DOCSLIB.ORG

BRATACH DUBH Collected Articles: Vol II Bratach Dubh

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
BRATACH DUBH Collected Articles: Vol II Bratach Dubh BRATACH DUBH Collected Articles: Vol II Bratach Dubh: Collected 2 lnsurrectionary Writings Bratach Dubh: Collected 2 Armed Struggle in Italy '76-'78 Bratach Dubh Anarchist Pamphlet 4 Elephant Editions Ardent Press reprint Cover design by 188 2 distro 2015 Published by Aragom Moser and Leona Benton Printed at "The Compound" 1818 Carleton St. Berkeley, CA 94703-1908 Contents Introduction to the 2nd Edition 1 Introduction to the 1st Edition 3 Preface 8 Our Role in the Present Conflict 11 Diffused Urban Guerrilla 16 Prison Revolts 34 Prisons, Courts and the Legal Hierarchy 43 Expropriation 49 Victims of Repression 53 Sweat Labour 65 Politicians and Party Headquarters 68 Trades Unions 86 Factories and the Industrial Hierarchy 88 State Offices 110 Heroin Pushers 116 Attacks Against the Police 122 Restructuring Repression 129 Anti-Institutional Movement, Revolutionary Violence, Armed Struggle-Some Reflections 131 Towards the Generalisation of Armed Struggle 142 On the Problem of Armed Struggle 154 Forward Comrades! 158 Introduction to the 2nd Edition The years covered by this pamphlet mark an important period for the whole of the movement against capital. It was at this time that the antagonist movement in Italy finally shed all its taboos concerning destruction, violence, and the use of arms against the class enemy. It became normal to respond to the humiliation and tyranny of capitalism with the arms considered to be the most effective for doing so, and acts of violence by bosses, police, and fascists found an immediate re­ sponse both in the streets and in specific retaliatory actions against them. During this period a vast quantity of groups and struggle organisations emerged, convinced of the need to extend and heighten the armed struggle against capital. Many of these, in keeping with their lenin­ ist convictions, reached the conclusion that capital­ ism's final crisis had arrived, that victory was near and that it was time to fight the State on its own terms, in closed militaristic organisations (the armed wing of the proletariat) aimed at taking over and directing first the struggle, then the State. Their objectives were to recruit comrades into their organisations-the only ones entitled to carry out this historic task accord­ ing to them-and to raise the level of the struggle to the ultimate moment of victory. When their analysis proved to be mistaken (that the end of capitalism was not imminent, instead it was going through a difficult phase of re-structuring), they began negotiating with the enemy to have their prisoners released, even at the cost of dissociating themselves from the struggle and from revolution itself. But there was another dimension present in the struggle at the end of the seventies, one consisting of autonomous actions carried out by affinity groups formed for the duration of the action itself.At the time when we first published this counter-information we did so in order to make known and extend the whole dimension of armed struggle, and for this reason we chose to limit our criticism of the forms that struggle took. In reprinting it we are doing so with another aim: that of contributing to the struggle's qualitative development. Now that the need for an armed attack against capital and the State has become widely accept­ ed amongst comrades, it is time to work to extend the qualitative aspect that is spreading today using meth­ ods including sabotage against the structures of capital. This sabotage, usually carried out by small groups of comrades who have come together on the basis of af­ finity, is based on simple means that are available to anyone, and contains a strong element of creativity and joy in the knowledge that it is simple and effective to attack what is oppressing us directly, and that there is no need for endless documents of ideological justifica­ tion for doing so. This does not mean that arms in the 2 traditional sense of the word are no longer relevant or should be considered something to be used at some time far otfin the future. It is important to reflect on all these problems in order to develop and strengthen an efl:ective and intelligent revolutionary perspective. Introduction to the 1st Edition The key to the future is rebellion.As the multination­ als spread their hold throughout the world, changing their hosts as the demands of (overall) profit direct them, the trade unions are showing themselves to be obsolete as organisations of struggle, and actually di­ rect participants in capitalism's plan of restructuring. The advanced democratic State is ready to patron­ ise inquests in any sphere: prison reform, ecologi­ cal problems, debates on abortion, etc., in order to handle dissent and render it a manageable dynamic within the global project of social control, and some of the modern European States have shown them­ selves to be more astute in this prevision than others. We would say that Italy, although similar to Brit­ ain at