DOCSLIB.ORG

Partido Revolucionário Do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Archives 1970-1975

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Partido Revolucionário Do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Archives 1970-1975 Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Archives 1970-1975 International Institute of Social History Cruquiusweg 31 1019 AT Amsterdam The Netherlands hdl:10622/ARCH04497 © IISH Amsterdam 2021 Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Archives 1970-1975 Table of contents Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Archives..................3 Context............................................................................................................................................... 3 Content and Structure........................................................................................................................3 Access and Use.................................................................................................................................4 International Institute of Social History 2 Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Archives 1970-1975 Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Archives Collection ID ARCH04497 Creator Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Period 1970-1975 Extent 1.42 GB digital material (12 files) 1.42 Gigabytes, 12 Files Language list English Language of Material Portuguese Abstract The Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias was initially aimed at the armed battle but later became a political party. Context Historical Note Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (in English: Revolutionary Party of the Proletariat – Revolutionary Brigades) was a political party in Portugal. The Revolutionary Brigades were founded in 1970 by Isabel do Carmo, Carlos Antunes and Pedro Goulart, and advocated armed struggle against the regime. The first armed action was carried out in 1971. PRP-BR was constructed as a party later. In 1975 the PRP attempted to create a School of Proletarian Culture as an alternative to bourgeois education. The PRP supported the candidacy for the 1976 presidential elections of Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho. After November 25, 1975, PRP and Revolutionary Brigades were formally separated. PRP-BR did not participate in elections after the advent of democracy in Portugal. Acquisition Gift Associação Memoriando, Lisbon, Portugal 2009 Content and Structure Content 1) Os cravos da radio cradas cd 4-5; 2) Os cravos (in English: carnation) da radio; historias do PREL vol.1 de 2; 3) Torre do tombo Carlos Antunes ncteuiel da pide; 4) Os cravos da radio; historias do PREL vol.2 de 2. Processing Information This EAD-record has been edited by Bouwe Hijma, IISH, 2017. Subjects Geographic Names Portugal Persons International Institute of Social History 3 Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Archives 1970-1975 Antunes, Carlos Carmo, Isabel do Goulart, Pedro Saraiva de Carvalho, Otelo Themes Radical movements and parties Material Type Archival material Access and Use Access Restricted Restrictions on Use Direct access to digital material is currently not possible, please contact the reading room of the IISH: [email protected] Preferred Citation Partido Revolucionário do Proletariado - Brigadas Revolucionárias (Portugal) Archives, inventory number ..., International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam International Institute of Social History 4.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • O EXÍLIO DOS COMUNISTAS PORTUGUESES EM FRANÇA (1950-1974) Victor Pereira Université De Pau Et Des Pays De L’Adour
    O EXÍLIO DOS COMUNISTAS PORTUGUESES EM FRANÇA (1950-1974) Victor Pereira Université de Pau et des Pays de l’Adour Logo a seguir a Revolução dos Cravos, centenas de Franceses foram visitar o Por- tugal revolucionário (Pereira 2016). Alguns destes «turistas» faziam esta viagem a convite de antigos exilados portugueses que tinham residido em França. Este convite era uma forma de retribuir a solidariedade prestada durante a vigência do Estado Novo. O Partido Comunista Português (PCP), principal partido de oposição à ditadura depois do quase completo aniquilamento do movimento anarquista nos anos 1930 (Patriarca 2000), afirmou publicamente o seu agra- decimento aos comunistas franceses pela ajuda que eles deram aos militantes portugueses. Em outubro de 1974, Georges Marchais, secretário-geral do Partido Comunista Francês (PCF), é convidado a participar ao sétimo congresso do PCP. Neste evento de grande importância para o movimento comunista português, o secretário-geral do PCP, Álvaro Cunhal, exprime a «profunda gratidão dos comu- nistas portugueses pela solidariedade activa do PCF» (Macleod 1984: 145). Em julho de 1974, de forma menos pública, Álvaro Cunhal, então ministro sem pasta do primeiro Governo provisório que tomou posse alguns dias depois da Revo- lução do 25 de Abril, já tinha agradecido os comunistas franceses numa carta, escrita em francês, ao «camarade Jean D.». Cunhal pede a Jean D. que transmita «os sentimentos de gratidão a todos os que nos ajudaram durante estes anos difíceis, lutando do nosso lado, correndo riscos e tomando responsabilidades, par- ticipando assim, a justo título, na vitória do nosso povo e nos sucessos do nosso partido»1.
