Women, Terrorism, and Trauma in Italian Culture

Home , Margherita Cagol, Prima Linea, Red Brigades

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Ruth Glynn

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First published in 2013 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States— a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.

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ISBN: 978-1- 137- 29406- 7

Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data

Glynn, Ruth. Women, terrorism, and trauma in Italian culture / Ruth Glynn. p. cm.— (Italian and Italian American studies) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1- 137- 29406- 7 1. Terrorism in mass media. 2. Women terrorists— Italy. 3. Terrorism— Social aspects— Italy. I. Title.

P96.T472I845 2013 363.325082'0945—dc23 2012038084

A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library.

Design by Scribe Inc.

First edition: February 2013

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Contents

Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The anni di piombo, Women, and Trauma 1 1 Approaching Women, Terror, and Trauma in Cultural Perspective 17 2 Press Representations of Italian Women Terrorists 39 3 Feminizing Terror: Pentitismo and the Cinema of Containment 73 4 Writing the Terrorist Self 99 5 Refeminizing the Female Terrorist 127 6 Romancing the Female Terrorist 151 7 Between Myth and Maternity: The Women of the “New Red Brigades” 177 Afterword 205 Notes 211 Bibliography 265 Index 283

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Introduction

The anni di piombo, Women, and Trauma

n March 2003, a routine inspection of identity papers on a train in Tus- Icany ended in a shoot- out between transport police and members of a terrorist formation known to the Italian public as the “Nuove brigate rosse” [New Red Brigades]. Two people lost their lives in the incident: Emanuele Petri, a local police officer, and Mario Galesi, a member of the terrorist organization. Galesi’s companion, Nadia Lioce, was restrained at the scene and subsequently arrested; soon thereafter, she was unveiled as the leader of the New Red Brigades and the mastermind behind the organization’s killing of Italian government consultants Massimo D’Antona in 1999 and Marco Biagi in 2002. Far from a curiosity, Lioce was but the latest in a long line of Italian women who had dedicated their lives to the political ideals of a proscribed organization and who had taken up arms in pursuit of those ideals. By the time of Lioce’s arrest in 2003, the Italian public was well acquainted with the historical fact (if not always the detail) of women’s involvement in terrorist organizations. The earliest known female terrorist, Margherita Cagol—a founding member of Italy’s most infamous terrorist organization, the Red Brigades (BR), and the first of their number to be killed in action— had attained the status of popular icon or cult figure, admired, romanticized, and mourned by a certain section of the left- wing public.1 More recently, a number of prominent former members of terrorist organizations— among them Adriana Faranda, Barbara Balzerani, and Susanna Ronconi on the political Left, and Francesca Mambro on the Right— have enjoyed a rela- tively high public profile, not only for their involvement in the crimes of the period of Italian history known as the anni di piombo (“years of lead,” c. 1969–83), but also for their appearances on television shows dedicated to those years and for the various publications in which they recount their experience of armed struggle.2

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2 WOMEN, TERRORISM, AND TRAUMA IN ITALIAN CULTURE

As reactions to Nadia Lioce’s presence at the helm of the New Red Bri- gades and as the disproportionate attention granted female terrorists in the corpus of cultural production dedicated to the anni di piombo serve to demonstrate, the phenomenon of female perpetration exerts a particularly strong traumatic valence in Italian culture. Throughout the history of Italian terrorism and its representation, individual women and the female component of terrorist organizations as a whole have been disproportionately subject to intense public debate, media scrutiny, and cultural representation. Whether vilified, belittled, or spectacularized, women’s involvement in acts of political aggression has been viewed very differently than that of men and subjected to far more anxious— and often idiosyncratic— attempts to explain it. Consequently, women’s participation in Italian terrorist organizations has long been the subject of statistical, historical, and psychological studies, as well as of journalistic review. Yet, despite the prevalence of representations dedicated to women’s participation in terrorism and the influence such representations tend to have on public perceptions of political violence, cultural production has been sorely neglected in the scholarly literature treating the contribution of women to the violence of the anni di piombo. The critical corpus constitutes only a handful of books focused on press representations of women terrorists (especially Mar- gherita Cagol) and a small number of widely dispersed articles addressing writings by women terrorists or cinematic representations of women associated with terrorism.3 This book is intended to rectify the situation and to bridge a gulf in the scholarly literature. It provides the first sustained analysis of cultural representations of women and terrorism in Italy and brings to the study of the anni di piombo a unique focus on the traumatic import of women’s participation in political violence. It advances a new, gendered critique of trauma theory and demonstrates how Italian cultural production— which persistently construes women’s participation as an intensification or escalation of the threat posed by domestic terrorism—may be read as symptomatic of the collective and cultural trauma associated with female- gendered violence. Central to the argument is a recognition that the trauma of the female terrorist is closely bound up with the challenge she poses to the established social order and to the ideological premises underlying the gendered nature of social organization. However, before elucidating the specific mechanisms at work in cultural representations of women’s participation in political violence, it is pertinent to provide a brief overview of the events of the anni di piombo and to clarify what is—and is not— intended by the use of the terms terrorism and anni di piombo.

