The Reasons for the Collapse of Yugoslavia
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Explaining Soviet Collapse
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Limerick Institutional Repository Explaining Soviet collapse Neil Robinson Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Limerick, Limerick 2017 This paper is a companion piece to a book titled Contemporary Russian Politics that will be published by Polity in 2018. Originally it was written to be a part of that book, but the first draft of the manuscript of the book was too long and somethings had to be cut. This paper was one of those things. It was supposed to be Chapter 4 of the book and came between a chapter on the Gorbachev perestroika reforms and a chapter on political developments under Yeltsin if anyone wants to slot it back in. Since the question of why the USSR collapsed is an important one and is often a topic for discussion and essay questions, and in order to salvage something from the time it took to write it, the paper is being made freely available on several online platforms. 1. Introduction Explaining the collapse of the Soviet system is different to explaining the causes of perestroika.1 The causes of perestroika are generally agreed upon: reform was initiated because of economic decline, Soviet loss of international power relative to Cold War rivals, the accumulation of social problems, and the need for political reform to deal with some, if not all, of these problems (see Robinson, 2018, chapter 3). Explanations of Soviet collapse all recognize the range of problems that the USSR faced in the mid-1980s and that led to perestroika. -
A Case Study on Peace-Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina
WWW.IPPR.ORG StatesofConflict Acasestudyonpeace-buildingin BosniaandHerzegovina BeritBliesemanndeGuevara November2009 ©ippr2009 InstituteforPublicPolicyResearch Challengingideas– Changingpolicy 2 ippr|StatesofConflict:Acasestudyonpeace-buildinginBosniaandHerzegovina Contents Aboutippr ............................................................................................................................. 3 Abouttheauthor.................................................................................................................. 3 Acknowledgements .............................................................................................................. 3 ‘StatesofConflict’................................................................................................................. 3 Abbreviations........................................................................................................................ 4 Introduction........................................................................................................................... 6 BosniaandHerzegovina–anoverview ............................................................................... 8 TheinternationalinterventioninBosniaandHerzegovina................................................. 12 Conclusions:somethoughtsonfutureforeignpolicyformulation..................................... 23 References .......................................................................................................................... 25 3 ippr|StatesofConflict:Acasestudyonpeace-buildinginBosniaandHerzegovina -
Croatian-Serbian Conflicts and the Dismantling of Yugoslavia (1)
ПРИЛОЗИ Radoslav Stojanović Professor, Faculty o f Law, Belgrade CROATIAN-SERBIAN CONFLICTS AND THE DISMANTLING OF YUGOSLAVIA (1) INTRODUCTION Like in other As is the case in some multi-ethnic societies, Yugoslav society, too, had t\vo facets: one is of conflict, struggle and dialectics of power; the other is of interdependence, cooperation and mutual support. Indeed, with this snapshot view, conilict appears deviant, an aberration of the system. Howe- ver, concensus and equilibrium, rather than confhct was the defining charac- teristic of the former Yugoslav society. The evidence for such an assessment is to be found in the development of the Yugoslav idea since its inception at the turn of the 19th century. Since that time on, one can observe the following conflicts: (1) The uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina against Turkish rule, 1875-1878. The armed conflict was between the oppressed Serbs and the Moslems, who vvere the defenders of the Turkish rule. In addition, the Croatian politicians vvere campaigning against the Serbian insurrectionists fearing that the success of the uprising vvould bnng about the unification of Bosnia and Herzegovina vvith Serbia and Montenegro. (2) The 1902 conflict betvveen the Serbian and Croatian political parties in Croatia gave rise to chauvinistic pogroms against Serbs in Zagreb and other Croatian cities, organized by the Franco party, namely the party vvhich was the predecessor of the Ustashas. (3) The period trorn 1919 untrl 1939 was characterized by permanent conflict betvveen the Serbian, Croatian, Slovenian and Moslem ehtes. (4) Since the beginning of the 19th century the relationship betvveen the Serbs and the Albanians vvas one of protracted conflict. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy. -
A Diplomatic History of the 1998–99 Kosovo Conflict
