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$Wf, 9 9/?/9"??l9 Dear Mr. Kelkar, I find that you are on the Select Committee on the Bank-Bill. I have my own scheme of currency reform which I had expounded in 'Nawakal. Some time agoy "the scheme is approved by great many Ecomonists among whom I may mention the names of Prof. Palande and Limaye. The Assistant Editor by the 'Nawakal tells me that you are likely to place my scheme before tlie Select Committee as an alternative to that of Sir B. Blacket. If you favour the idea. I can come to Poona on tlie 18th or 19th. if you let me know. I understand that Prof. Palande and Limay are going to write to you about me and my scheme. I am conscious of the fact that we are quite unknown to each other except by name and that we don't see eye to eye in all mate. But I am sure you will admit that there should be co-operation among non-cooperations when such co­ operations can promote the cause of country. I am, Yours Sincerely. B. R. Ambedkar^ chw^H^oiidl^ fa

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BHIMRAO R. AMBEDKAR DAMODAR HALL. PAREL. BOMAY-12 29-6-27 Dear Mr. Kelkar. I am extremely sorry to have missed the appointment. I was in court and had hoped to reachBombay in time to startfor Poona. But reachedBombay very late. However I will send the memorandam before the end of this week if I can't personally come to Poona. Hoping to be excused. I am, Yours sincerely. B. R. Ambedlzar^

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"Mr. President, the budget discussion has gone on for a long period and I feel that all that could have been said has cdready been said. It would therefore have been better for a new member like me to keep silent. But I feel that there is a point of view, which has not yet been placed before this House, and as I represent that point of view, I think it is my duty to give expression to it. Mr. President, when one begins to criticise the budget, one is at the outset overcome with a feeling of helplessness. For the range of effective criticism is indeed very small. The toted estimated expenditure as given in this budget is something like 36 percent. The toted, estimated, revenue of this presidency is 15-^ crores and out of this about 9 \- crores is being levied by the Executive without the consent of this Council. I refer to the land revenue into consideration. I think it is fear to say that the criticism which one has to make is indeed very limited because the Council can only deed with 64 percent of the expenditure and 40 percent of the revenue. But taking the things as they are Mr. President I proceed to offer such remarks as I am capable of making " ^ Midl^l <3 V4 ^T WT M6^»fl<$ \M $& WTT^r cR ebl4*lRuft} f^HddMI tf^ftf^^ Wl -1tf^l3 *n*p SlHt ^ ^^T %c5T ?tcfT. vdflsllclfltf cR 3#T ST#T H5

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R\SV 22. Sir Hari Singh Gour: Dr. Ambedkar would you regard "Depressed Classes" and 'Untouchable' as synonymous terms? Dr. Ambedkar: Yes 23. In asking for special representation for the depressed classes you confine yourself to the untouchables? Dr. Ambedkar: Yes 24. You say that some aborigines are not untouchables? Dr. Ambedkar: In some parts they may be, I do not propose to speak on their behalf. 25. They are not untouchables. The criminal tribes are not untouchables? Dr. Ambedkar: Some of them are 26. Some, but as a tribe they are not Dr. Ambedkar: The criminal tribes have so Utile social intercourse with the rest of the Hindus that there is no basis for any definite opinion on that point but if they did haue such intercourse I think they would be regarded as untouchables. (u> '3TPJM' §K|«||«ld3 fcf^f Tf\ SR^cKI^ %%£ Stct. feftS"

^?^R^^T *TFF>ft WE *<|il^l VKmfi RlOvH (Aboriginals) iJMMMd^ W % FTC 3^m ^^rr% wm ^fr. 3&pm wfr&n BdMi ^r mIndia, and more particularly constitution of the Bombay Presidency should deed with these people? Dr. Ambedkar: The first thing I would like to submit is that we claim that we must be treated as a distinct minority separate from the Hindu Comm unity. Our minority character has been hitherto concealed by our inclusion in the Hindu community but as a matter of fact there is really no link between the depressed classes and the Hindu Community. The first point, therefore, I would stress before the conference is that, we must be regarded as a distinct and independent minority. Secondly, I should like to submit that the depressed classes minority, needs for greater political protection than any other minority in British India, for the simple reason that it is educationally very backward, that it is economically poor, socially enslaved, and suffers from certain grave politiccd disabilities from which no other community suffers. Then I would submit that, as a matter of demand for our political protection, we claim representation on the some basis as the Mahomedan minority by adult

W\ franchise. 35. And if there is no adult franchise Dr. Ambedkar : Then we would ask for separate electorals. Further we would like to have certain safrguards either in the constitution, if it is possible or else in the way of advise in the instrument to the Governor regarding the education of the depressed classes and their entry into the public services. *• ' HRcfa 1^,3^2$^ 3" HfrMd qrft^ «J|«|l«ld -HMIdMI %RRJ^ 3T?2$^HT cR^ ^FT^

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Hon. Ramsay MacDonald Chairman Minorities Committee St. James Palace. London. Demands presented by Depressed Class Representiues are irreducible mini numberfor willing Co-operation of Depressed Classes. Cannot otlierwise consent to any constitution for self Government. $tfo m$ IJHHHI 4 wiMiftbd item ^ wfr mwifiit>& vnfcr. ^m^Mt^f cbi ^ a//fev/-/ ft$. g&miw wft vrWrfr mtfw ^T^tff, #7 W&T ?77# ^ c## *7^7 */IK/^ <377?W7W ft$. <%rtH(stilcb ^77% f^W tkiuqicbRtil Zffirtf ^H^M >377# <377i". 277 4>ftdl ^S#T. -377W7 ^".,

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/ndia Office. White Hall, April 13. 1932 Dear Mr. Gand^\ '<•, I write this in answer to your letter of 11th March and I say at once I realise fully the strength of your feeling upon the question of separate electoratesfor the Depressed Classes, lean only say that we intend to give any decision that may be necessary solely and only upon the merits of the case. As you are aware. Lord Lathian Committee lias not yet completed its tour and it must be some weeks before we can receive any conclusions at which it may have arrived, when they receive that report we shall have to give most careful cansiderations to it's recommendations and we shall not give a decision untill we have taken into account, in addition to the view expressed by the committee the views that you and those who think with you have so forcibly expressed. Ifeel sure if you were in our position you would be taking exactly the same action we intend to take. You would await the committee's report. You would thengive ifyourfullestconsideration and before arriving at afmal decision, you would take into account the views that have been expressed in both sides of in the controversy more than this. I cannot say indeed I do not imagine you would expect me to say more. Terrorism Necessary As to the ordinanees I can only repeat what I have already said both publicly and privately. lam convinced that it was essential to improve than in the face of the deliberate attach upon the very foundations of ordered Government. I am also convinced that both the Government of India and the Local Governments are not absuing their extensive powers and are doing everything possible to prevent excessive or indicative action. We shall not keep the emergency measures inforcy any longer than we are obliged to for the purpose of maintaining the essentials of law and order and protecting our officials and other classes of the community against terrorist outrages. Yours truly. SamualHoare^ "'

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YKKAVDA CENTHAL PRISON. August 18. 1932. DEAR FI-UEND, There can be no doubt that Sir Samual Hoare Has showed you and the Cabinet my letter to him of 11 th March on the question of the representation of the Depressed Classes. That letter should be treated as part of this letter and be read together with this. I have read the British Government's decision on the representation of minorities and have slept over it. In pursuance of my letter to Sir Samuel Hoare and my declaration at the meeting of the Minorities Commitee of the Round Table Conference on 13th November 1931, at St. James' Palace. I have to resist your decision with my life. The only way I can do so is by declaring a perpetual fast unto death from food of any kind and save water with or without salt and soda. This fast will cease if during its progerss the

3*)* British Government, of its own motion or under pressure of public opinion, revise their decision and withdraw their scheme of communal electorates for the Depressed Classes, whose representatives should be elected by the general electorate under the common Franchise, no matter how wide it is. The proposedfast will come into operation in the ordinary coursefrom the noon of 20th September next, unless the said decision is meanwhile revised in the manner suggested above. I am asking the authorities here to cable the text of this letter to you so as to give you ample notice. But in any case, I am leaving sufficient time for this letter to reachyou in time by the slowest route. I also ask that this letter and my letter to Sir Samuel Hoare already referred to be published at the earliest possible moment. On my part, I have scrupulously observed the rule of the jail and have commwiicated my desire or the contents of the two letters to no one. save my two companions, Sardar Vallabhabhai PatelandMr. MahadevDesai. Butlwant. ifyoumakeitpossible, publicopinion to be affected by my letters. Hence my request for their early publication. I regret the decision I have taken. But as a man of religion that I hold myself to be, I have no other course left open to me. As I have said in my letter to Sir Samuel Hoare. even if His Majesty's Government decided to release me inorder to save themselvesfrom embarrassment, my fast will have to continue. For, I cannot now hope to resist the decision by any other means; and I have no desire whatsoever to compass my release by any means other than honourable. It may be that my judgement is warped and that I am wholly in error in regarding separate electorates for the Depressed Classes as harmful to them or to Hinduism. If so. I am not likely to be in the right with reference to other parts of my philosophy of life. In that case, my death by fasting will be at once a penance for my error and a lifting of a weight from off these numbersless men and women who have childlikefaith in my wisdom. Whereas if my judgement is right, as I have little doubt it is, the contemplated step is but due to the fulfilment of the scheme of life which I have tried for more than a quarter of a century, apparently not without considerable success. I remain. Yours faithful friend. M. K. GANDHI.^ W^ viMtouiMI 3TNW fc^R 7TT##fr H^T %^I FlflT. ^5RT?FT cf^vT 3%PJT *

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35K 10. Downing Street, September 8th, 1932. Dear Mr. Gandhi, I have received your letter with such surprise and, let me add, with very sincere regret. Moreover. I cannot help thinking that you have written it under a misunderstanding as to what the decision of His Majesty's Government as regards the Depressed Classes really implies. We have always understood you were irrevocable opposed to the permanent segregation of the Depressed Classes from the Hindu community. You made your position very clear on the Minorities Committee of the Round Table Conference and you expressed it again in the letter you wrote to Sir Samuel Hoare on 11th March. We also knew your view was shared by the great body of Hindu opinion, and we. therefore, took it into most careful account when we were considering the question of representation of the Depressed Classes. Whilst, in view of the numerous appeals we have receivedfrom Depressed Class Organizations and he generally admitted social disabilities under which they labour and which you have often recognized, we left it. Our duty to safeguard what we believed to be the right of the Depressed Classes to a fair proportion of representation in the legislatures we were equally careful to do nothing that would split off their community from the Hindu world. You yourself stated in your letter of March 11, that you were not against their representation in the legislatures *• '

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YERAVDA CENTRAL PRISON, September 9th, 1932. DEAR FRIEND, I have to thank youfor your frank and full letter telegraphed and received this day. I am sorry, however, that you put upon the contemplated step an

m interpretation that never crossed my mind. I have claimed to speak on behalf of the very class, to sacrifice whose interests you impute to me a desire to fast myself to death. I had hoped that the extreme step itself would effectively prevent any such selfish interpretation. Without arguing. I affirm that for me this matter is one of pure religion. The mere fact of the Depressed Classes having double votes does not protect them or Hindu society in general from being disrupted. In the establishment of separate electorate at all for the Depressed Classes I sence the injection of poison that is calculated to destroy Hinduism and do no good whatever to the Depressed Classes. You will please permit me to say that no matter how sympathetic you may be. you cannot come to a correct decision on a matter such vital and religious importance to the parties concerned. I should not be against even over-representation of the Depressed Classes. What I am against is their statutory separation even in a limitedform. from the Hindufold, so long as they chosse to belong to it. Do you realize that if your decision stands and the constitution comes into being, you arrest the marvellous growth of the work of Hindu reformers, who have dedicated themselves to the uplift of their suppressed brethren in every walk of life? I have, therefore, been compelled reluctantly to adhere to the decision conveyed to you. As your letter may give rise to a misunderstanding. I wish to state that the fact of my having isolated for special treatment the Depressed Classes question from other parts of your decision does not in any way mean that I approve of or am reconciled to other parts of the decision. In my opinion, many other parts are open to very grave objection. Only, I do not consider them to be any warrant for calling from me such self immolation as my conscience has promoted me to in the matter of the Depressed Classes. I remain. Your faithful friend. M. K. GANDHI^)

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$1* For I can never consent to deliver my people bound hand and foot to the caste Hindus for generations to come. B. R. Ambedkar

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Patna. April 9. 1934 Dear Dr. Ambedkar. Pray excuse me/or the delay in replying to your letter of29-3-1934. It was not possible to reply earlier owing to incessant travelling. Whilst I should fall in with your scheme, if it was accepted by the provinces, I could not shoulder the burden of pressing the other provinces to reopen the Pact in respect of the number of seats allotted in their cases.

