The Destruction of Yugoslavia
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Rivers and Lakes in Serbia
NATIONAL TOURISM ORGANISATION OF SERBIA Čika Ljubina 8, 11000 Belgrade Phone: +381 11 6557 100 Rivers and Lakes Fax: +381 11 2626 767 E-mail: [email protected] www.serbia.travel Tourist Information Centre and Souvenir Shop Tel : +381 11 6557 127 in Serbia E-mail: [email protected] NATIONAL TOURISM ORGANISATION OF SERBIA www.serbia.travel Rivers and Lakes in Serbia PALIĆ LAKE BELA CRKVA LAKES LAKE OF BOR SILVER LAKE GAZIVODE LAKE VLASINA LAKE LAKES OF THE UVAC RIVER LIM RIVER DRINA RIVER SAVA RIVER ADA CIGANLIJA LAKE BELGRADE DANUBE RIVER TIMOK RIVER NIŠAVA RIVER IBAR RIVER WESTERN MORAVA RIVER SOUTHERN MORAVA RIVER GREAT MORAVA RIVER TISA RIVER MORE RIVERS AND LAKES International Border Monastery Provincial Border UNESKO Cultural Site Settlement Signs Castle, Medieval Town Archeological Site Rivers and Lakes Roman Emperors Route Highway (pay toll, enterance) Spa, Air Spa One-lane Highway Rural tourism Regional Road Rafting International Border Crossing Fishing Area Airport Camp Tourist Port Bicycle trail “A river could be an ocean, if it doubled up – it has in itself so much enormous, eternal water ...” Miroslav Antić - serbian poet Photo-poetry on the rivers and lakes of Serbia There is a poetic image saying that the wide lowland of The famous Viennese waltz The Blue Danube by Johann Vojvodina in the north of Serbia reminds us of a sea during Baptist Strauss, Jr. is known to have been composed exactly the night, under the splendor of the stars. There really used to on his journey down the Danube, the river that connects 10 be the Pannonian Sea, but had flowed away a long time ago. -
Montenegro's Tribal Legacy
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Montenegro's Tribal Legacy by Major Steven C. Calhoun, US Army Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared in Military Review July-August 2000 The mentality of our people is still very patriarchal. Here the knife, revenge and a tribal (plemenski) system exist as nowhere else.1 The whole country is interconnected and almost everyone knows everyone else. Montenegro is nothing but a large family—all of this augurs nothing good. —Mihajlo Dedejic2 When the military receives an order to deploy into a particular area, planners focus on the terrain so the military can use the ground to its advantage. Montenegro provides an abundance of terrain to study, and it is apparent from the rugged karst topography how this tiny republic received its moniker—the Black Mountain. The territory of Montenegro borders Croatia, Bosnia- Herzegovina, Serbia and Albania and is about the size of Connecticut. Together with the much larger republic of Serbia, Montenegro makes up the current Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). But the jagged terrain of Montenegro is only part of the military equation. Montenegro has a complex, multilayered society in which tribe and clan can still influence attitudes and loyalties. Misunderstanding tribal dynamics can lead a mission to failure. Russian misunderstanding of tribal and clan influence led to unsuccessful interventions in Afghanistan and Chechnya.3 In Afghanistan, the rural population's tribal organization facilitated their initial resistance to the Soviets. -
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Greek-Yugoslav Relations Is A
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou From Adversity to Alliance: Greece, Yugoslavia and Balkan Strategy, 1944-1959 Greek-Yugoslav relations is a subject of pivotal importance for understanding the shaping of twentieth century Balkan balances. In the post-war period this relationship became even more interesting: Greece and Yugoslavia had radically different political, economic and social systems; they were bitterly divided in 1944-1948, but then they norma lized relations, participated in a Balkan alliance together with Turkey, and when this alliance broke down, they continued their co-operation on a bilateral basis. In this paper it will be argued that the factor which divi ded Greece and Yugoslavia in 1944-1948 was not ideology, but strate gy; and it was strategy that brought them closer after Tito’s split with Stalin. After 1948 both countries shaped their policy on the basis of a mild realism, and their relationship was dominated by their perception of their respective national interests. In this paper, emphasis will be placed on Greek perceptions and assessments, but Yugoslav views will also be mentioned. I During the inter-war period Greece’s major problem with Yugo slavia derived from the latter’s great size: Belgrade was a powerful neighbour, capable of pressing Athens and of attracting support from the great powers, mainly France. At that time Greece was afraid of Yugo slavia’s hegemonist tendencies in the Balkans, as well as of its desire to pose as the protector of the Slav-speaking minority of Greece and as a suitor for the port of Thessaloniki. It was clear that, facing Bulgarian revisionism, it would be impossible for Athens to resist pressures from both its northern neighbours; this was why the possibility of a Bulgarian- Yugoslav rapprochement was the nightmare scenario of the Athens policy-makers'. -