an economic level where it shares its place as the weakest of the advanced industrialised countries, has less sophisticated means at its disposal with which to control the growing strata of those pushed to the margins of the process of production. In other words, it is not that Italy is a country in a more acute state of econonuc crisis than Britain, nor that, because here in Britain we do not read daily reports in our news­ papers about the burning of factorymanager 's cars, or the laming of journalists, that a situation of revolt at mass level does not also exist. It is not the politicised minority who create re­ volt, but the existence of exploitation. What we can say is that there is not a clearly politicised minor­ ity in Britain who, drawing their direction from the mass, are seeking to give it a wider perspective, that of generalised rebellion. Many factorscom e into play in this situation in our opinion, not least the one already mentioned: the State's capacity to recuperate margin­ al groups and give them a 'socially fulfilling' task such as involvement in adventure playgrounds, local hous­ ing, organised squatting projects, etc., allowing them a certain autonomy of movement, and very little excess energy for such activities as revolution. But we cannot blame the State for everything. We feel there exists a certain aristocratic tendency within the movement in Britain that denies the im­ portance of illegal action at grass roots level, and still persists in seeing rebellion in terms of the workers' movement. To this extent we fe el the following in­ formation, however incomplete, is a contribution to forming a more realistic vision of where the struggle lies today. 4 The chronology that follows is an important ele­ ment of counter-information concerning the situa­ tion of struggle in Italy. We do not claim this to be a fully representative picture. Many acts of rebellion never reach the press either because they are sup­ pressed or because, taken on their individual merit they arc too insignificant, as in the case of absentee­ ism, individual sabotage, and self-appropriation of goods. And it is in these areas more and more that the minority groups are finding the message that an intensification of the struggle is necessary. We hope, however, that something will emerge from this vast collection of data: that armed struggle in Italy today does not lie in the hands of a few professional mili­ tants, but that it is a way of being, a way of everyday life forhund reds of thousands of people, and that area is forever widening its field of attack. The young people who have been pushed to the margins of Italian capitalism are creating their own theory with their actions. They have realised not only that there is nothing for them within the pres­ ent structure, but also that they want nothing from it. They want to destroy it in every formit presents itself, and this involves not only institutions, but the people who make them function as such. Similar attitudes are also re-emerging among the employed workers within the context of the factory, following a period of relative stasis since the struggles of 1973. The result of this has been to create a situation of ideological crisis within the organised Left. On the one hand, the mass refusal of the system has not left the retrograde Left out of their radical critique; on the other these same groups are finding themselves confrontedwith a living situation of rebellion, leaving their abstract the­ ories of economic cycles in the cold. They are faced with the pertinent question:What are we going to do? Unfortunately in many cases the answer has been one that has been foundin the past by groups of a Stalinist character: that of policing the spontaneous movement. But it is not possible to draw a simple line of de­ marcation between 'authoritarian' groups that develop in such and such a way, and 'libertarian' groups that automatically find the truth of the moment in the mass struggle. Any group or tendency that considers itself'carrier of truth', and tries to impose its ideology on the situation, automatically takes the side of the counter-revolution, no matter how sweet the sound of their label is to our ears. This is not to say that such comrades are acting in bad faith.Ther e is an almost traditional lack of clarity on certain problems within the anarchist movement, which carries many to jump to the (ideological) defence of tendencies which they know only through historical eulogy and have never put into practice in the reality in which they are living.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Milan and the Memory of Piazza Fontana Elena Caoduro Terrorism