W J have been trying to do what I can to placate Bengal but so far without success. If the Harijan population in Bengal is, as was believed at the time of pact, they have nothing to complain. If as a matter of fact, it is much less than the figure on whose basis the number was fixed, I should think there would be no objection on your part to an amendment bringing the number to the figure required. Yours sincerely. M.K. Gandhi^ 9133 W '3^ *RK' ^ 3J1W. 4\M$\<4> g^ffa PtelS^ldK aTF^W ^RT^ *JcT?R wm\ ? wiw wT^fT &®mi ftoSM FRTT. *R$J *TT *&& Hd

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Benares Hindu University. 8th June. 1934 Dear Dr. Ambedkar, Pray forgive me this long delay in replying to your letter regarding a readjustment of the seats which were agreed to at Poona. I deferred writing to you because I wanted to consult otherfriends. I have talked to several of them and I hope to talk to you about the matter when 1 am in Bombay hi the middle of this month. I hope you will be in Bombay after the 15th and that I shall have the pleasure of meeting you there. I thank youfor the cutting of your article on the communal problem which you sent me a short time ago. 1 am for joint electorates pure and simple, failing that I should have not separate electorates butjoint electrorates with reservation of seats for the minorities. There seems to be no other satisfactory way of solving the communal problem. We should all work to get this accepted by all our countrymen. I hope to tour round the country to secure the acceptance of this view by our Musalmanfellow countrymen. It is important to note that at the Frontier. Punjab and Sindh Hindu Conference held in Aprillastat Peshawar, the Hindus unanimously passed the resolution supporting joint electorates, pure and simple. Considering the fact that the Hindus number is less tl\an 8 percent in the Frontier, the giving up of communal separate electorates by them is a matter of great significance. We must work in the hope that in course of time, we shall be able to persuade the Muslims and other communities as well to give up separate electorates and to be content with either the joint eletorates. Pure and simple or joint electorates with reservation of seats for the minorities, where they want them. Trusting you are well. Yours sincerely. M.M.Malviya^ '5^ 3RK' Wt %3o5 TT. ^IT^M^T SM e||r|fau|K| cRR ^fU. cfcRW 'gtfT cRRT'3^

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Rqjgraha, Hindu Colony. Dadar. Bombay - 14 20-8-36 My dear Bhaurao. I have been anxiously waiting to hear from youas to wliat arrangement you have arrived at with Rankhambe. But I am sorry there lias been no intimationjrom you in this behalf. There will be no use of my coming to Deolali on Sunday next unless you and Rankhambe have reached, an arrangement whichl cam announce at the meeting. IfI do not hearfromyouin this connection before Saturday next, you can take it that I shall not be coming. Have you read the programme of the Independent Labour Party ivhich was published in the Times of India on Saturday last? Let me know what you think of it. Yours sincerely. BRAW

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U\ may go abroad anytime. I must luwe your decision without delay. I cannot wait. Will you therefore, write to me by return post what agreement, if any. you have reached with Rankhambe? Yours sincerely. BRAW

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l*® ^ fcfaR W<£T cf^f ^TTcT. Sir:- Two views are prevalent inBombay about Mr. Gandhi's performance at the A.I.C.C. meeting held at Bombay. One is that the performance oJMr. Gandhi was the cleverest, something beyond the ken of ordinary mortals, and that by his performance. Mr. Gandhi has avoided the turmoils of civil disobedience. To me. both these views appear most astounding. That the public should form its views on such vital matters in such a facile manner is a sad commentary upon its thinking capacity, especially of the Hindu public. I cannot see how Mr. Gandhi has by his project avoided civil disobedience. It is true. Mr. Gandhi is asking for Ifoerty to preacti against the war, to tell people that they should not take part in the war or help its furtherance either by supplying men or money. But what does this mean ? To my mind it means nothing but Civil Disobedience of the Defence of India Act. How the Hindu public can interpret Mr Gandhi's project as not amounting to civil disobedience is beyond my comprehension. What is. however, most baffling in the whole situation is the audacity of Mr Gandhi to call upon the Viceroy with the absolute certainty of the Viceroy giving him an interview. A man with much less intelligence than Mr Gandhi realises that nothing can be more ridiculous than to go to the Viceroy to ask his perniission to break the Defence of India Act. It cannot be beyond the knowleclege of Mr Gandhi that he is asking something far in excess of what has been conceded to conscientious object or has been given is that he will not be forced to join the combatant service. He has not been given exemption from non-combatant service nor lias he been given any liberty to preacli against the war ivhicli is going on. It cannot be beyond Mr Gandhi to appreciate that while all thinking men must hate the use of force, a distinction has to be made between the use of force to put down force and to use the victory obtained by force to impose ignoble and in just terms upon the vanquished. It seems to me Uiat the root of the evil is not in the use of force but in the misuse of victory. Mr Gandhi and all pacifists and believers in non-voilencewill do a lasting service to humanity iflhey went on a fast unto deatli when peace is announced if the terms of peace offered to the vanquislied are ignolAe and injust. The pacifist, it seems to me. lias misunderstood his mission. Hisj'iglit must be against a base peace, and not against force. By calling upon people to adjure the use of force the pacifist is only helping those icho will insist on using force to victory. All this must be quite intelligible to Mr. Gandhi. I am therefore, quite certain that Mr. Gandhi is not going to the Viceroy on sucli a fool's errand. Mr. Gandhi is going for a totally different purpose. He is going to tell the Viceroy that the Congress will not mind, if power is not given to the Congress, and that the Congress will tolerate the situation if power is retained by the Viceroy and the bureaucracy .But the Congress will start civil disobedience andfight the British Government if the British Government plans to transfer power to the minorities and other non-Congress parties in the

3*£ country. That this is the force which animates the Congress is clear from the speech made by Mr. Rqjgopalachari on September 9 at Madras. In that speech Mr. Rqjgopalachari. according to The Hindu, said, had he by any misfortune been the Viceroy, he would under present conditions, have preferred to carry on the administration in the old way. than courting fresh troubles that were bound to follow by deciding to proceed with the present plan of forcing the rule of minorities over the majority. The basis of this sudden call to arms by the Congress lies in its desire to force the Viceroy into abandoning his project of installing the minorities and other non-Congress parties in the expanded executive council. This threat of civil disobedience has no other purpose : Tliat the Congress is fighting for the cause of country is humbug. The Congress is fighting to obtain the keys of power in its own hands. That the Congress is fighting for freedom of speech is equally humbug. The Defence of India Act has been in existence for one whole year. The toll it has taken is detailed by the recent report of the Civil Liberties Union. If Mr. Gandhifelt that the Defence of India Act had deprived the country of his liberty to speech, why did he not start his civil disobedience immediately after the Viceroy's statement that Government must now be carried on with the help of the representatives of the minorities and other parties in the country ? There is no answer. The hardship caused by the Defence of India Act is only an excuse put forth by the Congress to clothe the torpedoing of the Viceroy's plans and to prevent the minorities and others J'rom getting political power. Suchare the springs of Congress action. It may be good tactics and. if the Congress succeeds, it will provide additional proof that the British . having established a parliamentary system of Government will not risk being in the bad books of a party that is popular. But is it slatesmanship?In this connection one is reminded of the action of Mr. Asqnith in 1923. In the 1923-elections JW one party had a majority. The Conservatives had 255. Labour 191.Liberals 158. As the leader of the Ifoerals, tlvee courses were open to Mr. Asquith (i) to support the conservatives : (ii) to support Labour ; or (Hi) to take office himself relying on Conservative support. Appeals were made to Mr. Asquitli to enter into a comtract with the Tories and thereby prevent Labour from getting into power. But so far from being tempted by these suggestions Mr. Asquitli ivas averse to any such plot. His reasons were first of all that it would be seriously harmj'ul to tlie national interest and an incitement to class antagonism jor Die two middle-class parties to combine together to deprive Labour of an opportunity to rule. If Congress deprive the minorities of their opportunity. They will. I hope, realise Uial tliey are purcliasing their victory at great cost. If they do not realise it now. tliey will realise when parties meet to revise the Constitution. By the action of the Coi\gress. two things have become abundantly clear. First that British Parliamentary Government is unsuited in this country. Secondly that anyone who leaves an important safeguard to a gentleman's agreementfor its guarantee will do so at his peril. Yours sincerely. Dr. B. R. AMBEDKAR (* '^

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3rR *?*Ff #ft j£flRT m f^M 3RJT ^ST if. J3t qFft R5T qT3cpf HjcJrT %# ^cft. The Central Hindu Military Education Society and The Bhosala Military School. Ramabhoomi. Gangapur Road. NASIK. 28 rd March 1941. Dear Tatyasaheb Kelkar. I trust that you have seen the new book of Dr. Ambedkar on Pakistan. Every body in Bombay was telling me that whatever the earlist consideration of all public men who have devoted time of their lives in the consideration of the problems affecting the country. Some ofiLS who have been alarmed and rightly alarmed at the needless enterprise of Dr. Ambedkar. who still calls himself a hindoo and a leader of the Depressed Classes, have been telling that some one should write a similar book inreply toDr. Ambedkar's with the object of proving an authoritative historical evidenece tliat India had always been one country from Himalayas to Cape Camoreen. though at times in the history foreigners were riding in India as they are at present. I have been also thinking over the matter myself and I had occasion to consult Mr. Annasaheb Bhopatkar when I had met him inSardargriha last, when lie was going to Baroda. I am of opinion tliat amongst us. no one else otlier than you can write such a book in English. I remember how you had once written a book at the suggestion ofLokamanya Tilak when lie was living and how it ivas praised on all luinds. I have therefore to request you most earnestly to do us the favour of ivriting a book in reply to Dr. Amlxxlkar's . I hope you irill not mind the trouble and not disappoint us. I trust the idea appeals to you and you will be doing a great service in your old age to the Hindus by this enterprise. Trusting this finds you in excellent health. Yours sincerely. B.S. MOONJE^^

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47^ ^o54,<|cb^1 3RTT ifa MI^T ^T ^t. HTCtfPT Allahabad between the 2nd and the 4th of July. Sir Jagdish Prasad is arranging to call another meeting of tliose who attended the Bombay Conference and others who may be insympathy with the underlying idea of their resolution. The date and the venue are still uncertain. It may be held either at Lucknow or at Poona. I am told that the people from Nortliem India are aivcious that luiving once held the Conference at Bombay, we must hold it this time somewhere in Northern India. I have no doubt. Sir Jagdish Prasad will come to some decision in consulation with other members very soon. Meanwliile. I am writing to enquire whether you will find it possible and convenient to attend the Conference. Of course. I do not wisli you to go out of your way to attend the Conference if you have any kind of hesitation in doing so. I trust you are keeping ivell. Witli kind regrds. Yours sincerely. Taj Bahadur Sapru^**' To. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Barrister-at-law. Dadar. Bombay.

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31HT ftoSRSI, tTCJcff «)V9 ^#^T #*TC Wf qffi ^FfT ^ W&& ¥*%. PRIVATE &• PERSONAL GOVERNMENT HOUSE. BOMBAY. 17th July. 1942 My dear Dr. ambedkar. I have this morning received a telegram from His Excellency the Viceroy in whch he asks me to let you know, for your private andpersonal information, that Mr. Gandhi's projected civil disobedience movement was discussed on July the 15 thin the Executive Council. It was agreed there that a final decision should be postponed until after the meeting oftheA.I.C.C. inAugust. and that, if that body did ratify Mr. Gandhi's resolution, and subject to any developments that there might be in between, it would be necessary to take immediate and drastic action against Congress and its leaders. It was also the clear sense of the Executive Council that what was possible should be done to encourage parties or individuals who do not agree with Mr. Gandhi's view to make their position clear in public, otherwise there is a danger of the case going by default in the United States, and even in Great Britain. If you are in agreement ivith this general feeling of the Council, the Viceroy hopes you will do all that you can. if tlie opportunity offers itself to swing the Depressed Classes definitely against Congress, and to organise such demonstrations or public statements as may be practicable in reasoned condemnation of the lines of the main Congress resolution. Tliat is the substance of the message which the Viceroy wishes me to convey to you. Yours sincerely. Roger Lummly * ' To. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. M.L.A.. "Raj Graha". Dadar. Bombay 14.