Diversity of Alien Macroinvertebrate Species in Serbian Waters
water Article Diversity of Alien Macroinvertebrate Species in Serbian Waters Katarina Zori´c* , Ana Atanackovi´c,Jelena Tomovi´c,Božica Vasiljevi´c,Bojana Tubi´c and Momir Paunovi´c Department for Hydroecology and Water Protection, Institute for Biological Research “Siniša Stankovi´c”—NationalInstitute of Republic of Serbia, University of Belgrade, Bulevar despota Stefana 142, 11060 Belgrade, Serbia; [email protected] (A.A.); [email protected] (J.T.); [email protected] (B.V.); [email protected] (B.T.); [email protected] (M.P.) * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 29 September 2020; Accepted: 7 December 2020; Published: 15 December 2020 Abstract: This article provides the first comprehensive list of alien macroinvertebrate species registered and/or established in aquatic ecosystems in Serbia as a potential threat to native biodiversity. The list comprised field investigations, articles, grey literature, and unpublished data. Twenty-nine species of macroinvertebrates have been recorded since 1942, with a domination of the Ponto-Caspian faunistic elements. The majority of recorded species have broad distribution and are naturalized in the waters of Serbia, while occasional or single findings of seven taxa indicate that these species have failed to form populations. Presented results clearly show that the Danube is the main corridor for the introduction and spread of non-native species into Serbia. Keywords: Serbia; inland waters; allochthonous species; introduction 1. Introduction The Water Framework Directive (WFD) [1] represents key regulation and one of the most important documents in the European Union water legislation since it was adopted in 2000. -
Presidential Documents Vol
24021 Federal Register Presidential Documents Vol. 64, No. 86 Wednesday, May 5, 1999 Title 3Ð Executive Order 13121 of April 30, 1999 The President Blocking Property of the Governments of the Federal Repub- lic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), the Republic of Serbia, and the Republic of Montenegro, and Prohibiting Trade Transactions Involving the Federal Republic of Yugo- slavia (Serbia and Montenegro) in Response to the Situation in Kosovo By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.), the National Emer- gencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.), and section 301 of title 3, United States Code, I, WILLIAM J. CLINTON, President of the United States of America, in order to take additional steps with respect to the continuing human rights and humanitarian crisis in Kosovo and the national emergency described and declared in Executive Order 13088 of June 9, 1998, hereby order: Section 1. Amendment to Executive Order 13088. (a) Section 1(a) of Executive Order 13088 of June 9, 1998, is revised to read as follows: ``Section 1. (a) Except to the extent provided in section 203(b) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C. 1702(b)), and in regulations, orders, directives, or licenses that may hereafter be issued pursuant to this order, all property and interests in property of the Governments of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), the Republic of Serbia, and the Republic of Montenegro that are in the United States, that hereafter come within the United States, or that are or hereafter come within the possession or control of United States persons, including their overseas branches, are hereby blocked.'' (b) Section 2 of Executive Order 13088 is hereby revoked, and a new section 2 is added to read as follows: ``Sec. -
Legal Implications of NATO's Armed Intervention in Kosovo
XJ[II Legal Implications of NATO's Armed Intervention in Kosovo Ved P. Nanda HE MILITARY INTERVENTION by the nineteen,member North Atlantic T Treaty Organization (NATO) in Kosovo, a province of Serbia in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, was the first ofits kind undertaken by the alli, ance. Under the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty,l NATO was formed as are, gional security organization. With its mission to act in a defensive capacity to protect its members from external aggression, under the treaty the parties spe, cifically agreed that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all and consequently ... if such an armed attack occurs, each of them, in exercise of the right of individual or collective self,defense recognized by Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, will assist the Party or Parties so attacked by taking forthwith, individually and in concert with the other Parties, such action as it deems necessary, including the use of armed force, to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area.2 Thus, the intervention was arguably beyond NATO's intended mission. Equally important, by unilaterally intervening in Kosovo, NATO bypassed the United Nations. Its use of force clearly failed the test of strict compliance with Legal Implications of NATO's Armed Intervention in Kosovo the constraints of the UN Charter,3 for it did not seek prior authorization of the Security Council to use force. Although the UN eventually assumed an impor~ tant role in shaping the future of Kosovo, it was invited to perform that task only after the end of the conflict.4 I concede that it is too early to write a definitive commentary on the legal implications of this intervention. -