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THE ANNI DI PIOMBO, WOMEN, AND TRAUMA 3

Events and Problems of Terminology

Between 1969 and 1983, a total of 697 different entities claimed responsibility for more than 14,000 terrorist attacks in Italy, resulting in 374 deaths and more than 1,170 injuries.4 As recounted in the numerous studies dedicated to the phenomenon, violence was employed by extremists on both sides of the political divide, with the Red Brigades and Prima Linea leading the attack on the Left, and Avanguardia Nazionale, Ordine Nuovo, and the Nuclei Armati Proletari the most prominent groups on the Right.5 The earlier years of the period (1969– 74) saw the emergence of political violence primarily as a practice of the Far Right, characterized predominantly by indiscriminate bombings of public spaces tactically designed to cause maximum injury and panic. The bombings—the most devastat- ing of which took place in Milan’s Piazza Fontana (1969), Brescia’s Piazza della Loggia (1974), the Italicus train (1974), and Bologna’s railway station (1980)— formed part of a right- wing “strategy of tension,” which sought to pass off acts of public violence as the work of left-wing activists in order to pave the way for the imposition of military rule. In that strategy of tension, the Italian state itself was implicated, with the highest orders of the secret service found to be involved in orchestrating right- wing atrocities.6 From the mid- 1970s on, Italy’s Far Left responded to what was viewed as state- sponsored violence with violent tactics of its own, targeting for “pro- letarian trials,” beatings, kidnappings, and shootings individual representatives of their capitalist adversaries: the large industrial corporations, the security forces, the procapitalist mainstream media, and the Italian state.7 The levels of violence gradually intensified, culminating in the watershed episode of left-wing political violence: the Red Brigades’ 1978 kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, party president of the ruling Christian Demo- crats, and the annihilation of his security team. Harrowing though it was, this episode signaled the beginning of the end for left- wing terrorism. The murder of the hostage led to an internal split within the Red Brigades, to the alienation of their passive supporters, and to the introduction of a series of policing and legislative initiatives that would prove extremely successful in containing the threat of political violence. A series of mass arrests in the years 1981–83 effectively brought a halt to the reign of terror. In the overview of events presented previously, and throughout this book, I make liberal use of the terms terrorism and terrorist. It should be noted, however, that there is no universally agreed understanding—legal or academic— of what terrorism is.8 At a legal level, governments, state bod- ies, and international agencies employ a range of diverse and often impre- cise definitions of terrorism. In academic circles, one of the few points of consensus around issues of typology and definition is the difficulty

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4 WOMEN, TERRORISM, AND TRAUMA IN ITALIAN CULTURE of producing a precise, concrete, and truly explanatory definition of the phenomenon. If in 1983 Alex Schmid had to contend with more than 100 different definitions of terrorism in an attempt to produce a broadly acceptable and reasonably comprehensive explication of the term, a repeti- tion of the exercise in 2011 presented a field of 250 definitions, signaling the increased difficulty of reaching academic consensus on the nature of the object of study.9 For his part, Walter Laqueur has consistently despaired of such efforts to define terrorism and, in the most recent edition of his monumental work on the subject, concludes that “a comprehensive definition of terrorism [ . . . ] does not exist nor will it be found in the foresee- able future.”10 The difficulties in agreeing on a universal, legally binding definition arise from the fact that the term terrorism is politically and emotionally charged. As Bruce Hoffman outlines, “terrorism is a pejorative term. It is a word with intrinsically negative connotations that is generally applied to one’s enemies and opponents, or to those with whom one disagrees and would otherwise prefer to ignore.”11 Brian Jenkins likewise observes that the “use of the term implies a moral judgment; and if one party can successfully attach the label terrorist to its opponent, then it has indirectly persuaded others to adopt its moral viewpoint.”12 What underlies such dec- larations by terrorism studies scholars is an unarticulated understanding that individuals and organizations do not become terrorist through acts of aggression alone; rather, they must be fashioned as such through conventions of representation and discourse, conventions that are inherently bound up with relations of power and prone to ideological exploitation.13 The terms terrorism and terrorist are, therefore, extremely contentious and subject to abuse, particularly on the part of state actors. But the situation is further exacerbated in discussions of the Italian experience of political violence during the anni di piombo for the simple reason that the existence of a distinct term, stragismo, to designate the right-wing practice of indiscriminate bombings of public spaces means that the term terrorismo has tended to be equated with the actions of left-wing organizations alone. It is therefore imperative to clarify at the outset that, although my focus on cultural representations of women associated with political violence necessarily involves a concentration on the left-wing organizations where their presence was most evident, it is not intended to deny the part played by right- wing organizations and agents of the Italian state in the political violence and terrorism of the anni di piombo. Nor is the deployment of the terms terrorism and terrorist intended to categorize or pass judgment on the particular acts or agents of political violence studied; rather, it is to acknowledge that those particular acts or agents are—sometimes