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3TtaTCT FT^T ^T% <3HT T5T qTSc# £ft. D. O. No. S. 1071/42 R New Delhi 12 the September. 1942. Dear Dr. Ambedkar, My office have sent you through your Personal Assistant a copy of the printed Election Returns of the 1937 provincial elections. I am afraid that this is the only document that we have, which is of any help to you. There are. of course, on our files a number of papers relating to provincial elections, but they are all mixed up with cofidential correspondence between His Excellency and provincial Governors, and other material which in its nature it is impossible to supply without the personal leave of the Governor-General. Our position is of course venj different from that of a department of the Government of India. I know you will appreciate this. If there is any material which you would like us to extract from our files we shall certainly do everything we can to help you. Yours sincerely. H. V. Hordon^^ To. The Hon'ble Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.

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?k^ My dear Joshl Thank you for your letter. I know Devasthali quite well. It is not my department. But I will do my best. The Assembly session is over. I think I made my mark and have established my reputation as a speaker and as a debater. I wonder how you liked my speech. I think I made a point which constitutionally is a point of a great importance. There was a storm over my speech, because I said the House is in a deceased state ! Truth is very unpleasent. But you know how I enjoy raising storm. I am awaiting the information you are collectingfor me, Next time I hope to have the chance of coming out with some piece of labour legislation. With kind regards. I am, yours sincerely. B.R. Ambedkaft^

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6-10-1942 22. PR1TVIRAJ ROAD NEW DELHI My dear Donde. I was glad to have your letters, who would not be glad to have had three letters from one, from whom one could not expect even one. From all those who have written to me. I find that Bombay Papers are bitter against me. Are you worried? I am not. why should any one? Their interest and their point of view are so different from ours. If we are honest, if we are firm and if we mean business then we must clash. I find Tatnis taking my side in a very mild manner. He wrote toAneg togetfrom me the full text of my speech. My secretary sent it to him. I don't know what he has done with it. If you care to read it you will find it from him. I have also sent a copy of it to

3^° Yeshwant. He will lend it to you. I have just finished a paper on the untouchable, arid the Indian Constitution/or the Institute of Pacific Relations, New York. I was busily engaged in preparing it. I finished it only today. That is why I could not write to you. I am sending a copy of it to Yeshwant. You can borrow it from him. I see your conference of Municipal workers coming off on 24 th Oct. I wish it every sucess. Youshouldcall it Municipal Conservancy Workers Conference. I have sent invitations to different areas. With kindest regards. I am. Yours sincerely B.R. AmbedkaM^ ft. V9 <3ffw IV*?. ^ 5f. s|Hmi^ ait^cR qisjT 3TKfflrKm^r *F$T qfrETcr W$\.

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/Veu> Del/ii 2.9 October 1942 My dear Lord Linlithgow. In the course of my second weekly interview with you. I told you that the position of the scheduled castes was very wisatisfactory and that the Central Government had not done what I thought it was bound to do for their treatment. On that you very kindly asked me to prepare a Memorandum for your consideration containing the grievances of the Scheduled Castes and the remediesfor removing them. All this of course must be withinyour recollection. Indeed it is you who remined me several times since then if the Memorandum was ready. Unfortunately, owing to the heavy pressure of work which fell on me since I took cliarge. I could not give to the work of preparing tlxe memorandum the priority which I should have liked to give to it. I am. however happy that at last I have been able to submit it for your consideration.

35? 2. The Memorandum unfortunately has become a very lengthy document. I had a choice between making the Memorandum a short one containing bare recital of the grievances and the remedies to remove the same or to make it an exhaustive one containing not only the grievances and the remedies but also the reasoning in support of the remedies suggested. I have chosen the latter alternative. In doing so I have had to bear in mind the fact that the grievances set out in the Memorandum and the remedies suggestedfor their removal will go to different Departments for their opinion, and unless the Memorandum contained the reasons, the remedies can have very little chance of being accepted. 3. For convenience. I am setting out below in bare outline the grievances and the remedies which are included in the accompanying Memorandum:- I. Political Grievances- Pages 1. More representation in the Central Legislature 5-9 2. More representation in the Central Executive 9-10 3. Assurance of fair representation in the Public Services (i) By declaring the Scheduled Castes a minority and by reserving 13.5 percent of the annual vacancies for them. 10-21 (ii) Raising the age bar 21 (Hi) Reduction in Examination Fees 21 (iv) Appointment of Scheduled Caste Officer to protect Service rights of the Scheduled Castes. 21-22 4. Representation on the Federal Public Service Commission 22 II. Educational Grivances- 1. An annual recurring grant ofRs. 2 lakhs for scholarships to Scheduled Caste students studying for Science. Engineering and Technology at the different Universities. 23-25 2. An annual grant ofRs. 1 lakh for education in Science. Technology and Engineering in foreign countries to students belonging to the Scheduled Castes. 23-25 3. Scholarships and free-ships for Scheduled Caste boy'sat the Indian School of Mines conducted by the Central Government. 25-26 4. Appointment of two representatives of the Scheduled Castes on the Central Board of Education established by the Government of India. 26-27 5. Facilities for technical training by reserving- (a) apprenticeships in Government Printing Presses, and: 27 (b) apprenticeships in Government Railway workshops. 27-28 III. Other Grievances- 1. Provision for adequate publicity of the social and political grievances of the Scheduled Castes. 29-30 2. Special provisionfor securing for members of the Scheduled Castes a footing in the Government Contract system in the Public Works Department. 30-31 3. I give this. Summary because I quite realize that it will not be possible for you to find the time necessary to go through the whole of it. I wish, you

l& could find time to read the whole of the Memorandum. But if you cannot read the whole, I would request you at least to read Part IV (pages 32- 36) of this Memorandum. In that Part of Memorandum, I have instituted a comparison between the condition of the Scheduled Castes and the Anglo-Indians and the efforts made for the betterment of the latter. I request you to read it because I feel sure that by its perusal, you will see how just and modest are the demands I have made and what the Government of India has done for the elevation of a class not more unfortunate than the Scheduled Castes. 4. I need not say that I hope the grievances of the Scheduled Castes will be remedied before yougo. Believe me, I have read withgenuine sorrow that you will be quitting your office in April next. I have no idea who is going to be your successor and what attitude he will adopt towards the Scheduled Castes. In you. I have learnt to place great confidence as the benefatcor of the Scheduled Castes. You have done the greatest deed towards them by giving them a place in your Executive Council. It is a most revolutionary act for which there can be no parallel in India's history. I have no doubt and no member of the Scheduled Castes has any doubt that if you knew the grievances of the Scheduled Castes you would never hesitate to set them right. It is from this point of view that I say that I am happy to have to seek justice for my people from one who knows thatjustice is due to them. I know you have the will to do it and that you will not like to leave it to your successor to do what you wish to do. and what you can do. I need hardly say that for this act of justice myself and the 50 millions of the Scheduled Castes will ever remain grateful to you. Yours sincerely. B.R. AmbedkcJ>xvs)

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Neu' Delhi. 31 st July.44 Dear Mr. Gandhi I see from the papers tliat you are meeting Mr.Jinnah with Middle of August in Bombay. I am glad to note that you have decided to take up the Hindu-Muslim question with a view to bring about a settlement. The Hindu- Muslimquestion has loomed large inlndia's Politics and the din and noise it has created has given to most people, an impression that once the Hindu-Muslim problem is solved, the path of India's political progress becomes clear of all obstacles. I need hardly say that this is not true. You know . as well as I do. that has to be settled and that there is communal problem between Hindus and Untouchables, not to mention others, which is also awaiting solution. The Hindu-Muslim settlement, which it is good as far as it goes, will not suffice. Another minorities. I am sure, will become necessary if India's political goal is to be achieved. And the sooner it is done the better. I have always held that it is the responsibility of all those who are placed in the position of leadership to come forward to discharge it by helping to bring about a settlement. I realise this responsibility and I am prepared to do my best so far as the problem of Untouchables is concerned. That is why I am writing to you this letter. I do not know what youfeel about this matter. But if you are anxious to solve the Hindu-Untouchable problem as you are to solve the Hindu-Muslim problem. I shall be glad to formulate points on which the settlement is necessary. Will you let me know what your view is on the question I l\ave raised? Willi kind regards. Yours sincerely. B.R. AmbedkaM^

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^^ 24 th November. 1944 My dear Dr. Ambedkar. I have afready done some work in connection with the proposed committee. I must express my thanks to you/or the sympathy you showed me at Delhi and for your readiness to help us. I shall be grateful if you will kindly send me the names of the representatives of the Depressed Classes and ask them to agree to membership of my committee. You may be sure that every latitude will be given to every one for the expression of opinion freely and we shall approach all questions relating to appreciate their point of view and to secure their genuine interest. I also hope you will send me the necessary material showing what exactly should be done for the Depressed Classes. With kind regards. Yours sincerely, Tej Bahadur Sapru ^ * *' ^m •HkdMi ^rr m^ ^$w&(\ w<£w *?Wi ,>£ta FTE

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€r HPTofr %^r ^dt. sf. «ii«iwi£«ii«fi u ^TW wi 3^ *THT ^ f^r STN^ wt *ri^ slfr. NEWDELHJ. 7 JUNE 1945 Dear Lord Wavell. I am grateful to you for asking me in my capacity as the leader of the Scheduled Castes to be a member of the Conference which you propose to call in furtherance of your proposal for the Indianisation of the Executive Council. 1 told you, for reasons which 1 need not repeat here that 1 am unable to accept your offer. There upon you desired me to name a substitute. Though 1 have expressed my disapproval with your proposals. I do not wish to deny you such help as you may derive from the presence of a Scheduled Caste representative in your Conference. I am. therefore, prepared to suggest a substitute. Judging on the suitability of various names that occur to me. I cannot think of any other name than that of Rao Bahadur N. Siva Raj (B.A.) He is the President of the All- India Scheduled Caste Federation and is also a member of the Central Legislative Assembly and of the National Defence Council. If you like you may invite hini to the conference as a respresentative of the Scheduled Castes. 2. There is one other matter to which I feel. I must draw your attention right now. It relates to the extreme inadequacy of the representation given to the Scheduled Castes in His Majesty's Govertiment 's proposals for the reconstitution of the Executive Council. Five seats to 90 millions of Muslims, one seat to 50 millionsof Untouchables and 1 seat to 6 millions ofSiklis is a strange and sinister kind of political arithmatic which is revolting to my ideas of justice and common sense. 1 cannot be a party to it. Measured by their needs, the Untouchables should get as much representation as the Muslims, if not more. Leaving needs aside and taking only numbers the Untouclxables should get at least three. Instead, they are offeredjust one in a Council offf teen. This is an intolerable position. This is a matter to which I drew your attention at the meeting of the Executive Council held on the 5 th June when you explained His Majesty's Government's proposals to the Cowicil. At the meeting of the 6 th morning you replied to the criticisms offered by Members of Council the previous evening on the merits of the proposals. I naturally expected that you would also deal with the point I had raised. But to my great surprise you completely ignored it and