FROM DAYTON TO ALLIED FORCE: A DIPLOMATIC HISTORY OF THE 1998–99 KOSOVO CONFLICT by Christian Novak A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Sydney 2017 ii I declare that the research presented here is my own original work and has not been submitted to any other institution for the award of a degree iii Abstract This thesis reconstructs the diplomatic response of the international community to the Kosovo conflict of 1998–99. It outlines the process which resulted in the failure of negotiations involving outside agencies and individuals as well as the recourse to air strikes against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using primary sourced material from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, personal interviews and other carefully selected primary sources, this thesis explores why international attempts to find a negotiated solution failed. iv Acknowledgements Numerous people have assisted in the completion of this thesis. I would firstly like to acknowledge my research supervisor, Professor Glenda Sluga, for her guidance over the years. My gratitude is also extended to John Drewienkiewicz, Josef Janning, Richard Miles, Klaus Naumann, and Lord David Owen, all of whom took out time from their busy schedules to answer my questions. In particular, I wish to thank Wolfgang Petritsch. His accessibility and willingness to explain the events of 1998–99 considerably enhanced my own understanding of the crisis. Special thanks is reserved for my parents, Anne and David, who have gone above and beyond to support me. -
The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies
1 The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies Vladimir Tismaneanu The revolutions of 1989 were, no matter how one judges their nature, a true world-historical event, in the Hegelian sense: they established a historical cleavage (only to some extent conventional) between the world before and after 89. During that year, what appeared to be an immutable, ostensibly indestructible system collapsed with breath-taking alacrity. And this happened not because of external blows (although external pressure did matter), as in the case of Nazi Germany, but as a consequence of the development of insuperable inner tensions. The Leninist systems were terminally sick, and the disease affected first and foremost their capacity for self-regeneration. After decades of toying with the ideas of intrasystemic reforms (“institutional amphibiousness”, as it were, to use X. L. Ding’s concept, as developed by Archie Brown in his writings on Gorbachev and Gorbachevism), it had become clear that communism did not have the resources for readjustment and that the solution lay not within but outside, and even against, the existing order.1 The importance of these revolutions cannot therefore be overestimated: they represent the triumph of civic dignity and political morality over ideological monism, bureaucratic cynicism and police dictatorship.2 Rooted in an individualistic concept of freedom, programmatically skeptical of all ideological blueprints for social engineering, these revolutions were, at least in their first stage, liberal and non-utopian.3 The fact that 1 See Archie Brown, Seven Years that Changed the World: Perestroika in Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 157-189. In this paper I elaborate upon and revisit the main ideas I put them forward in my introduction to Vladimir Tismaneanu, ed., The Revolutions of 1989 (London and New York: Routledge, 1999) as well as in my book Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992; revised and expanded paperback, with new afterword, Free Press, 1993). -
The Destruction of Yugoslavia
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 19, Issue 2 1995 Article 18 The Destruction of Yugoslavia Svetozar Stojanovic∗ ∗ Copyright c 1995 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj The Destruction of Yugoslavia Svetozar Stojanovic Abstract If my statement about the first Yugoslavia being in many ways a non-synchronized and con- tradictory state is correct, what then can be said about the second Yugoslavia that endeavored, by keeping silent, to fill in the fatal fissure opened in Jasenovac and other places of annihilation of Serbs in the so-called Independent State of Croatia during the Second World War? For that reason, the former intermediator of the “international community” in Yugoslav conflicts, Lord Carrington, has repeatedly stated that with its new Constitution, Croatia rekindled the conflict with the Serbs. The essay will begin by discussing discuss the paralization to the breaking-up of the state, before moving to a discussion of the wars between secessionists and antisecessionists. We will also ex- amine the role of the Yugoslav Army, and Western triumphalism regarding the Yugoslav tragedy. THE DESTRUCTION OF YUGOSLAVIA Svetozar Stojanovic* I. A NON-SYNCHRONIZED AND CONTRADICTORY STATE From its formation in 1918, Yugoslavia was a non-synchronized and contradictory state. It was created mainly by Serbia and Mon- tenegro, countries that were victors in the First World War. The Serbian nation's human and material sacrifice invested in Yugo- slavia was unparalleled. Serbs were convinced that they could best solve their national question in a broader Southern Slav framework. -
Explaining Irredentism: the Case of Hungary and Its Transborder Minorities in Romania and Slovakia
Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia by Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fuzesi A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in Government London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2006 1 UMI Number: U615886 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615886 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 DECLARATION I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. Signature Date ....... 2 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON Abstract of Thesis Author (full names) ..Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fiizesi...................................................................... Title of thesis ..Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia............................................................................................................................. ....................................................................................... Degree..PhD in Government............... This thesis seeks to explain irredentism by identifying the set of variables that determine its occurrence. To do so it provides the necessary definition and comparative analytical framework, both lacking so far, and thus establishes irredentism as a field of study in its own right. The thesis develops a multi-variate explanatory model that is generalisable yet succinct. -