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THE ANNI DI PIOMBO, WOMEN, AND TRAUMA 5 implicitly but, more usually, explicitly— constructed as terrorist within the ideological and textual economy of the cultural representations analyzed. The term anni di piombo is equally problematic. It has been observed that, in its metaphorical allusion to bullets, it—like terrorism— is sugges- tive only of left-wing violence in Italy and appears to explicitly exclude reference to the violent strategies of right-wing groups. However, despite its limitations, the term has gained common currency in Italy and is increasingly intended to embrace the whole spectrum of political violence, whether state- sponsored, right- wing, or left- wing. The temporal span encompassed by the term has also been subject to interpretative incon- sistencies, but in recent years agreement has begun to cohere around the years 1969–83 as the temporal limits of the period in which violence was most vigorously pursued as part of a political strategy that impacted con- siderably on the lives of ordinary Italians and their interaction with public spheres and spaces.14 Although political violence persisted long after 1983, it did so in a much more sporadic fashion than before and was uncharac- teristic of the broader social and political landscape that came to domi- nate after the mass arrests of the early 1980s. For the reasons outlined, my deployment of the term anni di piombo throughout this book is in accordance with the broader understanding of its political scope and the more recent conceptualization of its temporal limits. An additional qualification is, however, required. In delimiting the temporal scope of the anni di piombo, it is not intended to characterize the years between 1969 and 1983 solely or even predominantly in relation to political violence; rather, it is intended to allude explicitly to the experience of political violence within those years. Readers should bear in mind that, for many Italians, that same period was a time of great optimism, a time in which the force of creative thinking and collective action could bring about progressive and enduring social change. As Anna Cento Bull and Adal- gisa Giorgio have reminded us, it was a period in Italian history in which “previously marginalized social groups raised their voices and demanded better representation, in the face of a society with politics which were fun- damentally authoritarian and hierarchical.”15 Young women were among those who benefited most from the social and legislative advances of the period, and only a very small minority of them would end up sacrificing their newfound freedom to militate in armed organizations. Yet, as cultural representations devoted to the phenomenon suggests, the legacy of their actions has been even more complex and profound than they themselves could have foreseen.

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6 WOMEN, TERRORISM, AND TRAUMA IN ITALIAN CULTURE

The Female Face of Italian Terrorism and the Feminist Question

Knowledge of women’s participation in the political violence of the anni di piombo is necessarily limited to those women who were processed by the law; it excludes from consideration women— possibly the majority— whose contribution was restricted to providing support to underground members of outlawed organizations. The first major study devoted to women’s participation in such organizations was provided by Leonard Weinberg and William Lee Eubank in 1987. Their biographical survey of 2,512 individuals arrested or for whom arrest warrants were issued between 1970 and 1984 revealed that 451 (18 percent) were female, and the overwhelm- ing majority—more than 90 percent—were wanted in association with left- wing terrorism.16 Regardless of their political affiliation, however, the majority of women had become involved in armed organizations at a later stage than their male counterparts: 90 percent of the women in the study had been arrested or identified as terrorists after 1977, and, for the most part, the groups to which they belonged, such as the left-wing Prima Linea and the neofascist Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari, were formed in 1976– 77. In the case of the Red Brigades, the most enduring of the left- wing organizations (it was founded in 1970), more than 91 percent of female members had become involved only after the original “historical nucleus” had been arrested and the organization underwent a process of transformation and intensification of violence in the mid- 1970s (Weinberg and Eubank, 249). It is only when considered in relation to women’s involvement in political activity in Italy more generally that the true significance of the statistics relating to female participation in armed organizations during the anni di piombo becomes apparent. Women’s involvement in all forms of politics (institutional, issue-led, and feminist) grew throughout the 1970s, but this was very poorly reflected in representative politics, with the Chamber of Deputies registering a female presence of 2.8 percent in 1968 and a high of 8.7 percent in 1979.17 In contrast, a 1992 study by Luisella de Cataldo Neuberger and Tiziana Valentini revealed that the percentage of women among the membership of left- wing armed organizations averaged 20 percent overall but varied between 13 percent and 33 percent in individual organizations.18 The same study also found that the number of female leaders of a given organization tended to reflect female participation in the group as a whole. For instance, the short-lived Comunisti Organiz- zati per la Liberazione Proletaria (COLP) had the highest percentage of women of all armed organizations (33 percent) and a prevalence of women in the command structure. The leadership of Prima Linea consisted of 3 women and 10 men, a distribution that saw a notably higher participation of women in the leadership of the organization (23 percent) than in

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THE ANNI DI PIOMBO, WOMEN, AND TRAUMA 7 its overall membership (17 percent). Similarly, the leadership of the Red Brigades was composed over time by 12 men and 7 women, which again represented a higher proportion of women among the leaders (37 percent) than among the membership of the organization as a whole (31 percent).19 In the realms of institutional politics, in contrast, only 2 women can be considered to have occupied leadership roles at any point during the anni di piombo: the Christian Democrat politician Tina Anselmi, who became the first female member of an Italian cabinet as Minister for Labour in 1976, and the Italian Communist Party’s Nilde Iotti, who became the first female president of Italy’s Chamber of Deputies in 1979. The considerable presence of women in all ranks of armed organizations at a time in which the Italian women’s movement was reaching its peak resulted in a tendency on the part of the establishment to view women’s participation in political violence as inherently feminist in nature and as an evolution not of the student or workers’ movements but of the women’s movement. For that reason, the topic has been of particular interest to feminist scholars, many of whom were striving to articulate a feminist con- sciousness at the height of the terrorist violence. Moreover, because feminism was frequently charged with responsibility for female participation in armed organizations, feminists found themselves having to respond to that charge and to answer for the choices made by their politically militant sisters. Yet, although it is undoubtedly the case that women’s involvement in the political violence of the anni di piombo was facilitated by the sweep- ing social reforms of the 1960s and 1970s that also gave rise to the feminist movement, there is little evidence of any direct or even strong relation between the women involved in armed organizations and feminist groups. Although individual women may have been influenced by feminism and their participation in politics the result of advances won by the women’s movement, only two terrorist organizations, Prima Linea and COLP— the latter described by a leading member of the former as “una sorta di ‘matriarcato combattente’” [a sort of “combatant matriarchy”]—included a significant number of women whose previous history involved militant feminism.20 Beyond those isolated cases, the feminist experience in Italy was divorced from, rather than allied to, the revolutionary groups of either Right or Left (Passerini, 69).