3^ made no reference to it whatever. It could not be that I was not emphatic enough. For I was more than emphatic. The conclusion I draw from your ommission to refer to it is that either you did not think the matter to be of sufficient importance to deserve your notice or that you thought that I had no intention beyond lodging a protest. It is to remove this impression and to tell you in quite unmistakable terms that I propose to take definite action should His Majesty's Governmentfail to redress the wrong that I feel necessity of writing this letter. I would not have felt as hurt as I do if such a proposal had come from the Congress or the Hindu Mahasabha. But it is a decision by His Majesty's Government. Even the general Hindu opinion is in favour of increased representation to the Scheduled Castes both in the Legislature and in the Executive. To take the proposals of the Sapru Committee as an indication of general Hindu opinion the proposals of His Majesty's Government must be admitted to be retrograde. For. this is what the Sapru Committee has said :- "The representation given to the Silchs and Scheduled Castes in the Government of India Act is manifestly inadequate and wyust and should be substantially raised. The quantum of increased representation to be given to them should be left to the Constitution-making Body.'' " Subject to the provision of clause (b) the executive of the Union shall he a composite cabinet in the sense that the following communities shall be represented on it, viz. - (i) Hindus, other than Scheduled Castes. (ii) Muslims, (Hi) Scheduled Castes. (iv) Sikhs, (v) Indian Christians, (vi) Anglo-Indians. "(b) The representation of these communities m the executive shall be. as far as possible, a reflection of their strength in the Legislature." I may add that two of my Hindu colleagues in the Executive Council have in the memorandum they have presented to you this morning expressed that the representationgiven to the Scfieduled Castes in His Majesty's Governments proposals is inadequate and unfair. What shocks me is that His Majesty's Government withall their profession of being trustees for the Scheduled Castes and contrary to their repeated declarations should have treated their wards in such an ill-liberal, unfair and unjust manner and far worse than enlightened Hindu opinion would have done. I feel it, therefore, my bounden and sacred duty to oppose the proposal by every means at my command. The proposal means a deathknell to the Untouchables and will have the effect of liquidating their efforts over the last 50 years for their emancipation. If His Majesty's Government notwithstanding its many pronouncements wish to hand over the fate of the Untouchables to the tender mercies of a Hindu-Muslim combine. His Majesty's Government may well do it. But I cannot beaparty to the suppression of my people. The conclusion to which I have come is to ask His Majesty's Government to redress the wrong and to give to the Untouchables at least 3

W seats in the new Executive Council. If His Majesty's Government is not prepar(d) to grant this, then His Majestry's Government should know that I cannot be a member of the newly-constituted Executive Council, even if I was offered a place in it. Tlve Untouchables have been looking forward to a full recognition of their political rights for some time past. I have no doubt that they will be stunned by the decision of His Majesty's Government. And I would not be surprised if the whole of the Scheduled Castes decided as a matter of protest not to have anything to do with the new Government. I am sure their disillusionment will bring about a parting of the ways. This is what I anticipate will be the result of His Majesty's Government's proposals, if they are not revised. So far as I myself am concerned, my decision is made. I may be told that this is not the final shape of things. This is only an interim arrangement. I have been long enough in politics to know concessions and adjustments more (once) made grow into vested rights and how wrong settlements once agreed upon become precedents for future settlement I cannot therefore allow grass to grow under my feet. If I have capacity to judge aright. I visualize that the distribution of seats tfiough it begins as a temporary arrangement will end by becoming permanent. Rather than be left to regret towards the end. I feel I must lodge my protest against it at the very beginning. It may well be that His Majesty's Government may not mind my eclipse and even the eclipse of the Scheduled Castes from the future Government of India; nor regret the consequent parting of the ways between the British Government in this cowitry and the Scheduled Castes. But I believe it is only fair that His Majesty's Government should know what I have to say about the subject. I have therefore to request you to commwucate to His Majesty's Government my proposal for increase in the representation of the Scheduled Castes in the Executive Cowicil and the course of action I propose to take if the proposal is rejected by them. I am. Yours sincerely. B. R. AMBEDKAR ^^ TM ^5 ^rhfr ^ 1^4^=6 ^IRte ^rm ^T^MT^ wrt

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^RT *THT ^M HI6fc)ui|MI cTR^T H^T ?T9R %^T FftTT. To. (1) Mr. Amery. India Office. London (2) Mr. Churchill. Downing Street. London. Newspapers forecast proposals regarding reorganisation Central Government in which oat of total of fifteen. Scfieduled Castes have been allocated only one seat. On presumption, of forecast being correct I behalf. All India Scheduled Castes Federation lodge strongest protest against this grossest iiyustice to Scheduled Castes. This injustice be apparent from fact ninenty million Mussalmans have been allocated five seats. 50 million Scheduled Castes liave also been allocated only one seat although needs of Scheduled Castes much greater than either of other communities, will remind you H.M. Government's repeated professions of sympathies as Trustees. My Community ivhich have been looking forward dr

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(1) It will treat all Indians not only as being equal before the law but as being entitled to equality and ivill accordingly foster equality where it does not exist and uphold it where it is denied. (2) It will regard every Indian as an end in himself with a right to own development in his own way and the State as only a means to that end. (3) It will sustain the right of every Indian to Freedom-religious, economic and political subject to such limitations as may arise out of the need for the protection of the interests of other Indians or the state. (4) It will uphold the right of every Indian to equality ofopporunity subject to the provision that those who have had none in the past shall have priority over those who had. (5) It will keep the state ever aware of its obligation to make every Indian free from want and free from fear. (6) It will insist on the maintenance of Liberty. Equality and Fraternity and will strive for redemption from oppression and exploitation of man. of class by class and of nation by nation. (7) It will stand for the Parliamentary system of Government as being the best form of Government both in the interest of public and in the interest of the individuate ^?iw?i d^i^H #Rii£iPte $&<$H yfciRiPjd STT^T^CTT. mm, o4ek?Ni ton, Wld^, %&M 3W=£RTT, 3flf£fa fcf^RT e[ Wjcffi ^frctf, m$m Wl3 W^R ?. ^M^T

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My dear Btxaurao. Your silence has been most atvcoying. It is not you alone have been defeated. It is no matter of shame at all. Our people have done wonderfully. We have been outnumbered by our enemies. Your duty as the President of the Provincial Federation is to gather the scatteredforces of our party, that is what a General of a defeated Army does. What is your conduct as compared to the General? You are binding yourself somewhere. I don't know. I am waiting to know what has happened, why you failed and in how many villages our people were not even allowed to go to the poll. Will you let me luive this information at once? With kind regards. Yours sincerely. B. R. Ambedkar^^

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22, Prithviraj Road. New Delhi. Dated :- 14 thMay. 1946. Dear Mr. Alexander, It is a pity that your efforts to bring about a settlement between the Congress and the League sliould have failed. I know you deserve every

30 sympathy and every gratitude. At the same time. I cannot help saying that the Mission's effort to settle reminds me of an old Baniya who being without a son to inherit his wealth married a young girl with the hope of begetting a heir. The bride conceived but the bridegroom was striken with a fell-disease. He. however, refused to die without having a look at the baby and would not wait for delivery which was far off. He was so impatient that he called the doctor, asked him to open the stomach of his wife and let him see whether it was a boy or a girl. The result oftlie operation was that both the baby and the mother died. If I may say so. the Missioti wanted to do very much what the Baniya did. You may not be aware but there are many who. like me. feel that the Mission was engaged in bringing about a forced delivery earlier than the natural period of gestation. 2. To my mind, it is only right to say that Die Hindus and the Muslims are today mentally incompetent to decide upon the destiny of this country. Both Hindus and Muslims are just crowds. It must be within your experience that a crowd is less moved by material profit than by a passion collectively shared. It is easier to persuade a mass of men to sacrifice itself collectively than to act upon a cool assessment of advantages. A crowd easily loses all sense of profit and loss. It is moved by motives which may be high or low. genial or barbarous, compassionate or cruel, but is always above or below reason. The common sense of each is lost in the emotion of all. It is easier to persude a crowd to commit suicide than to accept a legacy. It is not for me to advise you how you should proceed. The Mission has found greater wisdom and higher inspiration in the Bhangi Basti and in 10 Aurangazeb Road. I ivould be the last person to say anything in depreciation of such wisdom and inspiration. But I do think that if the Mission were not to exhibit the patlietic spectacle of an old man in hurry, a phrase used by Cliamberlain to describe Gladstone engaged in his campaignfor Irish Home Rule and allow what in diplomacy is called "Cooling period" they will find that they liave an easier situation to deal with. 3. That is matter for the Mission, for the major parties and those who have put their faith in the major parties. I am concerned in knowing how you propose to deal with the problem of the Untouchables and their demand for constitutional safeguards. In the official statement issuedhy theMissionon the last day of the Simla talks, it is said dial the Mission willannounce tlie next step it proposes to take within aj'eiv days after they return to Delhi. Obviously, the eyes of all the Scheduled Castes are turned towards this announcement. What the Mission will do will ultimately decide theirfate. The decision of the Mission will either open to the Untouchables the path of life, liberty and pursuit of liappiness or it will drive a nail in tlieir coffin. The question being one of life and death it would not be wrong if I were to engage your attentionfor afew minutes with the problem of the Untoucliaables. 4. The problem of the Untouchables is a formidable one for the Untouchables to face. But fortunately it is simple to understand if only the following facts are borne in mind. The Untouchables are surrounded by a vast mass of Hindu population which is hostile to them and which is not asliamed of committing any inequity or atrocity against them. For a redress of these wrongs which are matters of daily occurrence, the Untouchables have to call

3<^ in the aid of the administration. What is the character and composition of this administration? To be brief the administration in India is completely in the hands of the Hindus. It is their monopoly. From top to bottom it is controlled by them. There is no department which is not dominated by them. They dominate the Police, the Magistracy and the Revenue Services, indeed any and every branch of the administration. The next point to remember is that the Hindus in the administration are not merely non-social. They are positively anti-social and inimical to the Untouchables. Their one aim is to discriminate against the Untouchables and to deny and deprive them not only of the benefits of law. but also of the protection of the law against tyranny and oppression The result is that the Untouchables are placed between the Hindu population and the Hindu-ridden administration, the one committing lurongs against them and the oilier protecting the wrong-doer instead of the utctims. 5. Against this background, what can Swaraj of the Congress variety mean to the Untouchables." It only means one thing, namely that while today it is only the administration that is in the hands of the Huidus. under Swaraj the Legislature and Executive will also be filled with Hindus. It goes without saying that Swaraj would aggravate the sufferings of the Untouchables. For. in addition to their having to face a hostile administration, the Untouchables will have to face a hostile administration uncontrolled in venom and in harshness in its inequitious attitude towards the Untouchables. To put it differently, under Swaraj of the Congress variety, tlie Untouchables will liave no way of escape from the destiny of degradation which the Hindu, and Hinduism tiave fixed for them. 6.1 hope this will give you some idea as to why the Untouchables have been insisting that the only way by which the Untouchables can prevent this Swaraj from, becoming a calamity to Uiem is to have their representatives in the Legislature so that they may keep on protesting against wrongs and iiyustices done to them by the Hindus, to have their representatives in the Executive so that they may make plans J'or their betterment and to have representatives in the services so that the administration may not be wholly hostile to them.. If you accept the justice of the demand of tlie Untouchables for constitutional safeguards, you will have no difficulty inunderstanding why the Untouchables want separate electorates. The Untouchables willbe a minority in the Legislature. They are destined to remain a minority. Tliey cannot overcome tlie majority which being communal in its making is. so to say. fixed and pre-ordained. All they can do is to place themselves in a position to be able to determine tlie terms on which tliey will be prepared to work with the majority and not be compelled to accept the terms prescribed by the majority .and secondly, if tlie majority refuses to work with them and declines to redress their wrongs, they would at least be free to utter their protest against the majority on the floor of the Legislature. How are the Untouchables to maintain their freedom to protest ? Only if their representatives in tlie Legislatures do not owe their election to the votes of the majority. This is the basis oftlieirdemandfor seperate electorates. 7. No safeguards are going to be of any value to the Untouchables unless the Untoucliables get a separate electorate. Separate electorate is the crux of the matter. I have before me a copy of the representation submitted to the