The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: an Analysis of Globalization Effects on Union and Disintegration of Yugoslavia
International ResearchScape Journal Volume 1 Article 1 February 2014 The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: An Analysis of Globalization Effects on Union and Disintegration of Yugoslavia Una Bobinac Bowling Green State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/irj Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bobinac, Una (2014) "The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: An Analysis of Globalization Effects on Union and Disintegration of Yugoslavia," International ResearchScape Journal: Vol. 1 , Article 1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.25035/irj.01.01.01 Available at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/irj/vol1/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at ScholarWorks@BGSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in International ResearchScape Journal by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@BGSU. Bobinac: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: An Analysis of Globalization Ef Bobinac 1 The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: An Analysis of Globalization Effects on Union and Disintegration of Yugoslavia Una Bobinac ABSTRACT The purpose of writing this project is to identify the influence globalization had in two most important parts of Yugoslavia: its formation as well as its fragmentation. The effects of this ongoing process range from direct intervention in the breakup of Yugoslavia to more indirect influence in its formation. This research strongly centers on previously established and well accepted theories of globalization to illustrate the consequences globalization had on Yugoslavia specifically. Throughout the research, the concept of critical globalism emerges as the prevailing method in the attempt to explain the events that took place in this region. -
The Beginning of the End of Federal Yugoslavia
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies Number 10 01 Robert M. H ayden The Beginning of the End of Federal Yugoslavia The Slovenian Amendment Crisis of 1989 ~EES THE C E N T E R FOR R US SIAN & EA ST E U RO P E A N S T UDIE S U N IV E RS I T Y OF PITT SBURGH J The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies Number 1001 Robert M. Hayden The Beginning of the End of Federal Yugoslavia The Slovenian Amendment Crisis of 1989 &EES TH E C E N T E R F O R RUSS I AN Ill: E AS T E U RO PE A N STU DIES U N I V ERS I T Y O F PITT SB UR GH Robert M. Hayden is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh. He holds degrees in both Anthropology and Law. His research interests have taken him to India and Yugoslavia numerous times to conduct field work. In 1990-91 Hayden was a Fulbright Distinguished Professor at the University of Belgrade. He is the author of Social Courts in Theory and Practice: Yugoslav Workers' Courts in Comparative Perspective (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990). December 1992 ISSN 08899-275X The Carl Beck Papers Editors: William Chase, Bob Donnorununo, Ronald H. Linden Assistant Editors: Mitchell Bjerke, Martha Snodgrass Cover design : Mike Savitski Submissions to The Carl Beck Papers are welcome. Manuscripts must be in English, double-spaced throughout, and less than 120 pages in length. Acceptance is based on anonymous review. -
Country Assessment Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
COUNTRY ASSESSMENT FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA COUNTRY INFORMATION AND POLICY UNIT APRIL 2001 COUNTRY BRIEF FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA Contents Paragraph I INTRODUCTION 1.1 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III HISTORY 3.1 Up to end of Kosovo war IV POLITICAL SITUATION Legal Framework 4.1 Serbia 4.3 Montenegro 4.12 V ECONOMY 5.1 VI HUMAN RIGHTS: GENERAL Judiciary 6.1 Freedom of Political Opinion 6.7 The Media 6.15 VII HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS Race/Nationality 7.1 Hungarians and Croats in Vojvodina 7.4 Muslims in the Sandzak 7.8 Ethnic Albanians in Serbia 7.11 Roma 7.18 Mixed ethnicity 7.21 Freedom of Religion 7.26 continued Contents continued Paragraph Women 7.30 Children 7.33 Homosexuals 7.37 Military service : Amnesty etc 7.39 VIII OTHER ISSUES Health Service 8.1 Citizenship 8.4 Freedom of Movement 8.7 Repatriation 8.9 IX KOSOVO SECTION 9.1 X ANNEXES A - CHRONOLOGY B - POLITICAL PARTIES C - PROMINENT PEOPLE D - ABBREVIATIONS E - BIBLIOGRAPHY I INTRODUCTION 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information & Policy Unit, Immigration & Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most com monly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. -
The Kosovo Report