The anni di piombo, Collective Memory, and Cultural Trauma

If the reemergence of domestic terrorism in Italy at the turn of the millennium indicated that the violent history of the anni di piombo should not be ignored, public reactions to the New Red Brigades suggested that

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8 WOMEN, TERRORISM, AND TRAUMA IN ITALIAN CULTURE the memory of the violence could not readily be erased. Media coverage of the murders of Massimo D’Antona and Marco Biagi was shaped and colored by the historical experience of the anni di piombo; the present reality was almost obsessively filtered through the lens of the past, and endless comparisons were drawn with the bombings, kidnappings, and shootings that had beleaguered social and political interaction in Italy in the 1970s and early 1980s. Although the latest manifestation of the terrorist threat was, in reality, much less significant than had been claimed by the New Red Brigades, the disproportionately heightened level of anxiety generated by their emergence indicated that the psychological impact of the widespread and enduring political violence of the anni di piombo was still intensely acute and readily experienced by the Italian public thirty years on. Recent scholarship in the field of collective psychology has emphasized that trauma is a “socially mediated attribution”: Jeffrey Alexander, for instance, has stipulated that in order “for traumas to emerge at the level of the collectivity, social crises must become cultural crises,” and that such a development occurs when “collective actors ‘decide’ to represent social pain as a fundamental threat” to the collective’s sense of identity.21 A major premise of this book is that Italy’s exposure to the prolonged and pervasive experience of political violence during the anni di piombo generated such a cultural crisis. Indeed, the heightened response to the emergence of the New Red Brigades, coupled with the long-unacknowledged psychological impact of the violent past, signals that Italian culture had previously developed in relation to the experience of political violence in the anni di piombo a defensive amnesia symptomatic of trauma, or psychological wound. The cultural critic Leigh Gilmore describes trauma as “the self-altering, even self-shattering experience of violence, injury, and harm.”22 Gilmore is among those theorists for whom collective responses to violence present evident continuities with individual reactions to the same, so that, just as traumatized individuals are subject to mechanisms of psychic repression, amnesia, and reenactment of the traumatic past, so too “cultural memory [ . . . ] develops characteristic and defensive amnesia with which those who have experienced trauma must contend” (31). Gilmore’s understanding derives in large part from the work of psychiatrist Judith Herman, who has paid particular attention to collective psychological responses to prolonged experiences of political violence. Herman’s findings suggest that “in the aftermath of systematic political violence, entire communities can display symptoms of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, trapped in alternat- ing cycles of numbing and intrusion, silence and reenactment. [ . . . ] Like traumatised individuals, traumatised countries need to remember, grieve, and atone for their wrongs in order to avoid reliving them.”23

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THE ANNI DI PIOMBO, WOMEN, AND TRAUMA 9

Evidence of the traumatic impact of Italy’s experience of political violence during the anni di piombo is readily available. At the level of the state, the operation of a form of posttraumatic “hypervigilance” may be identified in the continued existence and normalization of emergency legislation that was introduced at the height of the terrorist threat but never repealed.24 It is also evident in the active suppression of official documentation relating to the anni di piombo, in accordance with a logic of “state secrecy” that bears no relation to the current political reality. At a wider cultural level, the traumatic import of the experience of political violence may be perceived in the collective drive to inhibit recollection and to silence discussion of the anni di piombo, once the threat of that violence was deemed to have passed. The mass arrests of the early- to- mid 1980s and the subsequent imprison- ment of more than five thousand citizens encouraged a conflict-weary Ital- ian public to put the violence of the anni di piombo behind them and to embrace the heady consumerism of the postideological 1980s. The pervasive desire to close the book on the violent memories of the anni di piombo and the cultural amnesia that operated in the wake of the violence resulted, in the 1990s, in high levels of ignorance among Italy’s youth with respect to the events and culpabilities of the anni di piombo. It would lead to the collective understanding of the anni di piombo being subjected to what Tom Behan has termed “an enormous historical distortion.”25 Evidence of that distortion—which saw right-wing and state responsibilities whitewashed from public memory— was already available in 1991, when the satirical magazine, Cuore, published a series of essays by Milanese school children on the bombing of Piazza Fontana in 1969; many of the essays displayed little understanding about the bombing or its aftermath, and a majority attributed responsibility for the atrocity not to right- wing collaboration with the secret services but to the Red Brigades.26 A similar lack of knowledge among the youthful component of his audi- ences was registered, with some shock, by Dario Fo in 1998:

Abbiamo notato, sopratutto nei giovani, una disinformazione impression- ante riguardante il clima, le vicende politiche di quel tempo. Mentre racco- ntavamo certi particolari, certi passaggi, ci guardavano allocchiti e allochiti siamo rimasti quando abbiamo scoperto che questi giovani non sapevano nulla nemmeno delle bombe, delle stragi e delle truffe giudiziarie di Stato, avvenute trent’anni fa.27

[We noted, especially in young people, a striking level of disinformation about the climate and the political events of that time. While we were recounting certain details, certain passages, they were dumbfounded, and then we were dumbfounded when we discovered that these young people

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10 WOMEN, TERRORISM, AND TRAUMA IN ITALIAN CULTURE

knew nothing at all about the events of thirty years ago, the bombs, the mas- sacres, and the judicial deceitfulness of the state.]