    [Show full text]
  • Emily Wardill NIGHT for DAY
    NIGHT FOR DAY EMILY WARDILL Emily Wardill NIGHT FOR DAY SECESSION, Vienna September—November 2020 3 THE SCOLD’S BRIDLE: SOME THOUGHTS ON POLITICAL LINGUISTICS, THE PENCHANT FOR CONSPIRACY, AND WITCHES By Marta Kuzma 16 THE LIFE OF PSEUDO PROBLEMS. “The I is unsalvageable.” By Kerstin Stakemeier 29 I WAS TRYING TO DESCRIBE WHO YOU ARE 49 NIGHT FOR DAY OR DAY FOR NIGHT 69 TRIANGLE IN THE ROUND 89 YOU LIKED THE BEACH BECAUSE IT WAS PUBLIC SPACE BUT I LIKED IT BECAUSE ON THE BEACH PEOPLE LOOK LIKE GRAPHICS 109 THAT WAS THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE HOUSE BUT REALLY IT WAS MY JOB TO MAKE SURE THAT THE HOUSE WAS HAUNTED 129 NEVER WORK WITH CHILDREN OR ANIMALS 149 THE LAST WOMAN THE SCOLD’S BRIDLE: SOME THOUGHTS ON POLITICAL LINGUISTICS, THE PENCHANT FOR CONSPIRACY, AND WITCHES By Marta Kuzma POLITICAL LINGUISTICS, 2011 I first met Emily Wardill atFilm as Critical Practice, a weekend symposium and screening program held in Oslo in May of 2011. The event had been organized by the Office for Contemporary Art Norway (OCA), an institution I led for some eight years, during which time it served as a foundation, research institution, exhibition platform, and school of sorts. It was a state-funded experimental program that had been granted permission to run with things for a while and A WOMAN WEARING A SCOLD’S BRIDLE, 1655 just see where they could go. Things went to some FROM A FIRST-HAND ACCOUNT BY JOHN exciting places in those eight years, before eventually WILLIS IPSWICH OF ANN BIDLESTONE BEING congealing into a technobureaucratic realm of fixed DROVE BY ROBERT SHARP boundaries and clear rules, the institution’s previously nimble way of proceeding lost to approvals and corrections.
    [Show full text]
  • O Lado Feminino Da Revolução Dos Cravos Rivista Di Storia E Storiografia Contemporanea Online
    Storia e Futuro O lado feminino da Revolução dos Cravos Rivista di Storia e Storiografia Contemporanea online http://storiaefuturo.eu/lado-feminino-revolucao-dos-cravos/ O LADO FEMININO DA REVOLUÇÃO DOS CRAVOS Posted on 9 Luglio 2014 by Storia e Futuro Categories: Articoli, Numero 25 - Articoli, Numero 25 - Febbraio 2011 Page: 1 Storia e Futuro O lado feminino da Revolução dos Cravos Rivista di Storia e Storiografia Contemporanea online http://storiaefuturo.eu/lado-feminino-revolucao-dos-cravos/ Marco Gomes Abstract Lo scopo principale di questo lavoro è quello di mostrare come la partecipazione attiva delle donne portoghesi alla vita pubblica è cambiato dopo il crollo del regime autoritario. A partire dalle modalità di azione e di comunicazione che hanno caratterizzato la presenza femminile nella rivoluzione del 25 di aprile 1974, per arrivare al ruolo svolto da migliaia di donne nella sfera politica, sociale e culturale, vengono analizzati i molti canali di espressione e di intervento che dalla Rivoluzione dei garofani hanno avuto origine, imprimendo una forte accelerazione al processo di emancipazione femminile. Alcune rivendicazioni delle donne si sono materializzate. Altre no. Tuttavia in Portogallo la transizione verso la democrazia ha avviato un percorso evolutivo che a tutt’oggi non si è ancora fermato. Abstract english The main purpose of this paper is to show how Portuguese women’s life changed after the collapse of the authoritarian regime. We intend to describe the ways of action and communication that characterized women participation during the revolution started on 25 April 1974. Thousands of women played an active role in society, in the political, social and cultural spheres.