    Performing Reconciliation: Milan and the Memory of Piazza Fontana Elena Caoduro Terrorism was arguably the greatest challenge faced by Western Europe in the 1970s with the whole continent shaken by old resentments which turned into violent revolt: Corsican separatists in France, German speaking minorities in Italy’s South Tyrol, and Flemish nationalists in Belgium. Throughout that decade more problematic situations escalated in the Basque Provinces and Northern Ireland, where ETA and the Provisional IRA, as well as the Loyalist paramilitary groups (such as the UVF, and UDA) participated in long armed campaigns. According to Tony Judt, two countries in particular, West Germany and Italy, witnessed a different violent wave, as the radical ideas of 1968 did not harmlessly dissipate, but turned into a ‘psychosis of self- justifying aggression’ (2007, p. 469). In Italy, the period between 1969 and 1983, where political terrorism reached its most violent peak, is often defined as anni di piombo, ‘the years of lead’. This idiomatic expression derives from the Italian title given to Margarethe Von Trotta’s Die bleierne Zeit (1981, W. Ger, 106 mins.), also known in the UK as The German Sisters and in the USA as Marianne and Juliane.1 Following the film’s Golden Lion award at the 1981 Venice Film Festival, the catchy phrase ‘years of lead’ entered common language, and is now accepted as a unifying term for the various terrorist phenomena occurred in the long 1970s, both in Italy and West Germany. By the mid 1980s, however, terrorism had begun to decline in Italy. Although isolated episodes of left-wing violence continued to occur – two governmental consultants were murdered in 1999 and in 2002 respectively – special laws and the reorganisation of anti-terrorist police forces enabled its eradication, as did the 1 collaboration of many former radical militants.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cases of Rote Armee Fraktion and Brigate Rosse
    Araştırma Makalesi Research Article Factors behind the Rise and Fall of Left-Wing 469 Güvenlik Terrorism in Western Europe: Stratejileri The Cases of Rote Armee Fraktion Cilt: 15 Sayı: 31 and Brigate Rosse Batı Avrupa’da Sol Tandanslı Terörizmin Yükselişinin ve Düşüşünün Arkasındaki Faktörler: Kızıl Ordu Fraksiyonu ve Kızıl Tugaylar Örnekleri Göktuğ SÖNMEZ* Abstract The article discusses the rise and fall of the two famous left-wing terrorist groups, namely Rote Armee Fraktion and Brigate Rosse. After a brief discussion about left-wing extremism, following sections will focus on each group in more detail. After these sections, an analysis of 469 commonalities and differences about their rise and fall will be presented. Güvenlik It is expected that a causal mechanism will be fleshed out not only Stratejileri regarding left-wing terrorist groups but also terrorist groups all around Yıl: 8 the world regardless of their particular mind-set, which can both open up Sayı:16 space for future research and help devising more effective counter- terrorism strategies. Keywords: Rote Armee Fraktion, Brigate Rosse, extreme-left terrorism, Stasi, KGB. * Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Konya Necmettin Erbakan University, Department of International Relations; Director, Centre for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies, Security Studies,e-mail: [email protected]. Geliş Tarihi / Arrived: 06.05.2018 Kabul Tarihi / Accepted: 22.01.2019 Göktuğ SÖNMEZ 470 Öz Güvenlik Bu makale öne çıkan iki aşırı sol terörist grubu, Kızıl Ordu Stratejileri Fraksiyonu (Red Armee Fraktion-RAF) ve Kızıl Tugaylar (Brigate Rosse- Cilt: 15 BR) yapılanmalarını ele almaktadır. Aşırı sol terörizme dair kısa bir Sayı: 31 tartışmayı takip edecek bölümler bu grupların her birini daha detaylı biçimde ele alacaktır.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Organised Crime and Terrorism: Illicit Firearms Actors And
    237 Between organised crime and terrorism: ITALY Illicit firearms actors and market dynamics in Italy Francesco Strazzari and Francesca Zampagni The illicit trade in firearms has been a key area of international concern since the late 1990s,1 when large amounts of illicit firearms entered the European Union (EU) illicit firearms market after the end of the Cold War from stockpiles in neighbour- ing regions, especially the states of the former Yugoslavia. Moreover, since 2001 the threat of jihadist terrorism has been high on the EU agenda and with it the potential problem of arms trafficking to supply terrorist groups based in the EU.In a November 2012 speech Cecilia Malmström, the then-EU commissioner for home affairs, stated that the number of illicit firearms circulating in the EU exceeds the number of reg- istered hunters and sports shooters, which total approximately 10 million.2 More recently, the flaring up of armed conflicts close to the EU’s borders, for example in Ukraine, the Middle East and North Africa, has raised concerns about the emer- gence of new sources of illicit firearms to supply the European market. Italy was chosen as the subject of an in-depth study on illicit gun markets for several reasons. Firstly, the country plays a prominent role in the production of firearms in the EU and is considered a top global exporter of small arms and light weapons. According to TradeMap data, the volume of Italian firearms exports is increasing, with a value of US$806 million in 2016.3 Secondly, Italy hosts a wide spectrum of organised criminal groups that have been a serious cause of concern to the authori- ties for some time.