By the time of Fo’s pronouncement, however, Italy was at least beginning to recognize the traumatic legacy of the anni di piombo and to pro- mote efforts to work through its effects. Indeed, Fo’s pronouncement itself signals that Italy was starting to transcend the period of psychic incubation or latency characteristic of traumatic elaboration. As Bernhard Giesen has observed, “collective traumas [ . . . ] require a time of latency before they can be acted out, spoken about, and worked through.”28 Similarly, Joshua Hirsch has identified that “a temporal interval in the psychic development of a society that has suffered a massive blow ensures that a discourse of trauma arises only in a period after the initial encounter with a trauma and before its ultimate assimilation.”29 Such a discourse of trauma— usually expressed in terms of ferita [wound], dolore [pain], or lutto [mourning]— began to emerge in Italy in the mid- to- late 1990s, in the context of a series of political and penal reforms. The demise of Italy’s First Republic in 1992 and the associated reform of the political and electoral systems encouraged the institutions of the state to revisit the experience of political violence and to investigate the possibilities of working toward a form of legal “rec- onciliation” with former terrorists. Preliminary consultations with inter- ested parties on the possibility of granting an indulto (a form of pardon) to former terrorists culminated in July 1997, when the Italian Parliament’s Judiciary Committee opened the debate on a proposed law designed to reduce the sentence served by those incarcerated for terrorism-related crimes committed before 1989. Although those debates would come to abrupt end with the New Red Brigades’ murder of Massimo d’Antona in 1999, the process galvanized an extensive revisitation of the recent past and witnessed the publication of a wide range of histories, memoirs (especially those written by former terrorists), and films treating the anni di piombo.30 The result was that, by the twentieth anniversary of Aldo Moro’s kidnapping and death in 1998 and the thirtieth anniversary of the Piazza Fon- tana bombing in 1999, the anni di piombo had begun to be addressed in its traumatic legacy. A more generalized global focus on terrorism in the wake of the al- Qaeda attacks on the East Coast of the United States on September 11, 2001, further served to propel Italy’s historical experience of terrorism to the forefront of political debate and cultural activity.31 Thus the first decade of the new millennium witnessed a concerted and intensive interrogation of the events and legacy of the anni di piombo in historiogra- phy and cultural production alike.

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Index

Abraham, Nicolas, and Maria Torok, Diavolo in corpo, 13– 14, 77, 92– 98, 222n13, 259n14 237n51, 244n34 Agostino, Piero, 211n3, 223n15 Benedetti, Amadeo, 257n1 Alexander, Jeffrey, 8 Bernini, Franco, Le mani forti, 128, Algranati, Rita, 242n16 246n6, 253n2 Alison, Miranda, 23, 24, 27, 217n16, Bertolucci, Giuseppe, Segreti segreti, 218n28 13– 14, 77, 81, 84– 89, 91– 92, 93, Allen, Beverley, 73–74, 84, 96, 97, 95, 96, 97, 263n62 231n3, 232n4 Biagi, Marco, 1, 8, 100, 141, 152, 177– Alunni, Corrado, 63, 229n66 78, 181, 182, 185, 192, 196, 198, anni di piombo, 1– 2, 4– 5, 6– 12, 14, 15, 200 28– 29, 30, 32, 36, 37, 40, 41, 71, Bignami, Maurizio, 134, 137– 38, 73, 75, 84, 91– 92, 95–102, 104, 247n18 106– 7, 109– 10, 118, 124– 25, 127– Blefari Melazzi, Diana, 182, 183 32, 140– 42, 147, 149– 50, 152– 54, Bloom, Mia, 18 161– 64, 169, 174, 179– 84, 190, Bologna railway station bombing, 3, 198, 202, 205– 9, 212, 232n6 103, 107, 115, 212n6, 215n31, legacy of, 5, 10, 11– 12, 36, 100, 102, 222n12, 244n33 152, 159, 163, 164, 169, 181, Borelli, Giulia, 132–39, 153, 247n18, 202, 205, 209 254n9 Arcagni, Simone, 238n59 Braghetti, (Anna) Laura, 103, 104, 117, Avanguardia Nazionale, 3 118, 142– 43, 145, 148– 49 Braghetti, Anna Laura, and Paola Bachelet, padre Adolfo, 120, 247n13 Tavella, Il prigioniero, 103, 142– 46, Bachelet, Vittorio, 103, 118, 143 148– 49, 239n2, 242n15 Balzerani, Barbara, 1, 63, 104, 161, 162, Braghetti, Laura, and Francesca 240n3 Mambro, Nel cerchio della Compagna luna, 102, 104, 105, 107, prigione, 102, 103, 105, 106– 7, 118, 120– 24, 239n2 110, 114– 20, 124, 239n2, 244n33, Bandirali, Luca, 253n52 250n2, 254n8, 257n29 Banelli, Cinzia, 15, 182–83, 185, 190– Brigate rosse. See Red Brigades 96, 199, 200, 201, 202– 3, 259n20 Brook, Clodagh, 95, 238n56, 251n40 Behan, Tom, 9 Buonanno, Milly, 40, 54 Bellamy, Elizabeth, 220n45 Bellocchio, Marco Cacciafesta, Remo, 65, 110 Buongiorno, notte, 14– 15, 129– 30, Cagol, Margherita, 1, 2, 42– 52, 54, 56, 140– 42, 144–50, 182, 190, 57, 58, 65, 66– 67, 70, 104, 223n15, 200, 249n25, 250n28, 261n42, 224n21, 226nn38–39, 226n42, 263n62 227n51, 230n85