    [Show full text]
  • The Post-Dictatorship Memory Politics in Portugal Which Erased Political Violence from the Collective Memory
    The post-dictatorship memory politics in Portugal which erased political violence from the collective memory Raquel da Silva, International Development Departmen, University of Birmingham and Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL), Centro de Estudos Internacionais, Lisbon, Portugal Ana Sofia Ferreira, Institute of Contemporary History, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Portugal Published as: Da Silva, R. and Ferreira, A. (2018) The post-dictatorship memory politics in Portugal that erased political violent activism from the collective memory. Integrative Psychological and Behavioural Science. doi: 10.1007/s12124-018-9452-8 Abstract Former clandestine militants’ voices and stories have been recurrently silenced in the Portuguese “battle over memory”, because their activities were linked to events, such as the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which have themselves been politically and socially depreciated in mainstream political narratives. Only recently did the traditional political narratives start to be questioned and debated by Portuguese scholars. Such political narratives took root in the country in the decades that followed the April Revolution, with various scholars and politicians denying the fascist categorisation of Estado Novo and adopting an authoritarian, non-totalitarian and non-fascist perspective, while recurrently depicting the Revolution as highly negative (namely as the source of the economic troubles of the country). Thus, for a long time, Portuguese conservatives opted to avoid debates on the 48 years of the Estado Novo’s regime which, among other things, maintained a very repressive and violent political police force, a camp of forced labour in Cape Vert known as Tarrafal, and a Colonial War on three African fronts. This article examines the existent academic publications which counter such oblivion of memory regarding armed struggle in Portugal.
    [Show full text]
  • Rj28ustrippoli Giulia
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Diposit Digital de Documents de la UAB COLONIAL WAR, ANTI-COLONIALISM AND DESERTIONS DURING THE ESTADO NOVO. PORTUGAL AND ABROAD. Giulia Strippoli IHC/UNL “Why do we have to kill African people, peasants like us?”: The articulated scenario of desertions Desertion has not been a phenomenon limited to the end of Estado Novo: the police registered the phenomenon during the early 1960s, as the anti-colonial propaganda did. This scenario is even more complex if we consider the variety of cases of desertion present in the numerous information recorded by the political police and in the anti-colonialist propaganda; we can find soldiers denounced as subversives because of political ideas considered as enemies of the state as we can find physical descriptions without any mention of soldiers’ political opinions. For almost fifteen years from the early 1960s until the end of the dictatorship and the colonies’ independence, the cases of deserters and draft dodgers were in the thousands. The scenario is multi-faceted: the soldiers’ origin, the recruitment and training place, the place and moment of desertion and, of course, reasons for desertion. Soldiers of Portuguese origin deserted both in Portugal and in Africa, soldiers with African origin deserted both in Africa and Portugal, and white African sons of colonists deserted. Furthermore, not all deserters escaped to European countries or from colonies to other African countries; there have been cases of deserters who before being shipped off to war left the army but remained hidden in Portugal.
    [Show full text]
  • I the IMPACT of the 1974 REVOLUTION on RELIGIOUS
    THE IMPACT OF THE 1974 REVOLUTION ON RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN PORTUGAL (1974 – 2009) by FERNANDO CALDEIRA DA SILVA submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF THEOLOGY in the subject CHURCH HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: PROF M H MOGASHOA OCTOBER 2015 i DECLARATION Name: FERNANDO CALDEIRA DA SILVA Student number: 32451458 Degree: DTh Church History Exact wording of the title of the thesis as appearing on copies submitted for examination: THE IMPACT OF THE 1974 REVOLUTION ON RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN PORTUGAL (1974 – 2009) I declare that the above thesis is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. ________________________ _________________ SIGNATURE DATE ii ABSTRACT THE IMPACT OF THE 1974 REVOLUTION ON RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN PORTUGAL (1974-2009) Oppression and dictatorship were rife in this traditional Roman Catholic Portuguese state. The Portuguese Empire collapsed and the period immediately after the 1974 Revolution was marked by Communist influence. However, democracy rose with the 1976 Constitution and its subsequent Revisions addressing various aspects of freedom but neglected to address religious freedom. Specific legislation pertaining to freedom of religion was only adopted more than three decades later in 2001. Consequently, the study intended to reveal the status of religious freedom in Portugal as a result of the 1974 Revolution. The hypothesis of this study is that there was resistance to the implementation of religious freedom in Portuguese legislation and society which continued until 2009, the point at which this study ends.
    [Show full text]
  • The Post-Dictatorship Memory Politics in Portugal Which Erased Political Violence from the Collective Memory Da Silva, Raquel; Ferreira, Ana Sofia
    University of Birmingham The Post-Dictatorship Memory Politics in Portugal Which Erased Political Violence from the Collective Memory da Silva, Raquel; Ferreira, Ana Sofia DOI: 10.1007/s12124-018-9452-8 License: Creative Commons: Attribution (CC BY) Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (Harvard): da Silva, R & Ferreira, AS 2018, 'The Post-Dictatorship Memory Politics in Portugal Which Erased Political Violence from the Collective Memory', Integrative Psychological and Behavioral Science. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12124-018-9452-8 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive.
