what gland, are taken from the very class they proscribe. is meant by “the Constitution” is not alone the Marx, Lassalle, Liebknecht, Singer, Bebel himself, piece of paper on which it is written but that par- belong to the possessing classes. I call this theory ticular court. The Constitution cannot be abol- and the shibboleth “class war” fatal because they ished except by the act of a Constitutional Con- are opposed to the essential Socialist doctrine of vention or by a revolution. However, there is a the organic unity of society. There is, to be sure, a more practical way of taking the necessary steps dividing line in society, because a convention is that will connect with reality, in the opinion of going on, but it should be a vertical line through this writer, and hence he has produced a book, all classes, so that we have friends of our cause in The New Economy, which will be published Sept. all classes, and unfortunately there will to the last 1 [1898]. be workingmen who are our foes.

Laurence Gronlund.

Edited by Tim Davenport. Published by 1000 Flowers Publishing, Corvallis, OR, 2006. • Non-commercial reproduction permitted.

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