Theosophy Paradigm in Diversity
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
When Sukarno Sought the Bomb: Indonesian Nuclear Aspirations in the Mid-1960S
ROBERT M. CORNEJO When Sukarno Sought the Bomb: Indonesian Nuclear Aspirations in the Mid-1960s ROBERT M. CORNEJO1 Robert M. Cornejo is a major in the US Army and a graduate of the United States Military Academy, West Point, New York. He recently earned an M.A. in National Security Affairs from the Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, California, and is currently a student at the Singapore Command and Staff College. lthough Indonesia’s aspirations have been Sukarno’s successor, General Suharto, agreed to inter- largely forgotten today, in the mid-1960s, it national safeguards, thereby effectively ending concerns Asought to acquire and test nuclear weapons. In- that Indonesia might go nuclear. donesian government officials began publicizing their The purpose of this article is to tell the story of intent to acquire an atom bomb shortly after the People’s Indonesia’s nuclear aspirations, study Sukarno’s deci- Republic of China (PRC) exploded its first nuclear de- sion to support nuclear weapons, and identify variables vice in October 1964. By July 1965, Indonesian Presi- that may explain why he professed to seek the bomb. dent Sukarno was publicly vaunting his country’s future The article opens by tracing the evolution of Indonesia’s nuclear status. However, Indonesia did not have the in- nuclear aspirations, from a US Atoms for Peace pro- digenous capability necessary to produce its own nuclear gram of nuclear assistance that began in 1960, to weapon, and as a result, it would have had to secure Sukarno’s declared intention to acquire an atom bomb assistance from an established nuclear weapon state to in 1965. -
Conference Series
Licensing Supervision by the Regional Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPID) of Banten Province For Local Private TVs Taufiqurokhman1, Evi Satispi2, Andriansyah3 {[email protected]} Universitas Prof.Dr. Moestopo (Beragama)1,3 Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta2 Abstract. Broadcasting licensing is a regulation of broadcasting and a decision stage of the state to provide an evaluation whether a broadcasting agency is eligible to be granted or eligible to continue the lease rights on frequency. The Regional Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPID) is an independent state institution in Indonesia established in each province serving as a regulator of broadcasting in every province in Indonesia. The license of Broadcasting is the right granted by KPID to broadcasters to conduct broadcasting. The results of the study said that in the level of requirements that must be met by local private television broadcasters to obtain IPP, KPID has performed its duties optimally. KPID is always proactive towards local private television broadcasting institutions especially in guiding to complete the necessary requirements so that local TV in Banten can meet the requirements required to manage IPP. However, in the implementation of its role related to the phases of acquisition of IPP, KPID has not played an optimal role in performing its duties and functions. This is because in broadcasting there is still a violation by local private TV in broadcasting concerning the content of broadcasting. In addition, in taking the policy, KPID is still intervened by the local government in the form of broadcast television broadcasting that is in accordance with local government requests. Keywords: KPID, Licensing, Broadcasting Operating License 1 Introduction The Program of Settlement and Broadcast Program Standards is designed based on the mandate of the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 32/2002 on Broadcasting of the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia). -
Adam Malik (Deppen) in MEMORIAM: ADAM MALIK A917-1984)
144 Adam Malik (Deppen) IN MEMORIAM: ADAM MALIK a917-1984) Ruth T. McVey The great survivor is dead. Though Adam Malik was by no means the only politician to hold high office under both Guided Democracy and the New Order, he was by far the most distinguished and successful. Others were political hacks with no true political coloring, or representatives of specialized con stituencies not involved directly in the conflict between Sukarno and the army; but Malik had been a central figure in the formulation of Guided Democracy and a close counsellor of Sukarno. Moreover, having chosen against that leader in the crisis following the coup of October 1965, he was not thereby completely discredited in the eyes of his former colleagues. For many of his old leftist associates he remained a patron: a leader who would still receive and could occasionally aid them, who could still speak their language, if only in private, and who still—in spite of his evident wealth, Western admirers, and service to a counter-revolutionary regime—seemed to embody what remained of the Generation of ’45, the fading memories of a radical and optimistic youth. To survive so successfully, a man must either be most simple and consistent, or quite the opposite. No one could accuse Adam Malik of transparency, yet there was a consistency about the image he cultivated. From early youth he appeared as a radical nationalist, a man of the left; and however unsympathetic the regime to that viewpoint he never allowed the pursuit of ambition completely to cloud that picture. -