    [Show full text]
  • TERROR VANQUISHED the Italian Approach to Defeating Terrorism
    TERROR VANQUISHED The Italian Approach to Defeating Terrorism SIMON CLARK at George Mason University TERROR VANQUISHED The Italian Approach to Defeating Terrorism Simon Clark Copyright ©2018 Center for Security Policy Studies, Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University Library of Congress Control Number: 2018955266 ISBN: 978-1-7329478-0-1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without written permission from: The Center for Security Policy Studies Schar School of Policy and Government George Mason University 3351 Fairfax Avenue Arlington, Virginia 22201 www.csps.gmu.edu PHOTO CREDITS Cover: Dino Fracchia / Alamy Stock Photo Page 30: MARKA / Alamy Stock Photo Page 60: The Picture Art Collection / Alamy Stock Photo Page 72: Dino Fracchia / Alamy Stock Photo Page 110: Dino Fracchia / Alamy Stock Photo Publication design by Lita Ledesma Contents Foreword 5 Preface 7 Introduction 11 Chapter 1: The Italian Approach to Counter-Terrorism 21 Chapter 2: Post War Italian Politics: Stasis And Chaos 31 Chapter 3: The Italian Security Apparatus 43 Chapter 4: Birth of the Red Brigades: Years of Lead 49 Chapter 5: Attacking the Heart of the State 61 Chapter 6: Escalation, Repentance, Defeat 73 Chapter 7: State Sponsorship: a Comforting Illusion 81 Chapter 8: A Strategy for Psychological Warfare 91 Chapter 9: Conclusion: Defeating A Terrorist Threat 111 Bibliography 119 4 Terror Vanquished: The Italian Approach to Defeating Terrorism Foreword 5 Foreword It is my pleasure to introduce Terrorism Vanquished: the Italian Approach to Defeating Terror, by Simon Clark. In this compelling analysis, Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • SPS Working Paper Template 2013
    SPS 2014/01 Department of Political and Social Sciences Red Brigades and their Mimics: Italy 1969-1980 Valeria Pizzini-Gambetta European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences Red Brigades and Their Mimics: Italy 1969-1980 Valeria Pizzini-Gambetta EUI Working Paper SPS 2014/01 Forthcoming in D.Gambetta (editor), Fight, Flight, Mimic. Identity Signalling in Armed Conflicts, under review This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. ISSN 1725-6755 © Valeria Pizzini-Gambetta, 2014 Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Abstract This paper investigates group-identity signalling among violent extremists in Italy between 1969 and 1980—with particular focus on the left-wing urban guerrilla organisation known as Brigate Rosse. Other groups both from the left and right end of the political spectrum will be taken into account for comparative purposes. Starting from the definition of political violence as propaganda by the deed this paper focuses on how underground groups manage their communicative purposes. It addresses how groups designed their claiming signature, the threat posed by unauthorized use of those signatures, and the strategies to protect them from deceptive mimics of various sorts (criminals, political adversaries and competitors).
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 3. Knowledge Exchange and Collaboration in Italy
    3. KNOWLEDGE EXCHANGE AND COLLABORATION IN ITALY 69 Chapter 3. Knowledge exchange and collaboration in Italy Knowledge exchange between higher education institutions (HEIs) and other stakeholders is an important catalyst for innovation, the advancement of teaching and research, and local development. It is a continuous and bidirectional process, which includes the stimulation and direct application and exploitation of knowledge for the benefit of the social, cultural and economic development of society. This chapter begins with an introduction discussing theoretical aspects of knowledge exchange – including university- industry collaborations – followed by a section describing the Italian case and discussing challenges and opportunities. Importantly, the chapter benefits from information gathered in a stakeholder workshop held at the University of Milan “Bicocca” in May 2019. Policy recommendations conclude the chapter. SUPPORTING ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND INNOVATION IN HIGHER EDUCATION IN ITALY © OECD/EUROPEAN UNION 2019 70 3. KNOWLEDGE EXCHANGE AND COLLABORATION IN ITALY Knowledge exchange: An introduction Many OECD countries and emerging economies have been developing policy initiatives to promote knowledge exchange between HEIs and key actors of national and local innovation systems. These initiatives may take the form of policy instruments specifically promoting knowledge exchange, or governance mechanisms to connect HEIs with government and wider societal actors and the business sector (OECD, 2017). Many mechanisms to promote these activities at the national and subnational policy levels, as well within the university, exist. These mechanisms include, for instance, a well-designed framework for intellectual property rights (IPRs), national funding stream designated to promote knowledge exchange activities, innovation vouchers to encourage businesses to work with HEIs, and the reward and promotion criteria for academics to engage with different knowledge users.