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284 INDEX

Calopresti, Mimmo, La seconda volta, dissociazione legislation, 103, 233n12, 15, 122– 23, 128, 151, 153–64, 170, 241n14, 243n30 172, 174– 76, 253n6, 256n26 Doane, Mary Ann, 81, 88, 90, 238n58 Carbone, Rocco, Libera i miei nemici, double wound, 11, 13, 15, 30– 32, 36, 15, 151, 163–77 74, 110, 136, 139, 145, 149, 153, Carocci, Enrico, 87, 235n31 158– 59, 205, 208 Caruth, Cathy, 32– 35, 123–25 Drake, Richard, 225n30, 232n10 Casamassima, Pino, 259n20 Castellaneta, Carlo, 64–66, 232n4 Eitinger, Leo, 96, 132 cautionary tale, 15, 87, 129, 151, 176, Evangelista, Francesco, 129– 30 206 Cavarero, Adriana, 186–87 Fantoni Minella, Maurizio, 231n2 Cento Bull, Anna, 212n6, 214n30, Faranda, Adriana, 1, 63, 102–3, 105, 240n8 110– 14, 116, 117, 118, 120, 124– Cento Bull, Anna, and Adalgisa 25, 192, 217n23, 239n2, 240n3, Giorgio, 213n15 242n18, 243n30, 244n36 See also Mazzocchi, Silvana, Cesaire, Aime, 243n26, 245n43 Nell’anno della Tigre: Storia di Chambers, Ross, 180– 81 Adriana Faranda Communisti Organizzati per la Faré, Ida, and Franca Spirito, 211n3, Liberazione Proletaria (COLP), 222n11, 222n15, 226n40 6, 7 Fasanella, Giovanni, and Alessandra compensation fantasy, 147, 149, 206 Grippo, 128 conspiracy mode, 59, 141, 249n26 Felman, Shoshana, 36 Cooper, H. H. A., 19– 20, 24, 84 female violence, 2, 11, 13, 28, 30– 37, Corbucci, Sergio, Donne armate, 77, 84, 99, 128– 30, 136, 139, 145, 239n65 152, 157, 169, 171, 202, 206 Cranny-Francis, Anne, 157 (pscyho)pathological Crumbaugh, Justin, 213n13 representation, 18, 19– 20, 26, cultural amnesia, 18–19 89– 91, 94, 137, 188, 206 Curcio, Renato, 42– 49, 51, 57, 66, 158, femininity, 14– 15, 28, 30, 34– 36, 73, 160–61, 239n2 81– 82, 86, 88– 89, 93– 94, 109, 117, 125, 129, 134– 36, 139, 148– 50, Dai Prà, Silvia, 100 152, 171, 185, 188, 190, 201–3, D’Antona, Massimo, 1, 8, 10, 100, 141, 206– 7, 220n43, 236n39, 252n5, 151, 177, 178–79, 181, 182, 185, 257n32 188, 192, 196, 197–98, 199, 202 feminism, 7, 13, 17, 22– 26, 42, 65, 67– De Bernardis, Flavio, 144 69, 74, 92, 230n86 de Cataldo Neuberger, Luisella, and feminist, 6– 7, 20, 22–27, 41– 42, 65, Tiziana Valentini, 6, 18 67– 70, 101, 116, 216n15, 218n28, della Porta, Donatella, 212n4, 224n20 227n51 De Luna, Giovanni, 130– 31, 253n6, femme fatale, 13– 14, 77, 81–82, 87– 91, 256n27 93– 97, 142, 238n58 D’Eramo, Luce, Nucleo Zero, 77– 78, Fenzi, Enrico, 162, 243n27 232n4, 235n27 Fioravanti, Valerio, 103, 116, 119

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INDEX 285

Flamigni, Sergio, 249n26 ideology, 17, 28, 97, 139, 146, 151– Fo, Dario, 9– 10 52, 162, 184, 190, 202, 236n42, Foucault, Michel, 107– 9 262n43 Franceschini, Alberto, 225n37 indulto, 10, 100, 151, 153, 163– 64, 178 Freud, Sigmund, 18, 32– 36, 86– 87, 108, 133, 138, 186, 214n28, Jamieson, Alison, 212n4, 213n14, 220n45, 220n48, 259n14 241n14, 243n30 Freyd, Jennifer, 108 Kaplan, Caren, 105 Galesi, Mario, 1, 178, 181, 185, 192, 196 Lacan, Jacques, 30, 76 Galli, Giorgio, 75, 225n35, 260n33 LaCapra, Dominick, 32– 33, 109 Georges- Abeyie, Daniel, 19, 21 Lenci, Sergio, Colpo alla nuca, 11, 14– Giesen, Bernhard, 10 15, 30– 31, 74, 128– 39, 147, 149– Gilbert, Paula Ruth, 21 50, 153, 158– 59, 254n9, 256n23 Gill, Rosalind, 39–40 Leys, Ruth, 33, 35– 36, 123, 125 Gilmore, Leigh, 8, 76, 108 Lifton, Robert J., 230n47 Ginsborg, Paul, 213n14 Lioce, Nadia, 1, 2, 15, 178, 181– 83, Ginzburg, Natalia, Caro Michele, 185– 90, 192, 196, 198, 202– 3 232n4 Lizzani, Carlo, Nucleo Zero, 13, 77– 84, Giordana, Marco Tullio, La meglio 92, 97, 246n11 gioventù, 182, 249n25, 250n28, Lombardi, Giancarlo, 79, 83, 85, 87, 261n42 154– 57, 160, 162–63, 199, 237n46, Girelli- Carasi, Fabio, 248n24 251n39, 255n14, 263n55 Glynn, Ruth, 211n3, 231n1, 245n40, Lombroso, Cesare, 215n5, 216n9 248n23 Longo, Ciro, 134, 137– 38 Gonzalez- Perez, Margaret, 26– 27, Losito, Gianni, 39– 40 217n26 Luckhurst, Roger, 181 Gundle, Stephen, 29 Maccari, Germano, 111 Hamilton, Carrie, 17– 18, 22– 23, 25, 27 MacDonald, Eileen, 19, 22, 31, 219n36, Henke, Suzette, 95 247n14 Henninger, Max, 86– 87, 245n37 Maltese, Curzio, 141 Herman, Judith, 8, 36, 96, 108, 123, Mambro, Francesca, 1, 102– 7, 114– 20, 127, 141, 147, 155, 158, 160, 163 124, 170, 222n12, 257n29 Hibberd, Matthew, 221n2 Mantini, Anna Maria, 41, 51–54, 56– Hirsch, Joshua, 10, 253n53 57, 65– 67, 70 hooks, bell, 241n11 Marcus, Millicent, 248n24 hysteria, 13, 19, 58– 59, 61, 70– 71, Marini- Maio, Nicoletta, 258n22 76– 77, 84, 94, 97, 141, 179, 206, Martinelli, Renzo, Piazza delle cinque 235n30 lune, 249nn25– 26 masculinity, 28, 30, 36, 73, 84– 85, 88– ideological fantasy, 11, 28– 29, 31, 42, 90, 109, 114, 136, 139, 149, 185, 70, 91, 93, 110, 136, 192, 196, 201, 188, 203, 206, 218n32, 220n43, 205–7 237n37, 243n27