Pancasila and Religious Values in Establishment of Legal Regulations
Pancasila and Religious Values in Establishment of Legal Regulations Muhammad Hoiru Nail1, Made Arya Utama2 1Faculty of Law, Jember University, Email: [email protected] 2Faculty of Law, Udayana University, Email: [email protected] Info Article Abstract Received: 2rd April 2020 In the news today (news update), Indonesia was briefly chopped Accepted: 10th July 2020 off with headlines from the religion of the great enemy Pancasila. Published: 31st July 2020 In this paper, we will discuss the relationship between Pancasila, religion and the formation of legislation. This is deliberately Keywords: discussed in this paper to avoid greater mistakes especially for Religious, Values; Legislation; Indonesian people related to the relationship of religious values Legal and Pancasila, as well as the relationship of religious values with the Formation of Laws and Regulations. This research is qualified Corresponding Author: into normative legal research that starts from the obscurity of the Muhammad Hoiru Nail, Emial: norms, namely Article 2 the Formation of Laws and Regulations [email protected] that stated "Pancasila, the source of all sources of state law". The results of this study indicate that religion and Pancasila are not DOI: contradicting. Pancasila is formed on the basis of noble values 10.24843/JMHU.2020.v09.i02. and virtues that exist in each religion which later becomes the p.06 first precepts of Pancasila "The Godhead of the One". The relationship of religious values with the formation of legislation is very thick when juridically the religion animates the opening of paragraph 3 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and several existing legal products are reflected/based on religion. -
Transplantation of Foreign Law Into Indonesian Copyright Law: the Victory of Capitalism Ideology on Pancasila Ideology
Journal of Intellectual Property Rights Vol 20, July 2015, pp 230-249 Transplantation of Foreign Law into Indonesian Copyright Law: The Victory of Capitalism Ideology on Pancasila Ideology O K Saidin† Department of Private Law, Law Faculty, University of North Sumatera, Medan, Indonesia Received: 07 May 2015; accepted: 29 June 2015 The Journey of Indonesian history has 350 years experience under the imperialism of Netherland and Japan until the era of post-independence which was still under the shadow of the developed countries. The Indonesia became more and more dependable on the foreign countries which brought influence to its political choice in regulating the Copyright Law in the following days. Indonesian copyright protection model which economic goal firstly based on the country’s Pancasila philosophy, evidently must subject to the will of the era that move towards liberal-capitalist. This era is no longer taking side to Indonesian independence goal to realize law and economic development based on Pancasila, especially the first, fourth, and fifth sila (Principle). The goal of law and economic development in Indonesia, regulated under the paradigm of democratic economy is to realize prosperous and equitable society based on Indonesian religious culture principle that can no longer be realized. Pancasila as the basis in forming legal norms in Indonesia functioned as the grundnorm which means that all the legal norms must be convenient and not to contradict the principles of the basic state philosophy of Pancasila. But the battle of foreign ideology in legal political choice through transplantation policy, did not manage to give the victory to Pancasila as the country’s ideology, but to give the victory to the foreign capitalistic ideology instead. -
Danilyn Rutherford
U n p a c k in g a N a t io n a l H e r o in e : T w o K a r t in is a n d T h e ir P e o p l e Danilyn Rutherford As Head of the Country, I deeply regret that among the people there are still those who doubt the heroism of Kartini___Haven't we already unanimously decided that Kartini is a National Heroine?1 On August 11,1986, as Dr. Frederick George Peter Jaquet cycled from Den Haag to his office in Leiden, no one would have guessed that he was transporting an Indonesian nation al treasure. The wooden box strapped to his bicycle looked perfectly ordinary. When he arrived at the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, the scholar opened the box to view the Institute's long-awaited prize: a cache of postcards, photographs, and scraps of letters sent by Raden Adjeng Kartini and her sisters to the family of Mr. J. H. Abendanon, the colonial official who was both her patron and publisher. From this box so grudgingly surrendered by Abendanon's family spilled new light on the life of this Javanese nobleman's daughter, new clues to the mystery of her struggle. Dr. Jaquet's discovery, glowingly reported in the Indonesian press, was but the latest episode in a long series of attempts to liberate Kartini from the boxes which have contained her. For decades, Indonesian and foreign scholars alike have sought to penetrate the veils obscuring the real Kartini in order to reach the core of a personality repressed by colonial officials, Dutch artists and intellectuals, the strictures of tradition, and the tragedy of her untimely death. -
