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Italian Catholics and the Transit to Post-Fascism, 1943-1945

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Italian Catholics and the Transit to Post-Fascism, 1943-1945 102 ITALIAN CATHOLICS AND THE TRANSIT TO POST-FASCISM, 1943-1945 Jorge Dagnino Universidad de los Andes, Chile. The FUCI was the official organisation for the laity of Italian Catholic Action for the university sector and exists until the present day.1 As such, it was an important element of the lay Catholic world within Fascist Italy, as well as having a wider presence within Italian society. Thus, the study of the FUCI provides a means of studying the dynamics of Catholicism within Fascist Italy. At the same time, however, the FUCI has a wider significance for the study of Catholic politics and intellectual ideas within Italy, as a remarkably large proportion of the future Christian Democrats who would rule the destinies of the country after the Second World War received much of their intellectual training in the ranks of the federation.2 Additionally, in the 1925-33 period, the central ecclesiastical assistant of the organisation was Giovanni Battista Montini, the future pope Paul VI. Keywords: FUCI-Facism-Catholic- Christian Democrats-Paul VI CATÓLICOS ITALIANOS Y EL TRÁNSITO AL POST-FASCISMO, 1943-1945 La FUCI era la organización oficial para los laicos de la Acción Católica Italiana para el sector universitario y existe hasta el día de hoy. Como tal, era un elemento importante del mundo católico laico dentro de la Italia fascista, además de tener una presencia más amplia dentro de la sociedad italiana. Por lo tanto, el estudio de la FUCI proporciona un medio para estudiar la dinámica del catolicismo dentro de la Italia fascista. Al mismo tiempo, sin embargo, la FUCI tiene un significado más amplio para el estudio de la política católica y las ideas intelectuales dentro de Italia, ya que una proporción notablemente grande de los futuros democratacristianos que gobernarían los destinos del país después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial recibió mucho de su formación intelectual en las filas de la federación. Además, en el período 1925-1933, el asistente eclesiástico central de la organización fue Giovanni Battista Montini, el futuro Papa Pablo VI. Palabras Claves: FUCI-Facismo-Católicos-demócratas cristianos-Pablo VI Artículo Recibido: 24 de Junio de 2017. Artículo Aprobado: 18 de Agosto de 2017. E-mail: [email protected] 1 Histories of Italian Catholic Action and more broadly of Italian Catholicism in the modern era abound. See, for example, J. Pollard, Catholicism in Modern Italy. Religion, Society and Politics since 1861 (London and New York, 2008); F. Traniello, Religione cattolica e Stato nazionale. Dal Risorgimento al secondo dopoguerra (Bologna, 2007); A. Acerbi (ed.), La Chiesa e l’Italia. Per una storia dei loro rapporti negli ultimi due secoli (Milan, 2003); G. Verucci, La Chiesa cattolica in Italia dall’Unità a oggi 1861-1998 (Rome and Bari, 1999); E. Preziosi, Obbedienti in piedi. La vicenda dell’Azione Cattolica in Italia (Turin, 1996); M. Casella, L’Azione cattolica nell’Italia contemporanea (1919-1969) (Rome, 1992); M. Guasco, Dal Modernismo al Vaticano II. Percorsi di una cultura religiosa (Milan, 1991); G. Penco, Storia della Chiesa in Italia nell’età contemporanea 1919-1945 (Milan, 1985); A.C. Jemolo, Chiesa e Stato in Italia. Dalla unificazione agli anni settanta (Turin, 1977); P. Scoppola, La Chiesa e il fascismo. Documenti e interpretazioni (Bari, 1971) and D.A. Binchy, Church and State in Fascist Italy (Oxford, 1941). 2 Aldo Moro, Giulio Andreotti, Paolo Emilio Taviani, Giovanni Leone, Emilio Colombo, Mariano Rumor, Amintore Fanfani, Mario Scelba, to name but just a few, were all active members of the FUCI . INTUS-LEGERE HISTORIA/ ISSN 0718-5456| EISSN 0719-8949/Año 2017, Vol. 11, N° 2, pp.102-121. 103 espite its importance, the existing literature on the FUCI is still somewhat sparse and mostly of an apologetic nature, perhaps due to the fact that the overwhelming majority of the studies have been written by former D fucini, as the members of the association were known. Moreover, the bulk of the existing historiography on the FUCI has unsurprisingly tended to focus on the formation of the Christian Democrat elite and the intellectual and religious itinerary of the future pontiff, Paul VI. Many of these studies have been characterised by a limited sense of a proper historical dimension, and have neglected other important aspects of the history of the FUCI, such as its place within lay Catholic life in the 1920s and 1930s and its engagement with the principal intellectual trends of the time. It is these shortcomings which this article sets out to address.3 Richard J. Wolff has asserted that from approximately June-July 1943 the Federazione Universitaria Cattolica Italiana (FUCI) was embarked on an ‘open and undisguised …propaganda for a post-war Christian Democratic state’.4 However, this vision of the Catholic students association firmly united behind a sole political project and party is far removed from the historical truth. Above all, with Mussolini’s removal from office on 25 July 1943, the vast 3 For studies of the FUCI see T. Torresi, L’altra giovinezza. Gli universitari cattolici dal 1935 al 1940 (Assissi, 2010); M.C. Giuntella, La FUCI tra modernismo, partito popolare e fascismo (Rome, 2000); FUCI. Coscienza universitaria, fatica del pensare, intelligenza della fede. Una ricerca lunga 100 anni (Milan, 1996); R.J. Wolff, Between Pope and Duce. Catholic Students in Fascist Italy (New York, 1990); R. Moro, La formazione della classe dirigente cattolica (1929-1937) (Bologna, 1979) ; and G. Fanello Marcucci, Storia della FUCI (Rome, 1971). 