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286 INDEX maternity, 24– 25, 86– 87, 112, 117, Oedipal construction, 38, 73, 84, 94, 190– 92, 194–95, 200– 201, 215n5, 237n47 225n30, 261n42 O’Leary, Alan, 89– 90, 140, 158, 200, Mauro, Ezio, 140, 180 211n3, 231n2, 236n38, 239n65, Mazzocchi, Silvana, Nell’anno della 248n21, 251n42, 263n60 Tigre: Storia di Adriana Faranda, Ordine Nuovo, 3 102, 103, 105–7, 110– 14, 118, 120, Orton, Marie, 105, 113, 115– 16, 118, 124– 25, 239n2, 244n31, 244n36 211n3, 250n34, 254n12 Mazzola, Claudio, 255n21 Meade, Robert C., 233n12 pardon, 10, 14, 99– 100, 126 Migiel, Marilyn, 34 pasionaria, 50, 52– 54, 58, 61, 64– 65, Miller, Nancy K., 152, 175 115, 142– 44, 148, 244n31 Mollica, Richard, 108– 9 Pasolini, Pier Paolo, 237n49 Morgan, Robin, 20, 23– 24, 47, 142–43, Passerini, Luisa, 7, 213n20, 218n28, 184, 219n36, 229n66 241n10 Moro, Aldo, 3, 10, 41, 61– 63, 102– 4, Payne, Leigh, 100, 127 110– 12, 118, 124–25, 129–30, pentitismo, 13– 14, 71, 73, 75– 80, 83– 140– 50, 182, 189, 215n31, 241n13, 84, 91– 93, 95– 97, 100, 103, 111, 243n27, 250n30, 254n10 115, 142, 148, 190, 192– 93, 206, Morrissey, Belinda, 26, 151– 52, 175 232n10, 233n11, 239n64, 241n14, Morucci, Valerio, 110, 243n27 243n30 Moss, David, 76, 213n14, 233n11, perpetration, 14, 89, 96– 97, 100, 109, 243n30 120– 21, 124–28, 130, 147, 151, Mulvey, Laura, 60, 89, 158 158, 163, 174, 181, 245n43 female (see female violence) Nacos, Brigitte, 41 Petri, Emanuele, 1, 141, 178, 185, 196, Napolitano, Raffaella, 67, 69 198 Natalini, Fabrizio, 76, 92– 93 Petter, Guido, I giorni dell’ombra, 128 Negri, Antonio, 214n24 Piazza della Loggia bombing, 3, 246n6, neofascism. See political violence: 253n2 right-wing Piazza Fontana bombing, 3, 9, 215n31 Neroni, Hilary, 11, 28– 30, 42, 70, 74, Pistagnesi, Patrizia, 144 81, 87– 88, 93, 110, 134, 152, 175, Place, Janey, 91, 93 184, 205– 6 Podda, Stefania, 48, 226n37 New Red Brigades, 1, 7–8, 10, 12, 14, political violence 100, 141, 151, 177– 86, 190– 91, left- wing, 3– 6, 11, 41– 42, 50, 54, 67, 196– 99, 202–3, 257n2, 258n4 70, 92, 101, 124, 127– 28, 130, as return of the repressed, 15, 33, 140, 153, 178, 214n30, 219n37, 209 222n12, 224n20, 227n53, Nuclei Armati Proletari (NAP), 3, 51, 232n6, 248n22 54, 57 right- wing, 3– 5, 6, 9, 11, 103, 116, Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari (NAR), 124, 169, 178, 207–8, 214n30, 6, 103 219n37, 222n12, 237n49, Nuove brigate rosse. See New Red 240n8, 246n6 Brigades See also terrorism