Indo 15 0 1107128614 109
Top to bottom: Harian Rakjat, April 24, 1965. Madjalah Angkatan Bersen- dj ata, I, No. 7 (May 1965), back cover. Harian Rakjat, April 19, 1965. SUKARNO: RADICAL OR CONSERVATIVE? INDONESIAN POLITICS 1964-5 Peter Christian Hauswedell The passing of the Orde Lama in Indonesia and the death of Presi dent Sukarno seem too recent, and political emotions are still too high to arrive at a definitive characterization of the nature of the political system and its leader. The apparent contradictions between the ideological dynamism and the social conservatism1 of Guided Democ racy, the lack of conclusive evidence about Sukarno’s final political intentions, and the chaotic, even apocalyptic period before the sudden demise of the system a ll contribute to the d iffic u lt y of c la s s ific a tion. Finally, the dramatic events around the October 1, 1965 coup attempt have distracted our attention unduly. In Indonesia itself, the political atmosphere does not yet allow an objective assessment of the period. Since nearly all members of the present elite were in one way or another deeply involved in the events of that time, there are few publications about the period, and they have been rather polemical and unsystematic.2 Any study which contributes to our knowledge of Sukarno and Indo nesian p o lit ic s before the coup is therefore more than welcome, and John D. Legge’s recent political biography of the former President3 is the first ambitious attempt to portray this certainly complex, and often contradictory political leader.1* Although solid in factual 1. -
Pemikiran Soekarno Dalam Perumusan Pancasila
PEMIKIRAN SOEKARNO DALAM PERUMUSAN PANCASILA Paisol Burlian Guru Besar Ilmu Hukum Fakultas Syari’ah dan Hukum UIN Raden FatahPalembang Email : [email protected] Abstrak Dalam proses perumusan Pancasila dilakukan melalui beberapa tahapan persidangan, banyak tokoh yang dimasukkan di dalamnya seperti Muh. Yamin, Soepomo, dan Soekarno. Namun dari ketiga tokoh tersebut, hanya pemikiran Soekarno yang mendapat apresiasi dari peserta secara aklamasi dan pancasila yang dianggap sebagai keunggulan pemikiran Soekarno menjadi sesuatu yang berbeda dalam tatanan dan terminologi. Padahal sebelum Soekarno berpidato pada tanggal 1 Juni 1945, Muh. Yamin dan Soepomo sebelumnya pernah berpidato dan memiliki kemiripan satu sama lain. Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis fenomenologi kualitatif dengan studi pustaka, dengan menganalisis secara detail pada beberapa literatur yang relevan. Dengan menggunakan teori dekonstruksi milik Jacques Derrida dengan konsep trace, difference, recontruction, dan iterability. Sedangkan sumber data diambil dari sumber data primer dan sekunder. Adapun teknik yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Rumusan Pancasila Soekarno terdiri dari lima prinsip sebagai berikut; 1) Pemikiran nasionalisme, Soekarno bermaksud untuk membangkitkan jiwa nasionalisme di kalangan masyarakat Indonesia agar dapat berdiri tegak. 2) Pemikiran internasionalisme, Soekarno bermaksud mengaitkan erat antara pemikiran internasionalisme dengan nasionalisme. 3) Pemikiran demokrasi, dengan demikian -
Relation Between Pancasila and Islamic Values on Religious Freedom
Al-Ulum Volume 14 Number 2 December 2014 Page 325-342 RELATION BETWEEN PANCASILA AND ISLAMIC VALUES ON RELIGIOUS FREEDOM Sulasman & Eki Kania Dewi State Islamic University of Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ([email protected]) Abstrak The discourse of religious harmony and freedom is still a current study and much studied through various approaches, including in the perspective of history, sociology, and culture. In Indonesia, normatively, the practices of religious harmony and freedom are referred to both Islamic religion and Pancasila values. The two normative references are positioned in line. Thus, even for the people, Pancasila has a spirit of Islam, because the framers of Pancasila (and Konstitution UUD 1945) are Moslem like Muhammad Yamin and Sukarno. Consciously or not, the Islamic teaching viewed by those framers of Pancasila absorbed into the values of Pancasila. Therefore, it is fair enough that Pancasila and Islam have harmony and conformity, including the concepts of religious harmony and freedom. Wacana kerukunan dan kebebasan beragama masih menjadi kajian aktual dan banyak dikaji melalui berbagai pendekatan, diantaranya dalam perspektif sejarah, sosiologi, dan budaya. Di Indonesia, secara normatif, praktik kerukunan dan kebebasan beragama mengacu pada nilai agama Islam dan Pancasila sekaligus. Kedua acuan normative tersebut diposisikan sejalan. Bahkan bagi sebagian kalangan Pancasila memiliki ruh ajaran Islam, karena para perumus Pancasila (dan UUD 1945) adalah umat Islam, seperti Muhammad Yamin dan Soekarno. Disadari atau tidak, ajaran Islam yang dipersepsi para perumus Pancasila tersebut meresap kedalam Pancasila. Oleh karena itu, wajar apabila antara Pancasila dan Islam memiliki keselarasan dan kesesuaian, termasuk dalam hal konsep kerukunan dan kebebasan beragama. -
Sukarno Speaks Indonesia November 20, 1954