4 R.J. Wolff, Between Pope and Duce. Catholic Students in Fascist Italy (New York, 1990), 212. INTUS-LEGERE HISTORIA/ ISSN 0718-5456| EISSN 0719-8949/Año 2017, Vol. 11, N° 2, pp.102-121. 104 majority of the fucini were concerned with other issues than the formation of a political party, principally the future of Italy as a nation-state and the enormous task of rebuilding the country after a devastating war. The bulk of the Catholic intellectuals insisted that the desire – evident among many of the former Popolari – to return to the liberal regime that had prevailed in the peninsula previous to the rise to power of the Fascists had to be rejected as an unrealistic possibility. The nation had to fight the temptation of considering the generation that had grown under the sign of the littorio as ‘ a nonentity, dried up by the education received by the past regime’, adding that no one could doubt that ‘even the fascio had known how to obtain some good results in some areas’.5 Indeed, this was evidence of the profound fracture caused by the Fascist regime during its twenty years of government in the Catholic world, where the new generation had little or no contact with or knowledge of the generation of Luigi Sturzo and Alcide De Gasperi. Relations between the two generations were not devoid of conflicts, precisely because of their different historical, cultural and social traditions. De Gasperi, for example, had harsh words for the generation that had been educated under Fascism. Writing to a leading member of the Movimento laureati on 10 September 1943, Sergio Paronetto, the future Christian Democrat Premier declared that ‘unfortunately I am persuaded more and more that Fascism is a congenital mentality of the younger generation’.6 For their part, the young Catholic intellectuals felt that they could not find in the former popolari adequate intellectual partners for their mission of rebuilding the nation. The by then national president of the FUCI, Giulio Andreotti, who would nevertheless join the ranks of the Christian Democrats in mid-1944, had criticised a year earlier the older cohort for wanting to erase the Fascist totalitarian past with a ‘sponge stroke’ and for considering the Italian defunct regime as ‘an incidental parenthesis in the historical process of our country’. He accused them of wanting a mere re-establishment of the political system that had existed in the country prior to the March of Rome, neglecting what Andreotti considered to be the fundamental task of undertaking a reasoned and balanced assessment and a revision of the political 5 ‘Possibilità di un ordine nuovo’, Azione fucina, 31 July 1943. 6 M.R. Catti De Gasperi (ed.), De Gasperi scrive. Corrispondenza con capi di stato, cardinali, uomini politici, giornalisti, diplomatici (Brescia, 1974), vol.II, 271. INTUS-LEGERE HISTORIA/ ISSN 0718-5456| EISSN 0719-8949/Año 2017, Vol. 11, N° 2, pp.102-121. 105 system that would take into account both the old order and the totalitarian experience.7 Striking a similar chord, the fucina Bianca Pignoni complained how in current-day Italy youth Italy youth was forgotten and marginalised from the most pressing issues of the day, while the while the men who in her mind belonged to another era lived ‘feverishly for political action, action, superficial spectators who have lost the capacity for any understanding of the spiritual spiritual forces’.8 While some leaders of the emerging Christian Democrat Party, such as Giuseppe Spataro, reached out actively to the fucini to collaborate in their new political enterprise,9 many in the federation did not immediately respond warmly to this invitation. Giulio Andreotti, had to acknowledge in a letter to Adriano Ossicini that ‘I have received from the leaders of the ex-Popular Party the printed text of which I send you a copy…I would appreciate if together we could take a look at this policy document, that in my opinion will not be received enthusiastically by the youth’.10 It is true that Giulio Andreotti presented his resignation as national president of the FUCI at the end of June 1944 to enter the ranks of the Christian Democrats.11 The former central ecclesiastical assistant of the FUCI in the 1925-33 period, Giovanni Battista Montini, who championed the cause of the political unity of the Catholic world, was quick to react to Andreotti’s choice and congratulated him in the sense ‘that a decision like yours…cannot find obstacles from those who like yourself, like all the friends of the Good, want to serve as best as possible the good cause’.12 Nevertheless, this sense of moral high ground which Montini accorded the Christian Democrat party was not shared by large numbers of the Catholic intellectuals.
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