    [Show full text]
  • 25Aprilptlab – Palavras-Chave
    Laboratório interativo da transição democrática portuguesa 25APRILPTLAB – PALAVRAS-CHAVE A • Autogestão • Aborto • Aveiro • Açores • África B • Agricultura • Bairros de lata • Ala liberal • Banca • Alentejo • Banda desenhada • Alfabetização • Beja • Alhos Vedros • Bélgica • Aliança Democrática (AD) • Braga • Aliança Povo Unido (APU) • Bragança • Aliança Povo/MFA • Bruxelas • Aljustrel • Almada • Alpiarça C • Álvaro Cunhal • Cabo Verde • Ambiente • Cacém • Amílcar Cabral • Campanhas de Dinamização Cultural • Analfabetismo • Campanhas eleitorais • Anarquismo • Canções de intervenção • Angola • Capitalismo • Anticolonialismo • Cartaz • Anticomunismo • Cartoon • Antifascismo • Casebres • Antimilitarismo • Católicos progressistas • António de Oliveira Salazar • Censura • António de Spínola • Centro Democrático Social (CDS) • António Ramalho Eanes • Cheias de 1967 • António Soares Carneiro • 5 de outubro • Aliança Povo Unido (APU) • Cinema • Argélia • Clandestinidade • Arquitetura • Coimbra • Arnaldo Matos • Colonialismo • Arte • Colónias • Artes plásticas • Comando Operacional do Continente (COPCON) • Assembleia Constituinte • Comandos (Regimento de Comandos da • Assembleia da República Amadora) • Associativismo • Comemorações • Atentados • Comício • Atividade parlamentar https://25aprilptlab.ces.uc.pt/ Laboratório interativo da transição democrática portuguesa 25APRILPTLAB – PALAVRAS-CHAVE • Esquerda C • Esquerda militar • Comissões de Moradores • Estado • Comissões de Trabalhadores • Estado Novo • Comunicação social • Estados Unidos da América
    [Show full text]
  • Re23uferreira Ana Sofia OK
    A SEDUÇÃO DAS ARMAS Radicalização na contestação ao Estado Novo Ana Sofia Ferreira Instituto de História Contemporânea – Universidade Nova de Lisboa 1 – A segunda crise do Estado Novo (1958-1962) – a violência no centro do debate político O final da Segunda Guerra Mundial e a vitória das democracias fez com que as oposições portuguesas acreditassem que o regime de Salazar não sobreviveria ao fim dos fascismos. Neste quadro de crise do Estado Novo, a oposição portuguesa procurou várias vias para derrubar o regime: a insurreição, a transição e o putsch militar. Porém, nenhuma delas conseguiu derrubar a ditadura. Após este período, com o regime recomposto e, com o início da guerra fria, a nível internacional, a questão da utilização da violência só voltou a colocar-se durante a campanha para as eleições presidenciais de 1958, sem, no entanto, se traduzir acções concretas organizadas, apesar dos enfrentamentos violentos, de rua, principalmente na campanha de Humberto Delgado, candidato da oposição às eleições presidenciais. As eleições de 1958 e, sobretudo, a imensa fraude eleitoral, trouxeram à oposição portuguesa e a uma larga camada da população a convicção da impossibilidade de derrubar o regime através de uma «solução pacífica». Por isso, no seio da oposição começou-se a discutir, novamente, a via para o derrube do regime, colocando-se a necessidade do recurso a acções armadas ou ao putsch militar. Seria efectivamente durante a campanha eleitoral que essa ideia ganhou força. Humberto Delgado manteve sempre, aliás, contacto, directo ou indirecto, com militares descontentes no seio das Forças Armadas e conspirou para a realização de um golpe que levasse ao derrube do regime 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Women Writing Portuguese Colonialism in Africa Contemporary Hispanic and Lusophone Cultures
    Women Writing Portuguese Colonialism in Africa Contemporary Hispanic and Lusophone Cultures Series Editors L. Elena Delgado, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Niamh Thornton, University of Liverpool Series Editorial Board Jo Labanyi, New York University Chris Perriam, University of Manchester Paul Julian Smith, CUNY Graduate Center This series aims to provide a forum for new research on modern and contemporary hispanic and lusophone cultures and writing. The volumes published in Contemporary Hispanic and Lusophone Cultures reflect a wide variety of critical practices and theoretical approaches, in harmony with the intellectual, cultural and social developments that have taken place over the past few decades. All manifestations of contemporary hispanic and lusophone culture and expression are considered, including literature, cinema, popular culture, theory. The volumes in the series will participate in the wider debate on key aspects of contemporary culture. 