\£1 Cabinet Mission by three Congress Harijans who were interviewed by the Mission on the 9 th April, 1946. They were no better than the three tailors of Tooly Street who had the audacity to present an address to the Parliament saying: "We. the people of England. "Apartfrom this, it is instructive to note that there is no difference between the demands put forth by me on behalf of the Scheduled Castes Federation and demands put forth by these Congress Harijans. The only difference that exists relates to the question of electorates. I do not know how you interpret the demands of the Congress Hartijans. They are not really demands. They represent what the Congress is prepared to give to the Untouchables by way of political safeguards. This is not merely my understanding. It is my knowledge. For.I have been informed by persons who know the mindof the Congress thatif I was prepared to acceptjoint electorates, the Congress on its part would be quite prepared to concede all other demands of mine. You must be wondering why should the Congress be prepared to concede all the demands of Scheduled Castes and object only to one. namely separate electorates. There will be no wonder if you know what game the Congress is playing . It is a very deep game. Realising that there is no escape from giving the Untouchables some safeguards, the Congress wants to find out some way by which it can make them of no effect. It is in the system of joint electorates that the Congress sees an instrument of making the safeguards of no effect. That is why the Congress is insisting uponjoint electorates. For. joint electorates mean giving the Untouchables ojffice without power. What the Untouchables want is office with power. Tliis. they can only get through separate electorates and that is wfuj they are insisting upon it. 8. I believe the case in favour of separate electorates for the Scheduled Castes is a cast-iron case. Every other party except the Congress accepts it. Tlie arguments infavour of separate electorates have been set out by me in my letter of 3 rd May. 1946 addressed to Lord Wavell which he must have shown to you and it is therefore, unnecessary to repeat them here. The question is : what the Mission is going to do with this demand of the Scheduled Castes ? Are they going to make the Untouchables free from political yoke of the Hindus ? Or. are they going to throw them to the wolves by favouring the system of joint electorates in order to make friends with the Congress and the Hindu majority ivhom it represents? Tlie Scliecluled Castes are entitled to ask His Majesty's Government that before the British abdicate. His Majesty's Government shall make sure iliat Swaraj does not become a stranglehold for the Untouchables. 9. Alloiv me to say that the British have a moral responsibility towards the Scheduled Castes. They may have moral reponsibilities towards all minorities. But it can never transcend the moral responsibility which rests on them in respect of the Untouchables. It is a pity how few Britishers are aware of it a nd how fewer are prepared to discharge it. British Rule in India owes it's very existence to the lielp rendered by the Untouchables. Many Britishers think that India was conquered by the Civies. Hastings. Cootes and so on. Nothing can be a greater mistake. India was conquered by an army of Indians and the Indians who formed the army were all Untouchables. British Rule in India would have been impossible if tlie Untouchables had not helped the British to conquer India. Take the Battle ofPlassey which laid the beginning of British

3<£V Rule or the battle o/Kirkee which completed the conquest of India. In both these fateful battles the soldiers who fought for the British were all Untouchables. 10. What have the British done to these Untouchables who fought for them? It is a shameful story. The first thing they did was to stop their recruitment in the army. A more unkind, more ungrateful and more cruel act can hardly be found in history. In shutting out the Untouchables from the Army the British took no note that the Untouchables had helped them to establish their rule and had defended it when it was menaced by a powerful combination of native forces in the Month of 1857. Without any consideration as to its effects upon the Untouchables the British by one stroke of the pen deprived them of their source of livelihood and let them fall to their original depth of degradation. Did the British help them in any way to overcome their social disabilities ? The answer again must be in the negative. The schools, wells and public places were closed to the Untouchables. It was the duty of the British to see the Untouchables, as citizens, were entiled to be admitted to all institutions maintained out of public funds. But the British did nothing of the kind and what is worst, theyjustified their inaction by saying that untouchability was not their creation. It may he that Untouchability was not the creation of the British. But as Government of the day. surely the removal of untoucltability was their responsibility. No Government with any sense of the functions and duties of a Government could have avoided it. Wliat did the British Government do ? They refused to touch any question which involved any kind of reform of Hindu society. So far as social reform was concerned, the Untouchabes found themselves under a Government distinguished in no vital respect from those native Government under which, they Ivxd toiled and suffered, lived and died, through all their weanj andforgotten history. From a political standpoint, the change was nominal. The despotism of the Hindus continued as ever before. Far from being curbed by the British High Command, it was pampered. From a social point of view, the British accepted the arrangements as they found them and preserved them faithfully in the manner of the Chinese tailor who. given an old coat as a pattern, produced withpride an exact replica, rents and patches and all. And what is the result? The result is that though 200 years have elapsed since the establishment of the British Rule in India, the UntouchalAesluweremainedUntoucliahles. their irrongs remained unredressed and their progress hampered at every stage. Indeed, if (lie British Rule has achieved anything in India it is to strejigthen and reinvigorate Brahmanism which is the iiweterate enemy of the Untouchables and which is the parent of all the ills from which the Untouchables have been suffering for ages. 11. Yon luwe come lure to announce that the British are abdicating. It cannot be wrong for an Untouchable to ask "to whom are you leaving this legacy of authority and power ?" To the protagonist of Brahmanism. which means to the tyrants and oppressors of the Untouchables. Such a method of liquidating the British Empire in India need not raise any qualms of conscience among members of other parties. But what about the British Labour Party ?The Labour Party claims to stand for the unprivileged and the downtrodden. If it is true to its salt. I luwe no doubt that it will stand by the sixty millions of the Untouchables of India and do everything necesary to safeguard their position

3^k and not allow power to pass into the hands of those who by their religion and their philosophy of life are unfit to govern and are in fact the enemies of the Untouchables. It will be no more than bare act of atonement on the part of the British for the neglect of the Scheduled Castes whose trustees they always claimed to be. 12. What has led me to unburden myself at such length is the arvciety caused by the apparent silence of the Mission over the question of constitutional safeguards raised by the Untouchables. This anxiety has been deepened by theattiude takenby the Mission towards the pledges given to the Untouchables and to the minorities by His Majesty's Government. The attitude of the Mission in regard to these pledges reminds one of Lord Palmerston who said. "We have no permanent enemies : we have no permanent friends: we have only permanent interest." You can well imagine what a terrifying prospect it would present to the Untoucables if the impression was created that the Mission was adopting this Palmerstonian maxim as its guide. You came from the underprivileged classes of Great Britian and I have full faith that you will do your best to prevent a possible betrayal of the 60 millions of India's underprivileged. That is why I have thought of placing their case before you. If you will allow me to say. the Untouchables Iiave got a feeling that they liave no greater friend in the mission than yourself. I am . Yours sincerely.

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22. PriUwiraj Road. New Delhi. 22 May. 1946. Dear Lord Pethick-Lawrence. In reading the statement issued by the Cabinet Mission. I have found that on certain points there is much ambiguity. They are set out below : (1) Whether the term "minorities" in paragraph 20 of the statement includes the Scheduled Castes ?

$6® (2) Paragraph 20 lays clown that the Advisory Committee on the rights of citizens, minorities and tribal and excluded areas should contain full representation of the interests affected. Who is to see whether the Advisory Committee does in fact contain full representation of the interests affected ? (3) Whether, in order to see that there is full representation of the interests affectd. H.M.G. propose to reserve to themselves the right to add to the Committee by nomination of persons from outside the Constituent Assembly representing such interests ? The necessityfor nominationfrom outside seems to be essential, for otherwise there is no other methodfor securing representation of tribal and excluded areas from within the Constituent Assembly. If the necessity for nominationfrom within the Constituent Assembly is admitted, will the principle of nomination of members of the Scheduled Castes from outside the Constituent Assembly be extended to secure full representation of the Scheduled Castes on the Advisory Committee? (4) In paragraph 22 of the statement there is a provision for a treaty between the Union Constituent Assembly and the United Kingdom providing for certain matters arising out of the transfer of power. Will this proposed trea ty include a provisionfor the protection of the minorities as was stipulated in the Cripps proposals? If the Treaty is not to have such a provision, how does H.M.G. propose to make the decisions of the Advisory Committee binding on the Constituent Assembly? (5) The statement includes Europeans under the category of "General". From, this it may be presumed that the Europeans will have the right to vote for the election of representatives to the Constituent Assembly. Are the Europeans entitled to put up Europeans as candidates for the election of the Constituent Assembly? This is not made clear in the Statement. These are questions which require clarification. I shall feel greatful if you will be so good as to favour me with your answers to them. I am leaving Delhi tonight for Bombay. Any reply that you may like to make to the questions set out above may kindly be sent to my address inBombay. which is given below. (Address : Saloon No. 27. Central Station. B.B.& C.I. Railway. Bombay) Yours sincerely. B.R. Ambedkar^6^

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2S May . 1946. Dear Dr. Amhedkar, Thank you for your letter of the 22 nd May. in which you ask for elucidation of certain points in the recent statnient. You will appreciate that the object of the Delegation is to set up machinery where by Indians canframe their own constitution for an independent India. The object we hope that it will he accepted and of our statement is to provide a basis on which the parties can come togetherfor that purpose and worked by all concerned. We have limited our statement to the minimum which seenied to us necessary for that purpose. Other matters which arise, willfall to be decided by the CoTistituent Assembly. It is certainly our intention that the tern-i 'Minorities' in paragraph 20 of the statement includes the Scheduled Castes. On the other hand, it will be for the Constituent Assembly itself to set up the Advisory Committee and we assume that it will desire tliat it should be fully representative. It is not our intention to interfer with the Constituent Assembly. The personnel of the Advisory Com.mittee. is not however limited by our statement to persons who are members of the Constituent Assembly. I think your other questions are largely covered by the further statement, which was issued by the delegation on Saturday evening and of ivhich I enclose a copy. Mr. Alexander has asked m.e to acknowledge and thank you for your letter, which you sent him recently. He is away from Delhi for a few days on a visit to Ceylon and will reply to you on his return. ^^'^^'

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y^ -^^x^ M '3M tfe^ st^^ cf^Rs^§Ff'^ arf^sRf ^ ^^ 'H^[S|'Jijid 3#^. w^qpf^^f%^ l^ f?T ^f^^P M^^ T'^^^ "HK^ d % 14^-c^tsfW1 ffelTTiRc CIXHITJT. V^NI ^^w^m ^. s|Nmi^s|i^ ^?^^^ f^| ^^-qRZj?tdt. ^.T 3#SCRHR^HJeiMdT cboic|,c( #f ^JTPl ^ZfM^ wFfct,(dMr I At time of last year's Simla Conference Viceroy on my protest and with consent of Home-Gouernment promised to increase 'Scheduled Castes' representation in Interim Government to two seats in Council of 14 stop I had demanded three stop compromise I accepted two stop New proposals interim Government announced yesterday give Scheduled Castes only one seat stop This gross breach of solemn promise given after due deliberation stop one seat most unfair stop Mission is treating Sixty million Untouchables as being equal to four millions Sikhs, three million Christrians in matter of representation stop Scheduled Castes nominee does not represent Scheduled Castes is elected entirely by Hindu votes and is creature of Congress stop Representation to Scheduled Castes Congress-men is no representation to Scheuled Castes stop It is representation to Congress stop Cabinet Mission heaping upon Scheduled Castes one wrong after another bent on sacrificing tliem witli view appease Congress and destroying tJieir independent position in public life country stop Please intervene and redress wrong by directing Mission to give Scheduled Castes two seats to be filled by nominees of Federation which Mission knows alone representative of Scheduled Castes stop Scheduled Castes insist on two seats or none stop To avoid misunderstanding of my niotive I like to state that I have no desire to be in Interim Government and will stand out stop I am fighting for rights of castes stop Hope there is some of Justice left in British Government. 17-6-1946 An-ibedkar^^'^^^ dn\^^i fi{^W^ (S^l^WiiU RfM^iflT^cfrgit ^m^ ^fcT# "^^^ 3^ •3T^?^ ^^^TTST F^?^

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l^") Your Jinal request is that in tlie Interim Government the Scheduled Castes should have at least 2 representative who should he nominees of the Scheduled Castes Federation. I regret that I cannot hold out any hope of this being possible. I was very glad to see that you had been elected to the Constituent Assembly. Yours Sincerely.