Yugoslav Destruction After the Cold War
STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR A dissertation presented by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj to The Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Political Science Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2015 STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2015 2 Abstract This research investigates the causes of Yugoslavia’s violent destruction in the 1990’s. It builds its argument on the interaction of international and domestic factors. In doing so, it details the origins of Yugoslav ideology as a fluid concept rooted in the early 19th century Croatian national movement. Tracing the evolving nationalist competition among Serbs and Croats, it demonstrates inherent contradictions of the Yugoslav project. These contradictions resulted in ethnic outbidding among Croatian nationalists and communists against the perceived Serbian hegemony. This dynamic drove the gradual erosion of Yugoslav state capacity during Cold War. The end of Cold War coincided with the height of internal Yugoslav conflict. Managing the collapse of Soviet Union and communism imposed both strategic and normative imperatives on the Western allies. These imperatives largely determined external policy toward Yugoslavia. They incentivized and inhibited domestic actors in pursuit of their goals. The result was the collapse of the country with varying degrees of violence. The findings support further research on international causes of civil wars. -
The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: an Analysis of Globalization Effects on Union and Disintegration of Yugoslavia
International ResearchScape Journal Volume 1 Article 1 February 2014 The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: An Analysis of Globalization Effects on Union and Disintegration of Yugoslavia Una Bobinac Bowling Green State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/irj Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bobinac, Una (2014) "The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: An Analysis of Globalization Effects on Union and Disintegration of Yugoslavia," International ResearchScape Journal: Vol. 1 , Article 1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.25035/irj.01.01.01 Available at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/irj/vol1/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at ScholarWorks@BGSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in International ResearchScape Journal by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@BGSU. Bobinac: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: An Analysis of Globalization Ef Bobinac 1 The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: An Analysis of Globalization Effects on Union and Disintegration of Yugoslavia Una Bobinac ABSTRACT The purpose of writing this project is to identify the influence globalization had in two most important parts of Yugoslavia: its formation as well as its fragmentation. The effects of this ongoing process range from direct intervention in the breakup of Yugoslavia to more indirect influence in its formation. This research strongly centers on previously established and well accepted theories of globalization to illustrate the consequences globalization had on Yugoslavia specifically. Throughout the research, the concept of critical globalism emerges as the prevailing method in the attempt to explain the events that took place in this region. -
The Marshall Plan and the Beginnings of Comecon
THE MARSHALL PLAN AND THE BEGINNINGS OF COMECON Cristian BENȚE Abstract: The integration of the Eastern-European states into the Soviet Union’s sphere of influence at the end of the Second World War represented a complex process that aimed all the vital sectors in those states. In a relatively short period of time, the political, economic, social and cultural life of the Eastern-European states was radically transformed, according to the models imposed by Moscow. The Soviet Union imposed its control over Eastern Europe because it had strategic, political, military and economic interests in this region. The states in this region became, after the Soviet Union broke relations with its former Western allies, the main suppliers of resources for the recovery of the soviet economy. The soviet control over the Eastern-European economies took many forms: from the brutal transfer of raw materials, finite products and technology during the first years after the war, to more subtle methods, as the establishment of “mixed enterprises”, the initialization of bilateral agreements and finally by establishing the COMECON. The establishment of the COMECON in January 1949 was one of the measures taken by Moscow in order to counteract the effects of the Marshall Plan and to consolidate the Soviet influence in the satellite-states from Eastern Europe. This measure was preceded by other actions meant to strengthen Moscow’s political, economic and ideological control over these states. Keywords: Marshall Plan, COMECON, Cold War economic integration, Iron Curtain The launch of the Marshall Plan in the summer of 1947 and its rejection by the Soviet Union represents a turning point in the evolution of the Cold War.