NOT FOR PUBLICATION INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS BRC 23 Bogor, West Java Sukarno Speaks Indonesia November 20, 1954 Mr. Walter S. Rogers Institute of Current World Affairs 522 Fifth Avenue New York 36, New York Dear ivr. Rogers: Early Sundmy morning, I heard President Sukarno speak to i0,O00 citizens of Bogor in commemoration of the Prophet Mohammmd' s birthday. That evening I listened to a lengthy radio broadcast by the President. I have heard Sukarno speak several times before o When Skarno speaks, the eyes and minds of the audience seem to be riveted on his commnding figure and each turn of phrase in his speech To be perfectly honest, I share their rapt attention, and it s not mere professional or analytical zeal that commands my concentration. The fact is that I, like millions of others, am fascinated and swayed by Indonesia's most important personage. Sukaro is the most effective speaker I have ever heard, and I have listened 9DR many times. Admittedly, the main impact of a Sukarno speech has always diminished by the time I ret,urn to my room After a short while, I have difficulty remembering the thread of Sukarno's principal argument or moral. By-the time I refresh my memory from my notes or the next morning's newspaper, the magic has vanished entirely.' I then wonder hat I thought so stirring .nd profound in my recent experience. This is no indictment of Sukarno' s speeches, for the words and symbols he uses with such maste1"y are directed entirely to a nationalistic Indonesian audience. -
The Partai Nasional Indonesia, 1963
THE PARTAI NASIONAL INDONESIA 1963-1965 J. Eliseo Rocamora Reputations once acquired are hard to shed. The stereotype of the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) as an opportunist, conservative party composed of Javanese prijaji elements remains despite basic changes which occurred within the party in the later years of Guided Democracy. Tljis undifferentiated image of the PNI arose in the early 1950's and, for that time, it represented a fairly accurate, though limited, description. As the party began to change under the impetus of Guided Democracy politics and the push of internal party dynamics, Indonesian and foreign observers either disregarded the party alto gether or tended to seek explanations for these changes in outside factors." Thus, the PNI's "turn to the left," in the 1963 to 1965 period, was termed variously as: an opportunistic response to the increasingly leftist politics of Guided Democracy; the result of strong pressure from President Sukarno; or the work of PKI (Communist Party) infiltration of the party leadership. The fact that Djakarta's political cognoscenti-- journalists and intellectuals--continue to espouse and disseminate this interpreta tion reflects biases born of their own political attitudes and in volvement. A similarly-limited view of the PNI in Western academic literature is in part the result of the paucity of work on the Guided Democracy period and in part a consequence of an excessive concentra tion on a few actors at the center. The generally-accepted framework for analyzing Guided Democracy politics1--a three-sided triangle made up of Sukarno, the Army and the PKI--only explains certain facets of Indonesian politics, that is, the major battles for ideological and institutional predominance. -
Historical Construction of the Indonesian Presidential System: Do People Voices Matter?
Journal of Governance and Development Vol. 9, 165-185 (2013) 165 Historical Construction of The Indonesian Presidential System: Do people voices matter? Nurliah Nurdin* Institute of Government Internal Affairs, Ministry of Home Affairs, Indonesia *Corresponding author; email: [email protected] / [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the Indonesian politics, with particular reference to the presidential system. During the formation of the country, the framers of the Constitution have mixed understanding on what forms of political system the country intends to adopt, either parliamentary or presidential. The principle debate centers on the legislative and partisan powers of the Indonesian president, expecially the people voice in the strong presidential system. The historical accounts of the early Indonesia suggest that colonialism scars influence certain personalities like Soekarno and Soepomo to favor for an executive- superior system. On the other hand, Muhammad Yamin fears for a strong totalitarian president and thus proposes a legislative-superior system where the power of the president can be curbed by having a system of checks and balances. A series of institutional reforms in the presidential system have also focused on the relationship between the president and other state organs. The paper concludes that the post- democratization era after 1998 provides a more balanced power to the legislature. Keywords: presidential system, executive-legislative relations, Indonesian politics INTRODUCTION The historical experiences and the debate in the forming of a country, by the founders of the nation, were an important part in the political 166 Journal of Governance and Development Vol. 9, 165-185 (2013) process of the country. Historical documents provide an explanation of the entry point to the options of government’s system.