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"RAJGRAHA ". DADAR. BOMBAY 14. 12 August. 1946. My dear Attlee. Thank you/or your letter of the 1 st August. 1946.1 did not expect you to find time to reply to my letter of the 21st July 1946. I am therefore grateful to youfor your having found time to let me knoio your views about the points that I liad raised in my letter. 2. } am afraid 1 cannot accept yourJustificalioii for the revision of tlie policy followed by His Majesty's Government in the Simla Coiference of 1945 nor of the Mission's method of treating llie Scheduled Castes. I caiviot /te/p saying that Mr. Alexander's statement in the House of Commons that the majority of tlie Scheduled Castes are with the Congress is an atrocious statenient and has nofoundation in truth This is not only njy view hut the vieiv of every Englishman in India. If you only consult Sir Edward Benthall who is now in England. I am sure he will support me. 3. with regard to the analysis you have given of the result of the achievements of the Federation in the Primanj election, all I can say is that you have niisunderstood the situation and I am afraid no outsider who does not know the significance of the facts or the method of the election will be able to understand what they mean ivithout proper explanation. The main ground of my cliarge against the Misson is that when the other side of the picture were (was) presented hy the Congress, it was their bounden duty to have called me and to have askedfor an explanation. This, the Mission did not do. which they were injustice bound to do. If I hadfailed to give them satisfactory explanation then they would have beenjustijied in the conclusion to which they came. That the Mission was grossly misinformed is proved by my election to the Cons tituent Assembly from Bengal. The Cabinet Mission stated in the House of Commons that my influence was confined to Bombay and C.P. How is it then that I was elected from Bengal ? In connection with my election. I would like to impress upon you three facts : One is that I did not merely scrape through but I came at the top of the poll beating even Mr. Sarat Chandra Bose. the topmost Bengalee leader of the Congress Party. Secondly. lam in no way connected by comnuuial ties with the Scheduled Castes community of Bengal. They are of different caste to which I belong. Infact the people of my caste do not exist in Bengal atallandyetthe Bengalee ScheduledCastessupportedme. so strongly that I was able to come first. Thirdly, though the Scheduled castes in Bengal had been returned on the Congress ticket yet they broke the rule of their party not to vote for anybody except for Congressman and voted for me.Does this prove that I have no following in Bengal ? I am sure if the Cabinet Mission are honest in their conclusion, they ought to revise the erroneous opinion which they have expressed in the House of Commons and revise the view and give proper recognition to the Federation. 4. With regard to the status of the Scheduled Castes in the Minority Advisory Conimittee. I am glad to have an assurance that the Britisli Cabinet considers the Scheduled Castes to be an important minority. I am afraid that I m.ust again repeat that unless and until the Cabinet Mission were to make a public declaration, this view will not help the Scheduled Castes. I say this because, as you will see. (in) the last letter which Maulana Abul Kalam Azad wrote to the Viceroy on behalf of the Congress before the negotiations broke down, he emphatically challenged the vieiu that the Scheduled Castes were a niinority. The Scheduled Castes fear that if this view is not correctd by the British Cabinet in time, the Scheduled Castes' case may not be considered in the Advisory Conimittee ivliich is hoiuid to be packed by Congressmen. The danger of their being relegated to the position of a social group ivithiti tlic Hindus as distinguisliedfrom a minority, appears to be most certain in view of the recent pronouncement of Mr. Gadhi who evidently thinks that he can now do anything he likes ivith the Scheduled Castes in view of the fact that the British Governmeni have refused to lend them their support. 5. In tliese circumstances. I would press upon you to reconsider the niatter and make a declaration that the Scheduled Castes are an important nwiority to avert a possible danger to their future position in the new Constitution. 6.1 am sorry to read that you cannot hold out any hope of the Schechiled Castes getting two seats in the Interim Government. I do not see anyjustification for this denial. Both on the ground of their numbers and also as compared to the assurance given at the time of the Last Sin^la Conference of 1945. they are entitled to better treatmetit than is proposed to be given to the Si]<:hs and other smaller minorities. I should think that the claim made by me was more than Justified. With kind regards. Yours sincerely. B.R. AMBEDKAR.^^^^^

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'T/ie house is perhaps aware that of the seven members nominated by you, one had resigned from the House and was replaced. One had died and was not replaced, one was away in America and his place was not filled up and another person was engaged in state affairs and there was a void to the extend that one or two people were far away from Delhi and perhaps reasons ofhecdth did not permit them to attend. So it happened ultimately that the burden of drafting this constitution fell upon Dr. Ambedkar and I have no doubt that we are grateful to him for having achieved this task in a manner, which is undoubtedly commendable." ^ '

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#57^^Ftrr. "^H 3TPT^ <5<^W W ^?T FT?T^ ?nW. 3T^ ^rTrTT^ ^ g^ ?TT^. Hlf^WM rU^ FtcTT. ?>. cR. ^. ^ WMF ^ Wm ^ ^. Neio Def/iL May 22 nd 1947. My dear Dr. Amhedkar. Thank you for your letter of the 14 th May and for your book on States and Minonties whichyou have been good enough to send me. / shall read your bookof course. For the present I have referred to the parts you mention on pages 14'16 and 30-35. I might say at Uw outset thai I agree ivitli your general approach to this problem, more especially in regard to industries and insurance. About agriculture also I agree but I ant not sure tlKit it is easily possible for us to take the step you suggest immediately. You must Iiave seen the proposals of the National Planning Committee in regard to industries and agriculture. I liave no doubt that agriculture will have to be carried, on a large scale, on cooperative or collective basis in the future, thougli I rather doubt if we can rule out completely relatively small-scale private Ivoldings. In any event, such a mcyor change in agriculture can only be brought about either by fairly general consent of the parties concerned (and in this I do not include the big landlord), or else by some kitid of dictatorial conipulsion. I am opposed to the latter and. in any event. I do not think it is feasible. I doubt greatly if we can get this general consentfrom the peasantry till the matter is siijjlciently made clear to them, and till they see for themselves cooperatives and may be collectives in action. Any premature attempt might lead to failure on a wide scale which we might be totally incapable ojfacing. In theory there is nothing to prevent our introducing such clauses in a constitution, though they are not in line with the old idea offundamental rights. You are perfectly right in saying that the old conception must be widened and must include economic democracy. In a sense we have aimed at this, though rather vaguely, in the Objectives Resolution of the Constituent Assembly. Nevertheless. I douht the propriety of laying down the precise economic structure we are aiming at in the constitution we are drawing up. and more especially in the Fwidamental Rights. After all this is a practical matter for us to consider as to how we can achieve our objective as rapidly as possible. We are faced today inlndia with all manner of disruptive tendencies and forces. We have at the same time a strong urge for unity which is combating these forces of disruption. I have little doubt that the conception of unity will ultimately win through. I am not merely referring to certain parts of India being cut off from the rest, but much more to other forces of a disruptive nature. We are going to have a difficult time. Obviously the first essentialfor us to aim at is to establish a stable and a strong administration which can combat the disruptive tendencies and at the sanie time push ahead the progressive forces in the country. If we tackle, at this stage, very fwidamental economic issues, in the process of constitution-making, we might add to the strength of the disruptive tendencies and achieve nothing at all. Time is an essential factor and we dare not complicate tlie issues too much at this stage. We have got to go ahead with our constitution and finish it within the next few months. I am sure you will appreciate the difficulties of the situation and realsie that the quickest method of achieving what you and I desire will be first to gain stability in the political field and Uien tackle immediately the other vital questions tliatyouhave suggested. To reverse the process mightnjean stability not a solution of this question. I have no doubt tlvit the coming of independence to India will release powerful forces aiming at rapid economic changes. That is as it sliould be. I have nofear that in the future reactiotiary tendencies, which undoubtedly exist in India, luill triumpli over tlie progressive forces. But I do fear that if we do not step ivarily. these reactionary tendencies might well produce rojfusion in India and even some kind of dictatorship. We have the exaniple of Uie growth of the Nazi party in Gennany. which taking advantage of popular slogans really built up a reactionary regime. I would suggest to you. tlierefore. that it would not be desirable to j)ress for the changes in the constitution which you have suggested. It might be worthwhile, however, to appoint a separate committee on economic planning but this should not be related to the constitution and should not delay constitution-making. With all good wislies. Yours sincerly. Jawaharlal Nehru ^ '

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'ST^TcT. I^'^MB cf^Tfe^f^M % ^TcTT^ ^^ -aT^T^. \W\^ W^^ ^THT#T ^ MI6cl^^ ftrT. J Hardings Avenue. New Delhi. 2-11-1947 My dear Kaivade. 1 have receivedyoiir leiier of Die 31 s( Oct. just tliis inomiiuj.Asyou know I have been venj ill. Even Jiow I am more or less confined to bed doing only the work which I must do. I heard of the arrest of our workers by the C.P. Government. I am most annoyed at tfieir action. They are misusing their powers under the Public Safety Act. We must not tolerate this. The Federation is neither dead nor hound to the Congress. The Federation is a free independent organisation. My Joining the Congress Govervnent does not mean that I havejoined the Congress . You mustnot. therefore, hesitate toprotestagainst the actionof the C.P. Government. Witli kitid regards. I am Yours sincerely. B.R.Amhedkar^'^'"'^

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To. The Hon. Prinie Minister Jawaharlal Nehru New Delhi ar^^Zfi^ ufrcf^%if[rf Rl<^d ?t^, HlRbWHI^I^ 3T^^^MT f^^^Hld HIcicjUijiy ^gft^ fcrefRM, fl ^t^Z^ cRifTcT ^?T^, m^H^ ^MT^RffcT ^ ^5WT#^HT #^JF2TRT, mi^i\ c?^

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To. The Hon. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Law Minister. India

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ATeu' De/hi. 27Aprt7. J,94cS. Miy dear Dr. Ambed/car. Oa my return io Delhi lliis aflemoon I read a report of your speecli recently delivered in Luckonw before the U.P. Scheduled Castes CoiTj'erence. I niust confess that I was surprised and distressed to read this speech. It raises certain rather fundamental matters about the functioning of the Cabinet and its members. There is an attach in it on individuals as well as on the Congress as such, and an appeal for bringing about divisions in the Congress ranks. There is a further appeal for the functioning of a purely communal political organisation wliicK I should have thought, is opposed to the recent declaration of policy by the Government in regard to sucli comnumal political organisations. 2. You are further reported to have said as follows :

yo'^ " There has been a large numbers qffijth columnists in our ranks and only when we expose them and strengthen ourselves will we be able to replace Nehru and Patel in a matter of days. 3. There are many other passages of your speech as reported which seem very odd to me as coming from a Cabinet Minister. But I shall not quote them here. 4. We have welcomed your co-operation in the Government and in the Constitutent Assembly and attached value to the workyou have done. I am not aware of any occasion when any of my colleagues or I have done anything which might be termed discourtesy to you. I had hoped that this co-operation would grow and that we would continue to benefit by your advice and work. 5. Your speech, however, is such that I can liardly imagine any Cabinet Minister being responsil^le for it. It is an attack on the Congress which is responsible for the present government. It is an attack on the Premier of the United Provinces and the U.P. Government, and it is an attack on me as Prime Minister and onthe Deputy Prime Minister. You state clearly, if you are reported aright, that it is your purpose to push us ouLYour reference to fifth columnists presumably means our colleague Jagjivan Ram as well as those who think with him. If these views had been expressed by you in private to us. the situation would have been emabarrassing enough for both you and me. It is doubly embarrassing when public statements have been made. If minister feel and speak in this manner there is no Cabinet responsibility left. The Prime Minisiter might as well shut up shop. 6.1 am not writing any more to you on this subject except to point out to you the serious consequences of the speech you are reported to have m.ade. There can hardly be any co-operation or common working on tliat basis. I should be grateful to you if you let me know if the report is a correct one. Yours sincerely. Jawaharlal Nelvw ° ' To. The Hon'hle Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Law Minis te. India

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New Delhi. I May. 1948. My dear Sardar Patel. Please refer to your letter dated 29 April. 1948. I had already received a letter from the Prime Minister enquirir\g as to the text of my speech which I delivered at Lucknow on 25 April. I have in my letter of 28 April 1948. in reply to his letter, given him the full outline of what I said at Lucknow. I think I cannot do better than send you a copy of that letter for your perusal. You will see how perverted was the Press report. Speaking for myself, I have no hesitation iii saying that no fair-minded man could have any objection to anything I said at Lucknow. I hope your are keeping well. Yours sincerely. B.R. Ambedkar To. The Hon'ble Sardar Vallabhbliai Patel. Mussoorie.