    [Show full text]
  • Ryder, Emily Jennifer Hana (2015) Memory, Perception, Reception: Following the Fate of the Victims of Italy's Anni Di Piombo Through the Writing of Their Children
    n Ryder, Emily Jennifer Hana (2015) Memory, perception, reception: following the fate of the victims of Italy's anni di piombo through the writing of their children. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7056/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] Memory, Perception, Reception: Following the fate of the victims of Italy’s anni di piombo through the writing of their children. Emily Jennifer Hana Ryder Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of PhD School of Modern Languages and Cultures College of Arts University of Glasgow January 2016 Abstract This thesis considers some of those who were killed in politically-motivated attacks, often referred to as ‘terrorism’, which took place during Italy’s anni di piombo. Six works written by victims’ children will be used as a lens through which to examine the collective memory and the victims’ place therein. In recent years, there has been a shift in the way that this period of Italian history - the anni di piombo – has been remembered.
    [Show full text]
  • The Contentious Italians
    The Contentious Italians: The Genesis, Evolution, and Decline of the 1968-1978 Protest Cycle Tommaso Pavone - [email protected] March 21, 2015 1 Introduction: A Decade of Italian Contention \They told me of their battles with the police, and it was a pitiless account. There were the policemen heavy with sweat and tiredness, weighted down by their gunbelts and their bags full of tear gas canisters; and cir- cling round and round them were the students, dressed in their light trousers and teeshirts and plimsolls . Recounting all this while continually interrupting one another, they burst out laughing . I began to laugh too, and we all started laughing, first ten of us, then twenty, then fifty, until the whole hall in the Faculty of Letters was full of that bitter, unjoyful laughter." - Eugenio Scalfari, La Repubblica journalist, at Rome's La Sapienza University in 1969.1 \In the factories, they are destroying all constituted authority, they are dismantling the instruments which the bosses use to control and divide them, they are overcoming the taboos which until now have kept them as slaves." - Luigi Bobbio, founder of Lotta Continua (\Continuous Struggle"), in 1969.2 \We shared the idea that the armed struggle, beside its historical necessity, was also an occasion to build human relations which had to be, I don't know how to say, absolute, based on the readiness to die." - Marco, Prima Linea (\Front Line") militant, recalling the mid-1970s.3 The foregoing quotations constitute a series of snapshots of the most tumoltuous period of postwar Italian politics. From the late 1960s through the late 1970s, Italian society pulsed with the thrill of confrontation, quaked with the fear of bombings and kidnappings, and quivered with the cacophony of protest.
    [Show full text]
  • Women, Terrorism, and Trauma in Italian Culture
    Copyrighted Material - 9781137294067 Women, Terrorism, and Trauma in Italian Culture Ruth Glynn Copyrighted Material - 9781137294067 Copyrighted Material - 9781137294067 women, terrorism, and trauma in italian culture Copyright © Ruth Glynn, 2013. All rights reserved. First published in 2013 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States— a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN: 978- 1- 137- 29406- 7 Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Glynn, Ruth. Women, terrorism, and trauma in Italian culture / Ruth Glynn. p. cm.— (Italian and Italian American studies) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978- 1- 137- 29406- 7 1. Terrorism in mass media. 2. Women terrorists— Italy. 3. Terrorism— Social aspects— Italy. I. Title. P96.T472I845 2013 363.325082'0945— dc23 2012038084 A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Scribe Inc. First edition: February 2013 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Copyrighted Material - 9781137294067 Copyrighted Material - 9781137294067 Contents Acknowledgments
    [Show full text]
  • Nemla Italian Studies Journal of Italian Studies Italian Section Northeast Modern Language Association