9 Bruno Carvalho, Porous City: A Cultural History of Rio de Janeiro (from the 1810s Onward) 10 Javier Krauel, Imperial Emotions: Cultural Responses to Myths of Empire in Fin-de-Siècle Spain 11 Luis Moreno-Caballud, translated by Linda Grabner, Cultures of Anyone: Studies on Cultural Democratization in the Spanish Neoliberal Crisis 12 H. Rosi Song, Lost in Transition: Constructing Memory in Contemporary Spain 13 Andrés Zamora, Featuring Post-National Spain: Film Essays 14 Paul Julian Smith, Dramatized Societies: Quality Television in Spain and Mexico 15 Joan Ramon Resina, The Ghost in the Constitution: Historical Memory and Denial in Spanish Society 16 José Colmeiro, Peripheral Visions/Global Sounds: From Galicia to the World 17 Regina Galasso, Translating New York: The City’s Languages in Iberian Literatures 18 Daniel F.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Armed Struggle Against the Dictatorship to the Socialist Revolution
    PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 14, Issue 6 From the Armed Struggle against the Dictatorship to the Socialist Revolution: The Narrative Restraints to Lethal Violence among Radical Left Organisations in Portugal by Raquel da Silva and Ana Sofia Ferreira Abstract This article presents a historical case study of three armed organisations that operated in Portugal before and after the April Revolution of 1974. This event put an end to Estado Novo’s authoritarian regime, starting a period of transition to democracy. The armed organisations operating during Estado Novo sought, essentially, to combat the dictatorship and the Colonial War. These organisations channelled their actions towards the destruction of the regime’s repressive and colonial apparatus, but refused to use lethal violence. During the transition to democracy, disillusionment caused by the negative outcome of the revolutionary process and the end of the utopia of the socialist revolution led some sectors of the radical left to return to armed struggle. This time, such actors targeted both property and human beings but were highly selective in their targeting. We analyse the narratives of restraint of former militants from across these groups, and consider how they were shaped by the evolving socio-political context. In the case of the pre-revolution organisations, we found two collectively accepted narratives inscribed in their genesis: lethal violence as counterproductive and lethal violence as philosophically and ideologically problematic. In the case of the post-revolution organisation we found one restraint narrative shared by the collective: indiscriminate lethal violence is counterproductive. Some militants also developed a restraint narrative that centred on disappointment with the organisation for its perceived operational failures.
    [Show full text]
  • The Post-Dictatorship Memory Politics in Portugal Which Erased Political Violence from the Collective Memory
    Integr Psych Behav https://doi.org/10.1007/s12124-018-9452-8 REGULAR ARTICLE Open Access The Post-Dictatorship Memory Politics in Portugal Which Erased Political Violence from the Collective Memory Raquel da Silva1,2 & Ana Sofia Ferreira3 # The Author(s) 2018 Abstract Former clandestine militants’ voices and stories have been recurrently silenced in the Portuguese Bbattle over memory^, because their activities were linked to events, such as the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which have themselves been politically and socially depreciated in mainstream political narratives. Only re- cently did the traditional political narratives start to be questioned and debated by Portuguese scholars. Such political narratives took root in the country in the decades that followed the April Revolution, with various scholars and politicians denying the fascist categorisation of Estado Novo and adopting an authoritarian, non-totalitarian and non-fascist perspective, while recurrently depicting the Rev- olution as highly negative (namely as the source of the economic troubles of the country). Thus, for a long time, Portuguese conservatives opted to avoid debates on the 48 years of the Estado Novo’s regime which, among other things, main- tained a very repressive and violent political police force, a camp of forced labour in Cape Vert known as Tarrafal, and a Colonial War on three African fronts. This article examines the existent academic publications which counter such oblivion of memory regarding armed struggle in Portugal. It also explores the reasons behind, on the one hand, the whitewashing of Estado Novo and the historical revisionism typical of the 1970s and 1980s, and, on the other hand, the Brebellion of memory^ which emerged in the 1990s.
    [Show full text]