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INDEX 287

Potere Operaio, 104 See also political violence: Prima Linea, 3, 6– 7, 11, 30, 62, 67–69, right-wing 76, 130– 32, 134, 136– 37, 153 strategy of tension, 3, 124, 212n6 Proietti, Laura, 182– 83 survivor, 14– 15, 35, 77, 95– 97, 107– 8, 127– 29, 131–32, 141, 150, 163–64, Rand, Nicholas, 181 174, 207– 9 rape fantasy, 153, 158, 161, 255n16 Rapping, Elayne, 40, 221n7 Tardi, Rachele, 147, 149 Red Brigades, 1, 3, 6–7, 9, 42– 45, Tasso, Torquato, Gerusalemme liberata, 47– 48, 54, 59, 63, 65, 67, 75– 76, 32–35 78, 84, 102–5, 112– 13, 125, 128, Tavella, Paola, 104, 141– 42, 242n15, 140, 142– 46, 153, 157– 58, 160– 250n31 62, 177– 78, 180, 192, 226n41, terrorism 229n66, 233n13, 241n13, 249n26, containment, 75, 78, 82, 90, 93, 96 252nn47–48, 258n7 definitions of, 3– 5 Renga, Dana, 145– 47, 211n3, 250n33, feminization of, 11– 15, 74– 77, 250n35, 251n41 82– 85, 89, 96– 97, 148, 150, 182, revenge fantasy, 147, 158, 161, 163–64, 185, 197– 99, 203, 206– 7 174 legacy of, 5, 10, 11– 12, 36, 100, 102, Rivers, Caryl, 65– 66 152, 159, 163, 164, 169, 181, Riviere, Joan, 88 202, 205, 209 romantic emplotment, 15, 129, 151– See also anni di piombo; political 53, 155– 58, 164, 166– 69, 175– 76, violence 253n2 Tobagi, Walter, 232n10 Ronconi, Susanna, 1, 63, 213n20, Tomalin, Margaret, 220n43, 220n46 216n15 trauma Rossellini, Roberto, Paisà, 146, 251n41 collective and cultural, 2, 8– 11, Rossi, Emilio, 59– 61, 110 14– 15, 28, 30, 34, 36– 37, 42, 65, Ruddick, Sara, 217n19 76– 77, 97– 98, 110, 130, 140– 42, 150, 152, 181, 206– 8, 250n30, Salerno, Franca, 41, 55– 61, 64 259n14 Saraceni, Federica, 182– 83, 192, containment mechanisms, 30, 76, 262n43 97, 120, 202, 222n13, 233n16, Schmid, Alex P., 4, 212nn8– 9 30 Schwab, Gabriele, 109 discourse, 10, 15, 102, 107–9, 118, Senzani, Giovanni, 233n13 145, 154 Showalter, Elaine, 90 of female violence, 2, 11– 14, 28, 30– Sjoberg, Laura, and Caron Gentry, 18, 37, 42, 51, 58, 65, 67, 70– 71, 74, 20–21, 26–27, 219n34 81, 91, 109– 10, 136, 150, 152, Soavi, Michele, Attacco allo stato, 15, 184, 197, 202, 205– 7 182, 185, 196– 203 and gender, 11– 13, 15, 28, 31, 74, Sossi, Mario, Nella prigione delle BR, 132, 136, 138, 149– 50, 184, 205, 128 207–8 Stout, Graeme, 211n3, 237n55, 238n57 and haunting, 35, 37, 61, 63, 69, 94– stragismo, 4 95, 140, 179– 82, 202

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288 INDEX trauma (continued) victimization, 34–36, 123–24, 130, healing, 10, 14– 15, 108, 100, 111, 136, 145 129– 30, 150, 154, 163, 174, 180, violence 206, 209 female gendered, 2, 11, 13, 28, 30– leakage, 42, 51, 120, 222n13 37, 77, 84, 99, 128– 30, 136, 139, perpetrator trauma, 33– 37, 108– 9, 145, 152, 157, 169, 171, 202, 206 118, 120– 21, 124– 26 and masculinity, 28, 30, 36, 73, 84– symptomatic of, 2, 8, 11– 13, 33– 34, 85, 109, 114, 136, 149, 185, 188, 36, 42, 58, 63, 67, 76– 77, 92, 206, 220n43, 243n27 96, 155, 160, 180, 182, 186–87, See also political violence 205, 207 von Trotta, Margarethe, Die bleierne trauma theory, 2, 11– 13, 32– 37, 95, Zeit, 74 108, 126, 147, 206–7, 209 gendered critique of, 2, 11– 13, 32– Weinberg, Leonard, and William 37, 207 Lee Eubank, 6, 212n5, 217n17, Tuchman, Gay, 221n5 227n53 Whaley Eager, Paige, 21– 22, 24, 26– 27, Ussher, Jane, 94 217n26 Uva, Christian, 91, 154, 231n2 Wheeler, Elizabeth, 222n13, 233n16

Vianale, Maria Pia, 41, 55– 61, 63, 65 Yacower, Maurice, 94, 237n53 victim, 14, 23, 31– 36, 40, 54, 70, 74, 77, Yuval- Davis, Nira, 11, 29–30, 68, 110, 82, 84, 89, 95– 98, 100, 106–7, 109, 205 111, 120, 122– 34, 136, 138– 40, 144– 48, 150– 54, 157– 59, 161– 64, Zavoli, Sergio, La notte della 172– 74, 178– 79, 187, 196– 99, repubblica, 99 206– 9, 213n13, 239n64, 253nn2– 3, Zipes, Jack, 255n16 254nn8– 9, 256n27, 263n60 Zwerman, Gilda, 24– 25