    Nemla Italian Studies Journal of Italian Studies Italian Section Northeast Modern Language Association Special Issue: Italy in WWII and the Transition to Democracy: Memory, Fiction, Histories Editors: Franco Baldasso New York University Simona Wright The College of New Jersey Volume XXXVI, 2014 Nemla Italian Studies (ISSN 1087-6715) Is a refereed journal published by the Italian section of the Northeast Modern Language Association under the sponsorship of NeMLA and The College of New Jersey Department of World Languages and Cultures 2000 Pennington Road Ewing, NJ 08628-0718 It contains a section of articles submitted by NeMLA members and Italian scholars, and exceprts from published and unpublished authors. Participation is open to those who qualify under the general NeMLA regulations and comply with the guidelines established by the editors of NeMLA Italian Studies. Essays appearing in this journal are listed in the PMLA and Italica. Each issue of the journal is listed in PMLA Directory of Periodicals, Ulrich International Periodicals Directory, Interdok Directory of Public Proceedings, I.S.I. Index to Social Sciences and Humanities Proceedings. Institutional subscription is obtained by placing a standing order with the editor at the above The College of New Jersey address. Individual subscription is optained by subscribing online through the NeMLA Italian Studies webpage: www.nemla.org. Each new or back issue is billed $10 at mailing. ********************* ii iii Editorial Board for This Volume Founder Joseph Germano, Buffalo State College
    [Show full text]
  • Armed Struggle in Italy, 1976-1978
    Armed struggle in Italy, 1976-1978 Full text of a booklet containing a chronology of and documents on the armed struggle during the decline of the mass social movements in Italy in the 1960s and 1970s. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION INTRODUCTION PREFACE OUR ROLE IN THE PRESENT CONFLICT DIFFUSED URBAN GUERRILLA PRISON REVOLTS PRISONS, COURTS AND THE LEGAL HIERARCHY EXPROPRIATION VICTIMS OF REPRESSION SWEAT LABOUR POLITICIANS AND PARTY HEADQUARTERS TRADES UNIONS FACTORIES AND THE INDUSTRIAL HIERARCHY STATE OFFICES HEROIN PUSHERS ATTACKS AGAINST THE POLICE RESTRUCTURING REPRESSION ANTI-INSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT, REVOLUTIONARY VIOLENCE, ARMED STRUGGLE. SOME REFLECTIONS. TOWARDS THE GENERALISATION OF ARMED STRUGGLE ON THE PROBLEM OF ARMED STRUGGLE FORWARD COMRADES! INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION The years covered by this pamphlet mark an important period for the whole of the movement against capital. It was at this time that the antagonist movement in Italy finally shed all its taboos concerning destruction, violence and the use of arms against the class enemy. It became normal to respond to the humiliation and tyranny of capitalism with the arms considered to be the most effective for doing so, and acts of violence by bosses, police and fascists found an immediate response both in the streets and in specific retaliatory actions against them. During this period a vast quantity of groups and struggle organisations emerged, convinced of the need to extend and heighten the armed struggle against capital. Many of these, in keeping with their leninist convictions, reached the conclusion that capitalism's final crisis had arrived, that victory was near and that it was time to fight the State on its own terms, in closed militaristic organisations (the armed wing of the proletariat) aimed at taking over and directing first the struggle, then the State.
    [Show full text]
  • RED BRIGADES Red Brigades
    RED BRIGADES Red Brigades The Story of Italian Terrorism Robert C. Meade, Jr. Foreword by Richard N. Gardner Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978-1-349-20306-2 ISBN 978-1-349-20304-8 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-20304-8 ©Robert C. Meade, Jr., 1990 Foreword© Richard N. Gardner, 1990 Softcover reprint ofthe hardcover 1st edition 1990 978-0-333-49931-3 All rights reserved. For information, write: Scholarly and Reference Division, Sl Martin's Press, Inc., 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 First published in the United States of America in 1990 ISBN 978-0-312-03593-8 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Meade, Robert C., 1949- The Red Brigades: the story of Italian terrorism/Robert C. Meade, Jr. P· em. Bibliography: P. Includes index. ISBN 978-0-312-03593-8 1. Brigate rosse-History. 2. Terrorism-Italy-History. I. Title. HV6433.18M4 1990 364.1'0945-dc20 89-34719 CIP For my parents and Mary Jo 'Intolerance contradicts the reason for being of the democratic state. Violence is the precise antithesis of it. Intolerance and violence, the reasoning of partisanship as against the objectivity of the law, appear as grave signs of a crisis of the State that must be overcome and overcome rapidly. Intolerance is inconceivable when all is dialogue in our society. Violence is inadmissable and absurd when what is involved is not struggling against the exercise of arbitrary power, but contesting the difficult creation of the free consciences of all the citizens, the order that has been created by liberty and that is open to all the evolutions that liberty, without any limit, makes possible.' - Aldo Moro (1976) 'This disorganized and discordant Italy is, however, infinitely more rich and alive than the more or less well ordered Italy of the past.
    [Show full text]