ENCLOSURE New Delhi 28 April. 1948. My dear Pandit Nehru. Please refer to your letter of 27 April 1948 in which you have expressed your reactions to my speech at the conference of the Scheduled Castes Federation held in Lucknow on 25 April. I have not seen any newspaper report of my speech. I don't know which newspaper report you liave seen. I am. therefore, unable to check up the report point by point. Unfortunately, my speechat the conference was not a written speech. It was delivered extempore. But I can give you the points I made in my speech. They were all intended to meet the criticism that has been levelled against me by some of my own followers on various counts. L Why 1 am silent ever since the departure of the Cabinet Mission. H. Why I Joined the Congress Government. III. What I propose to do in the future. In reply to I, I said The Scheduled Castes Federation demanded political safeguards-the niost inyjortant of which was separate electorates. If the results of the primary elections were taken as the test, there was no doubt that tlie whole of the Sclieduled Castes luere behind this demand. Notwitlistanding this, our demand ivas turned down by the Calnnel Mission. Tliis was because of two reasons (1) ice u.'ere a iveaker party as compared with the Muslims and the Siklis. and: (2) ive ivere divided in our ranks ivhich contained manyfiftli columnists. The decision of the Cabinet Mission seen-ied to wipe out the Scheduled Castes as a separate political entity and that without political safeguards the Scheduled Cascts appeared to ine to be doomed. Tliere was a complete darkness hcj'ore nie. That is the reason why I liave not made any statement. In reply to D, I said It is true I have been an opponent and a critic of the Congress. At the same time I don't believe in opposition for the sake of opposition. There ought to be tlie spirit of co-operation where we can gain something by cooperation. I thought there would he no usefighting with the Congress. I. therefore, decided to co-operate and by co-operation we got some safeguards in the Constitution which we might not otherwise liave got. andgave some instances to substantiate my argument. With regard to my Joining the Cabinet. I said tere were two reasons which prevailed upon me to accept the ojff'er-(l) the offer was without any condition. (2) one could serve the interests of the Scheduled Castes better from within the Government than from without. I said that the Scheduled Castes had nofearofbad laws being made to their prejudice. Wfiat they had to fear about was bad administration. This had administration was due to the absence of men belonging to tfie Scheduled Castes in the administration. The administration was unsympathetic to the Scheduled Castes . because it was manned wholly by Castes Hindu officers, who were partial to the Caste Hindu in the villages, who exacted begarfrom the Scheduled Castes and practised upon them tyranny and oppression could be averted only if more of the Scheduled Castes couldfindaplace in the Civil Service. This can be done better by being inside the Gouernment rather than remaining outside. In regard to ni, I said There is no use Joining tlie Congress. Safety lies in hewing two parties. There must be an opposition to criticise Government. Government may otherwise easily become a dictatorship. It is a house which is burning. There are many inside the Congress who want to form an opposition, the necessity of which they feel quite strongly. Secondly, the Congress itself is getting divided. The Socialists have gone outof it. How big they willgrow onecannotsay now. There are possibilities of their getting quite big. Hereafter there will be two parties. (1) Congress and (2) Socialists - and the question is not whether we shouldjoin the Congress or the Socialists. I said that my advice is that you should form, a third party so that the Scheduled Castes may be able to hold the balance and thereby obtain bargaining power. There is no usejoining any political party as its nierecanipfollowers. Ifitgives anything, itmerelygives office. Itcannotgive power. Your Conference hasjusl now passed a resolution condemning the Paul Government for giving you only 10 per cent reservation in the Services when on a purely population basis you are entitled to soniething like 22 per cent. The reason wfuj Mr. Pcuit does not give you your full quota is because for liis majority iti the U.P. Assembly: fie is not dependent upon you. When he becomes depedent upon you-and tliat can be only wheti you can demand 22 per cent, and then he ivill have to give it to you. I then turned to Uie question of unity between the Scheduled Castes and t]\e so-called Backward Classes. This I did at the request of the leaders of the Backward Classes who were present at Uie conj'erence. I said it was a pity that the two Classes whose needs were common did notjoin together. Ther reason ivas that tJie Backiuard Classes did not like to associate then"iselves ivitJi tljc Scheduled Castes, because they were afraid that such an association will bring theniselves down to the level of the Scheduled Castes. I said that I luas not anxious toestahlishinter-dining and inter-marriage between the Scheduled Castes and the Backward Classes. They may well remain separate social entities. There is no reason why they should notjoin hands toforni a political party to remove their backward condition. I pointed out how the Scheduled Castes have improved their condition by playing their part in the politics of the cowitry. and there is no reason wliy the Backward Classes should not do the same. I said that the Scfieduled Castes and the Backward Classes form the majority of the population of this country. There is no reason why they should not rule this country. All that is necesary is to organise for the purpose of capturing political power-which is your own because of adult suffrage. People do not seem to buck up courage because they are overwhelmed by the belief that Congress Government is therefor ever. I said this is a wrong impression. In popular democracy no governmentis permanent and not even the government established by the two of the tallest Congressmen. Pandit Jawaharlal and Sardar VallabhbhaiPatel. Ifyouorganiseyoucanevencapture that Government. I have given you as detailed an accowit and as accurate an account of what I said as I can recall. You will allow me to say that I never speak in a desultory n^anner. Whether / make a written or an oral speech. I always speak on some definite points. These are the only three points on which I spoke at Lucknow. With regard to the observations you have nuide on niy speech. I would like to draw your attention to the following :- (i) There was no hostility to the Congress. Infact I justified my co-operation with the Congress and did not exclude the possibility of aligning with the Congress under the new Constitution, (ii) There was no reference to any member of the present Government. The reference I made to you and to Sardar Patel was far from being derogatory. It was quite complimentary. (Hi) There was not the remostest reference to the present Cabinet either for its acts of commission or onussion. With regard to your point that I am. advocating communal organisation, you have probably forgotten the discussion that took place in the Cabinet over the resolution on commimal organisation. I then pointed out that so long as the Scheduled Castes have been granted political safeguards it is in long as the Scheduled Casts have been granted political safeguards it is in cun^bent upon them to form their own political organisation to see that safeguards do not become nugatory. You then accepted the sut)stantiality of this point and referred to it in your reply to the mover of the resolution in the Assembly. I appreciate what you say about Cabinet respotisibility. I venture to say lliat no member has observed it more scrupulously tlian I iKwe done. You ivill allow me to say tJiatoj} most of Uie ([uestions tJiat liave come before tlip Cal^inet. I have luid my own independent opinion ivhiclihave berndifferent fromyours. Some of them were very vital and about which I have felt greatly disturbed. Notwithstanding this. I have not made any single statement either to the Press or to the public, hxfact. I have refused iiwitations to address meetings just because of the feeling tliat I may have to say something unpleasant about the Government. In fact. I have been the most silent member of Uie present Government. This silence is deliberate and self-imposed only to maintain Cabinet responsibility. With regard to your statement thai I was attempting to turn you and the Deputy Prime Minister out of office, all I can say is that if you advert to the relevant part of my speech as I have given above. youyoiLrselfwill see that any sucli suggestion infantastic. The point at which the reference to you and the Sardar is by way of illustration only. There is no plot, there is not even an idea which has any foundation in personal ambition. Besides the whole of that part of the speech relates to the future elections under the new Consitution. It has not theremotest reference to the present Government. The Press has never been hind to me. It has always done its best to twist facts and phrases, take them out of their context and pervert the sense ofanythuig I have said. I fear this is what has happened to my speech at Lucknow. I therefore, hope that my version-which thoiujh broad is yet untarnished-will give you a correct idea of what I said. Yours sincerely. B.R. Ambedkar^"^""^^ To. The Hon'ble Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. w^R ^^ ^TPTT HicifciQ^c^i <) ir ^2Tr ^^m sf. siMi^i^«ii4'i c^rNzn ^w% ^4W ^rwrr^m

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y^Y k ^ ^ cqt=fr m^ ^^ ^MT M|^. CT^ ^f^ ^t?^ ^?HT^ f^if^ ?trr. JVeu) Dethi. 5 th May. 1948. My dear Sardar Patel. In continuation of my letter of 1 st May 1948.1 am enclosing herewith a copy of my reply to the Prime Minister to a further letter from him dated 30 April. 1948. As desired by the Prime Minister. I am awaiting to discuss the matter with hin-i. I trust you will keep this correspondence secret and personal to you. I hope you are feeling better. Yours sincerely. B.R. Ambedkar ENCLOSURE My dear Pandit Nehru. Please refer to your Secret and Personal letter of 30 April. 1948.1 regret very much my inability to acknowledge it immediately. Your letter fell in my hands late in the evening on Saturday. As you know, on thefollowing Sunday. Monday and Tuesday I was busy with the Inter-Dominion Conference on water rights. However. I did give effect immediately to your suggestion of issuing a statement to the Press. My statement appeared on Monday, which I hope you have seen. I had not seen my speech as reported iti the National Herald ofLucknow until you kindly sent me a cutting. All I can say is that the representative of this paper could not have distorted my speech in a manner worse than he has done. I delivered niy speech in Hindustani, which is not my mother tongue. It is. therefore, possible for misreporting and misrepresenting the intention of the speaker. Added to this, the Press in India has had its knife in niefor the last 25 years. Consequently, deliberate perversions of my speeches by the Press have occured many a time. I ani not surprised at what has occured now. You can well recall how youyourselfhave been the victim of such misrepresentation in regard to your speech on Hyderabad delivered in Bombay at the last A.I.C. C. meetitig. I may point out tliat that part of my speecJi in whicli I Justified my co­ operation with the Congress has not been reported, and it is this omission u'/u'r/i has been responsible for creating the misunderstanding . I agree that the speech as reported may create vi the public mind suc/i inipressions as you have referred to inyour letter. But 1 hope that the statenient I have issued ivill remove sucli impressions. If. Iioivever. you still feel embarrassed by my speech and that vis-a-vis the Congress party your position has become indefensible. I feel that the proper remedy for relieving you of your emharrassement is for me to offer you my resignation of my office as Law Minister of the Governn-ient of India. You perhaps know that to me politics have never been a game. It is a mission. I have spent all my life and sacrificed all my personal prospects to help the Scheduled Castes in their betterment. I am greateful to youfor your invitation to join your Cabinet and I am conscious that the acceptance of the invitation carries with it certain limitations. But whatever limitations have to be accepted. I can never surrender my right to advise my people ivhat is the best course for them to follow. I may add that in a coalition Government, members of different groups or parties are free to tender advice to their party in such a manner as they think fit so long as they do not impair the integrity of the Government of the day of which they are members. You would. I. imagine, prefer my not replying to your letter in any greater detail hut to discuss the matter with you as desired by you. If you will fix up the day and the time at your convenience. I shall be glad to call on yoiL I have no important engagements till the 9 th. Yours sincerely. B.R. Ambedkar^"^"^^ ^. sfWRTlM^ ^tf^ %^ ^IHT 3WW^ ^\W^ ^, ^WW\\^ QiW^ ^^ta,

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New Delhi 12 th March. 1949. My dear Dr. Ambedkar. Some time ago. in a talk with the Gonuerner-General. you brought up the case of the appointment of.... It was recently referred to in the Assembly, and Shri. B. Shiva Rao had this case in mind when he made some remark in his speech on the Budget. 1 should like to add that I was hurt to know that you took this matter to the Governor-General without even mentioning it to me and ascertaining what the facts were. I am sure you will agree that I deserved betterfrom afriend and colleague of mine. Apart from any other consideration, it has been my sincere and earnest endeavour to avoid any importation of undesirable features in the administration of my departments, and any iniportation of such a nature. I can assure you. would always secure from me a full review, and if necessary, retracing of any step that may have been unwittingly taken. I hope you are improving and will soon be able to return here. Yours sincerely. VallabbbhaiPate^"^^^^ w^R ^^^^^\i ^, a. siMmi^fiii§ft f^^ f^pwcR m^ ^^ aiw. ^qran

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Camp : Milind Maluwidyalaya. Nag-Sen-Van. Aurangabad (Dn). December 9. 1955. My dear Pillai. I liave been separatedfrom youfrom a long number of years. You have 1 not cared either to contact me or to make any enquiry about nie. 1 take it that it is so because you are practically living in the other zone i.e. the Russian and the Chinese zone. I am of course an old fashioned man and I live in the democratic world to whicli I ani acquainted and familiar. I thought that any attempt on my part to n-iake contact with you might be misunderstood but circumstances luiveforced nie to address this little letter to you and 1 Jiope tliat you will not disrespect it. Being a Buddhist I am quite acquainted ivith the Panchshil but I fiave now been hearing a great deal from the mouths of Bulganin. Khrushchev and (lie King of Saudi Arbia about their knoivledge also oj'the Panchshil. Being a manof very limited intelligence. I liave i\ever been able to catcli ivluit sort of a Panchsliil. Bulganin. Khrushchev and the King ofScuicU Arabia observe. I remember to have read Mr. Chou-En-Lai. the Prime Minister of China also to give an utterance to Panchshil when he came to India to meet our Prinie Minister. I am very anxious to collect the text of the Panchshil toivliici} these four notabilities in the world are regarding to. You must be the custodian of all news in the world especially about foreign countries and I thought that you were the proper source to whom I could send this letter. I have not been very wellfor some time but I am recovering slowly. If your letter is addressed to my present address as above it will reach me alright. With kind regards to my Foreign Friend and his wife. Yours sincerely. B.R. Ambedkar^'^^'^^ Sh. N.R. Pillai. I.C.S. Secretanj General. External Affairs, Govt, of India. New Delhi