THE KOSOVO REPORT CONFLICT v INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE v LESSONS LEARNED v THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON KOSOVO 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford Executive Summary • 1 It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, Address by former President Nelson Mandela • 14 and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Map of Kosovo • 18 Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogotá Buenos Aires Calcutta Introduction • 19 Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris São Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw PART I: WHAT HAPPENED? with associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Preface • 29 Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the uk and in certain other countries 1. The Origins of the Kosovo Crisis • 33 Published in the United States 2. Internal Armed Conflict: February 1998–March 1999 •67 by Oxford University Press Inc., New York 3. International War Supervenes: March 1999–June 1999 • 85 © Oxford University Press 2000 4. Kosovo under United Nations Rule • 99 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) PART II: ANALYSIS First published 2000 5. The Diplomatic Dimension • 131 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, 6. International Law and Humanitarian Intervention • 163 without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, 7. Humanitarian Organizations and the Role of Media • 201 or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation. -
Serbia (Srbija), Montenegro (Crna Gora) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosna I Hercegovina)
Serbia (Srbija), Montenegro (Crna Gora) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosna i Hercegovina) Recent history Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) were all (along with Croatia and FYR Macedonia) formed as a result of the break-up of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. BIH declared its independence from Yugoslavia in 1992, following a referendum. This break-up sparked conflict among the three large ethnic groups within the federation. Bosniaks and Croats generally favoured independence, whereas Bosnian Serbs, supported by the Serbian government, wished for a union with Serbia. Further conflict later erupted between the Croat statelet of Herzog-Bosnia and the Bosniaks. The wars lasted until the intervention of NATO and the signing of the Dayton Accords in 1995, by which time an estimated 100,000 people had been killed, many in acts of ethnic cleansing. Under the Dayton Accords, BIH was administratively decentralised and divided into two entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska. Central government is consociational, with three rotating Presidents and set numbers of seats in both Houses of the Parliamentary Assembly for Croats, Bosniaks and Serbs. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia,How Serbia does did maintaina General a federation Election with Montenegro. actually However, work? this gradually evolved into a looser relationship, and Montenegrins narrowly voted for independence from Serbia in May 2006. Montenegro The UK is a liberal democracy. This means that we democratically elect politicians, who is now recognised as a separate nation by both Serbia and the EU. represent our interests. It also involves that individual rights are protected. Much more problematic has been Serbia’s relationship with Kosovo, which has a majority (90%) ethnic Albanian population. -
The Status of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the United Nations
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 21, Issue 5 1997 Article 2 The Status of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the United Nations Vladislav Jovanovic∗ ∗ Copyright c 1997 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj The Status of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the United Nations Vladislav Jovanovic Abstract The status and position of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (“FRY”) in the United Nations (“UN”) is a controversial issue which has elicited many comments and articles and has cast a long shadow on the legality of the measures taken by the General Assembly (“GA”) and the Security Council (“SC”) vis-a-vis Yugoslavia. In 1992, the SC and the GA both decided that the FRY, composed of Serbia and Montenegro, could not participate in the work of the GA and its bodies. The GA further extended the prohibition against Yugoslavian participation to the Economic and Social Council and its bodies. Throughout each of these resolutions, the SC and the GA stated that the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (“SFRY”) has ceased to exist and that the FRY cannot automatically continue the membership of the former SFRY in the UN. At the root of the unresolved status of the FRY in the UN is the question whether a succession or secession has taken place in the former SFRY. Essentially, the status question had been created by the unilateral acts of secession by the four former Yugoslav republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia) and the intrusion of the geo-strategic interests of foreign factors that encouraged, made possible and rewarded these secessions by premature recognition of the new nations.