•HKdMi '^' ^ ^^Tfarr M\^\ ^'KUIIC|< siNmi^sii4i ^[c}^ ^^. w(^ '^'?fr cRuin^n^ 3M?^q^ ^ m^T^Rngjfr ^ %jr ^frfRT ?t%. T^. 3TR. l^ciT^

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'm ^T^RT f^ ^ ^1^ mi[cj^ ^, ciT cinmi^si'm ^M?^^ -aroTiiTfr chHKM^^i qrs^ ^T^. ')'<^^ 'TT^ ^. 7rcR%7 ^5tf|^ wn§fr w^\ w^^^mw ^ ^. Hyderabad. 10 th December. 1955. Dear Dr. Ambedkar. The enclosedfolders are self-explanatory. "Mankind" would try earnestly to reveal the caste problem in its entirety would, therefore be very happy to have an article from you. It expects its articles to range between 2.500 and 4.000 words. You are of course free to select your ou'n subject. Should you select one or the other aspect of the caste system prevalent in our country. I would want you to write sometJiing whicli makes the people of India sit up. not alone in anger, but also in wondernjent. I do not know wliether tlie speeclies I made about you during the parliamentary campaign in Madhya Pradesh were communicated to you by your Lieutenant who also travelled with me. Even now I very njucli wish that synipathy should be joined to anger and that you become a leader not alone of the scheduled castes, but also of the Indian people. The Zonal Study Canip would be very glad to liave you in its midst. T/ie accon-ipanying list of subject is meant to help. If you could give us a resume of your lecture inadvance it luould be goodfor purpose of publication aftenuards. We expect that a lecture lasting cm hour ivould he followed up by a discussion ql'similar diiralioi\. I do not know whetlier the Foundation Coiference of the Socialist Party would Iiave any interest for you. Although you are tiot a jfiember of the Party, tlie Conference ivould ivant to have you as a special invitee. The Conference will take up. among other subjects, problenis relating to agricultural labour, artisans, women and parlianwntary work, on any one of whicli you have something significant to say. Ifyoufeel like participating in the proceedings of the conference in order to bring out or\e or another point. I trust that the conference will extend you special permission to do so. With warm greetings. Yours sincerely. Ranimanohar Lohia^ '

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^MT cfR W^ ^Wm f^^ ^fcf^. TELEGRAM Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru NEW DELHI Regret inability attend Parliment-Doctor strongly object njy travelling to Dehli. Wanted to express my views in Parliment over issue of linguistic provinces. Being unable to do so. I am conveying views to you by this telegram.

y^^ Am speaking on behalf of Federation. Federation like Bombay to go in Maharashtra but do not mind Bombay made separate state. However very strongly object creation of such monolithic monstrohs states as U.P.. Bihar. Maharastra Federation feels these states not only be great danger to Central Government will also be great danger to minorities and Scheduled Castes Federation wants U.P.. Bihar be divided into three states. Manaharashtra also be divided into three states. There be no protection to Scheduled Castes under aegies of State in which overwhelming majority is opposed to recognition of Scheduled Castes as human beings. I requestyoupay serious attention to this question. Fear consequenies might be very serious. Scheduled Castes are now without any political safeguard. In their disparation may take to any kind of violence. Yours Sincerely. B. R. Ambedkar (''^^^ 'stS^ ^f^R2 ^^N'^ tWily^l y^uilcil f^^ ^. 5=ft, H$K|t5iNI^< ^ f%iof^TW 3TTWT ^ 3TN^?TT ^^^ M^ ??f^ sMRTlt^ ^JrR 5f^$T, fs|"5R t ^Tt^im ^§TT^ cfpT Pf^^T

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^Tf^

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A/y dear Atre/Joslii. I have your letter and I was hoping . as promised by you. to meet you . Bui it seems now that you are not coming to Delhi. I am very much afraid that bolh you and the leader of llie Samyukla Party arc treating the question in a very casual way and it }\as filled me withcertain amount of doubt as to whether any good can come out of the movement that your people luive been leading. You will excuse me that some one has been sending me all your papers. It make very interesting reading but you treat the subject as thougli it was nothing but a matter of what we in Marathi call Ganmet. I look upon it as a very serioiLS matter and must be dealt with serious attention that you have thought to he bestowed upon it.

v^is What is the programme of your party. I don't know. Is there any thing in it besides Samyukta Maharashtra ? What about other political, social and economical questions ? Are we to separate after elections or each one go our own way or bring the party together or to maintain any sort of discipline. I have no ideas of this. Who is to select candidates, how many candidates have to be alloted to the different groups you have not said anything about it nor have I seen anywhere any discussion about it. As you will know I take my politics very seriously. The Federation has been defeated many a time in elections. People seem to think tfvat the Federation is not a body worth consideration. But we who belong to the Federation have a different view of our owit We suffer defeats because we are true to our principles and we are not out or sale nor to shift from one party to another. We stick to our own we have stood to our own and we will stand to our own. ff we have to choose fellows, we slmll choose them after we are satisfied about their policies and characters. Until we do that, we prefer to stand alone. These are the matter which I wanted to discuss with you and to tell you that you should now learn to be serious if you want to take this burden and to do the right thing in the right way. Until we do this, it is difficult to issue any instructions to my people. I ani sure that if the Samyulita Committee desires a cooperation of the Federation they can bear your expense. Yours sincerly. (B.R. Ambedkar) ('^^'^^ ShriAtre/Joshi Bombay.

-arw^TOfF WHT cRM wTcT ?t?rr. ^ ^m^ FT ^^ ^m^^\ cffsfr^fr w^^ ^- "^^v^ ^

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• •* (9) Kadam K. N. (Compiled & Ed.), 'Dr. Babasaheb AmbedJcar & the significance of his movement, Polular Prakashan, 1991. Page 66. (R) ^^ ^m(?i WIT lsiM*'i\ y'iieicjH.

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(9 ^)* Moon Vasant (Ed.), 'Dr. Babasaheb Amhedkar Writing & Speeches'. Vol. 2, 1982, Page 1.

(^.i)* Moon Vasant (Ed.). Vol. 2, 1982, ^.^., Page 463-464.

(^•3) ^T R^qr^ 'ST. s|l=imi^s|NI yWlfilcb M^o^cJ^K, JT. ^ T, ^. ^919. (^^)* Moon Vasant (Ed.), Vol. 2, 1982, ^.f^.. Page 401-402.

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cTHTFTcT PfcRT^PT, ^^W, ^ ^ TT, ^. ^o-^^. (y^)* Moon Vasant (Ed.). ;j.f^., Vol. 2, 1982. Page 600 - 611. (y^S) i) '^JHrTT', ^g afraetsR, ')%l'i, v3tcj7 "3 W, 'J. 9. 11) g^cfTt f^?3W (^.).

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(^^) #Tif[t xjf. n., ^. ft., w? k ^,

(^93)* Moon Vasant (Ed.), ;j. ft., Vol. 9, 1990, Page 82-83.

(\95)* cltcf, 'J. C^-C^. (W) 1) #Wt W. T., ^. ft., ^ k ^,'J. ?o. (^9k) ^ RWSTTcffe 5?5WJI ^ ^, 'ST. islNmi^ElWI yiHlI^tt, q^oLjci^K', ij.^^^^k- (^^) Bailey L. R. (Ed.), 'Dr. Ambedkar on Poona Pack'. Bheem Patrika, Publications, Jalandhar, 1973. Page 78-80. Wo t ^ ^«M^ ^^f^^^rMi Pict^u^cb tr^icW^wM ant. (^^) 1) 'wm', ')-')o-')'i,-^^ Tj. 5. li) tTHtt 'Eit. ^T., ;5. R, ^ Y m, ^. ^^.

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['^^) g^mt f^raq (W.), ^. f^., W5 R TT, ^. 3X^. (^y) Ajant Surendra (Ed.), 'Letters of AMBEDKAR. Bheem Patrika Publication. Jalandhar, 1993. Page 91.

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(•30^) Ajant Surendra (Ed.), ^.f^., Page 108.

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[•39')) ^Mt f^TiW (W.), 3. f^., ^ ^ TT, iJ. ^o<). i')')^) Ajant Surendra (Ed.) ^J.PT., Page 108-109. C^")?) 1) gwt f^TSTlT (W.), g-. f^., T^ ^ 7T, ij. Ro<3.

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(•3")H) i'i'i^) AJant Surendra, ^.^., Page 109. i')')'^) ^Sm STcRTTcT (W.), g. f^., ^. ')o

(^•*f^) Transfer of Power Vol 2, 310, Page 436.?? ("jyis) ^ m^, ^. f^., "J. ?^k. i'^ifc) Moon Vasant (Ed.). Vol 10. 1991, Pages 12-IS. (•^y^) ^T M^TI^ 1W7W R \, 'ST. cfT=rraTt=rM Wnf^ M^^C^SK', ^. :^o:j. (•JHo) ("JH")) ^F. f^.(W.)- '^-2?^ ^/77^', •QS ") cJT, (•)<:<) ^-')"^ Vis),'itHnc?5T9H,gsi^, ')'^'3^,'J. H'5^. (9kR) (^H5) f^ T^5T (5^), 'TtafT M^KJjjgi^H. (^kV)'• Moon Vasant (Ed.) Vol. 10, 1991. Page 470-472. (•^kH^* cl^, Part II, Section 1, Page 405-442 of Memorandum. (•5H0 Wfr^R nW$R, ^IFT^, ^-^^SV, •^I^^. {')\C) cMcRScR ^"TI^^TT^, '??T71Tf?"', ^ R 7T, jfTST J?cCT9Fr, jstf, •J'^^^, ij. ?^ cT^.

(•^^R) #THtt ^. T., ^. f^., lis "^ ^, g'^^^S, ^. yoo.

(•J^^)* Moon Vasant (Ed.), Vol 10, 1991, Page 475.

(9 i^

H6Ki"^ ^nfl^ ^T^ Tj^s, 5^, "5"^<:5. ^. '5^-")'5.

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(")\S^) Election Manifesto of the Scheduled Castes Federation Pages 1. (9^95) #THtt'eft. T., 3. f^.,T35 .i clT, Tj. xo-V). (•^W) TITIcT ST^RTOcf (m), 3. f^.,'J. R^?. (9^919) #!Ttrt xjt. *T., 3. R,-Q5 <: ^, ^. H^ ^?^^. (")V9<:)* Moon Vasant (Ed.) Vol. 10. 1991, Page 487-490.

(")<:'5)* Moon Vasant (Ed.), Vol. 10. 1991, Page 500-.501.

(g<^5)* ?1^, ij. Ho'^.

(•^ik)* Moon Vasant (Ed.). Vol. 10. 1991, Page .509-51 1.

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fr ^g^ 3n%. q-^I^H JTtJtcR qifcTT F ^fflcT ^TcT.

(^•^0) q^ •qr^TEisf, 'ST. wwn^ ^nkstm', ^sftfcim sra^^R, got, '3'^<:k, 'j. ^"^R. ('5^'))* Moon Vasant (Ed.). Vol. 13. 1994, Page 127-136. (')'^^) Wt 3c5# 'HRc^ q^TcT f^McRR' •g^TcT ITJf^9PT, WFJT, ^^l^-^lft 9<^^9k, TJ. ^O. (-5 '^^)* Moon Vasant (Ed) Vol. 13, 1993, Page V.

(9 S^) Gopal S. (Ed.) 'Selected Works o/JawahaiialNehru'Vo]. 2, A Project of the Javvaharla) Nehru Memorial Fund' New Delhi, 1988, Pages 196-198. {')'^C) clt^, Vol. 3, 1985, Page 25.

XX^ i')'^%) WTRT SicbUN (W.), ^.^•. ^- ^Ho. (•^oo) i^o')) (^°^) mm 9icb{

* Moon Vasant (Ed.), Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writting & Speeches- Education Department, Govt, of Maharashtra, Bombay.

cf 'slf^ti^Cl HRcTTJf' '3k) '3T^lRl^ >3TI^. • **

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