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Number 2, Spring 2004
IN THIS ISSUE... PRZEDBÔRZ: • Necrology from the Yizkor Book transliterated by Michael Meshenberg . 3 • 1929 Business Directory transcribed by Debra Kay 7 MOISHE'S FAMILY SOCIETY OF RADOM by Greg Tuckman 9 CHMIELNIK: • Yizkor Book - Table of Contents Speciaf interest Group translated by Sharon & Isi Lehrer.... 11 • Yizkor Book - The Chmielniker Rav by Rabbi Avraham-Aharon Price ^journal translated by Isi Lehrer 15 •Chmielnik-Rabbis From "LeToldot HaKehilot BePolin" by R. Tsvi HaLevy Ish Hurwitz 8, (]>{um6er 2 translated by Shlomo Wygodny 16 gpring 2004 EXTRACT DATA IN THIS ISSUE 17 • KLIMONTÔW Deaths 1854-1867 ^\ journaf oj £Jewish geneafog^ by Ronald Greene 18 puBfishetf quarterly, • OZARÔW Births 1870-1883 covering the (JuBernias oj by David Price 29 ancf • SZYDLOWIEC Marriages 1826-1865 of the ^Kingdom oftpoland by Florence Weingram 47 as defined 6^ the Boundaries GLOSSARY, PRONUNCIATION GUIDE .... 72 as they existed 1867-1917 ...but first a word from your editor 2 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 8, Number 2 Spring 2004 ... but first a word from our editor In this issue, we have information about the towns of Przedbôrz and Chmielnik. For Przedbôrz - a transliteration of the Special (Interest GrouP names of the Holocaust martyrs from the 1977 Przedbôrz Yizkor Book Przedborz - 33 shanim; and a transcript of the Przedbôrz cjournaf entries from the 1929 Polish Business Directory. ISSN No. 1092-8006 For Chmielnik - a translation of the extensive Table of Contents and a short article from the 1960 Yizkor Book Pinkas Published quarterly, Chmielnik: Yisker bukh noch der Khorev-Gevorener Yidisher in January, April, July and October, by the Kehile; and an article about Chmielnik rabbis translated from KIELCE-RADOM LeToldot HaKehilot BePolin. -
Political Visions and Historical Scores
Founded in 1944, the Institute for Western Affairs is an interdis- Political visions ciplinary research centre carrying out research in history, political and historical scores science, sociology, and economics. The Institute’s projects are typi- cally related to German studies and international relations, focusing Political transformations on Polish-German and European issues and transatlantic relations. in the European Union by 2025 The Institute’s history and achievements make it one of the most German response to reform important Polish research institution well-known internationally. in the euro area Since the 1990s, the watchwords of research have been Poland– Ger- many – Europe and the main themes are: Crisis or a search for a new formula • political, social, economic and cultural changes in Germany; for the Humboldtian university • international role of the Federal Republic of Germany; The end of the Great War and Stanisław • past, present, and future of Polish-German relations; Hubert’s concept of postliminum • EU international relations (including transatlantic cooperation); American press reports on anti-Jewish • security policy; incidents in reborn Poland • borderlands: social, political and economic issues. The Institute’s research is both interdisciplinary and multidimension- Anthony J. Drexel Biddle on Poland’s al. Its multidimensionality can be seen in published papers and books situation in 1937-1939 on history, analyses of contemporary events, comparative studies, Memoirs Nasza Podróż (Our Journey) and the use of theoretical models to verify research results. by Ewelina Zaleska On the dispute over the status The Institute houses and participates in international research of the camp in occupied Konstantynów projects, symposia and conferences exploring key European questions and cooperates with many universities and academic research centres. -
Moses Mendelssohn and the Jewish Historical Clock Disruptive Forces in Judaism of the 18Th Century by Chronologies of Rabbi Families
Moses Mendelssohn and The Jewish Historical Clock Disruptive Forces in Judaism of the 18th Century by Chronologies of Rabbi Families To be given at the Conference of Jewish Genealogy in London 2001 By Michael Honey I have drawn nine diagrams by the method I call The Jewish Historical Clock. The genealogy of the Mendelssohn family is the tenth. I drew this specifically for this conference and talk. The diagram illustrates the intertwining of relationships of Rabbi families over the last 600 years. My own family genealogy is also illustrated. It is centred around the publishing of a Hebrew book 'Megale Amukot al Hatora' which was published in Lvov in 1795. The work of editing this book was done from a library in Brody of R. Efraim Zalman Margaliot. The book has ten testimonials and most of these Rabbis are shown with a green background for ease of identification. The Megale Amukot or Rabbi Nathan Nata Shpiro with his direct descendants in the 17th century are also highlighted with green backgrounds. The numbers shown in the yellow band are the estimated years when the individuals in that generation were born. For those who have not seen the diagrams of The Jewish Historical Clock before, let me briefly explain what they are. The Jewish Historical Clock is a system for drawing family trees ow e-drmanfly 1 I will describe to you the linkage of the Mendelssohn family branch to the network of orthodox rabbis. Moses Mendelssohn 1729-1786 was in his time the greatest Jewish philosopher. He was one of the first Jews to write in a modern language, German and thus opened the doors to Jewish emancipation so desired by the Jewish masses. -
Maciej Górny Tadeusz Manteuffel Institute of History, Polish Academy of Sciences
Acta Poloniae Historica 123, 2021 PL ISSN 0001–6829 Maciej Górny https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8594-1365 Tadeusz Manteuffel Institute of History, Polish Academy of Sciences BLACK MIRROR: A COMPARATIVE HISTORY OF POLISH AND AMERICAN FAILURES Abstract Even though they occurred around the same time, the Polish January Uprising of 1863/64 and the American Civil War (1861–5) have seldom been considered in the same context by historians, while comparative historical studies of the events are scarce. The present article explores the historiography relating to both countries to, fi rstly, outline the most interesting attempts in existing Polish and US-American research to fi nd shared aspects in the two events. Secondly, my study establishes and analyses phenomena and themes in these parallel histories that could prove most fruitful for comparative investigation. In conclusion, I assess the potential that comparative approaches could generate for the historiography of the American Civil War and the January Uprising. Keywords: January Uprising, Poland, American Civil War, memory, gender ste- reotypes, nationalism, guerrilla warfare I One of the most renowned historians of the American Civil War, James M. McPherson, sought to illustrate the signifi cance of this confl ict for the history of the USA by referring to an experience from the 1970s. He met a delegation of Soviet historians who had come to mark the bicentenary of the War of Independence. McPherson was stunned that they had no interest in visiting places connected to the American Revolution. Instead, they wanted to visit the site of the Battle of Gettysburg. Why was this so? Because, as they told their hosts, Gettysburg was the US-American Stalingrad and the Civil War the equivalent of the Great Patriotic War.1 1 James M. -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. INTRODUCTION “We were taught as children”—I was told by a seventy- year-old Pole—“that we Poles never harmed anyone. A partial abandonment of this morally comfortable position is very, very difficult for me.” —Helga Hirsch, a German journalist, in Polityka, 24 February 2001 HE COMPLEX and often acrimonious debate about the charac- ter and significance of the massacre of the Jewish population of T the small Polish town of Jedwabne in the summer of 1941—a debate provoked by the publication of Jan Gross’s Sa˛siedzi: Historia za- głady z˙ydowskiego miasteczka (Sejny, 2000) and its English translation Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton, 2001)—is part of a much wider argument about the totali- tarian experience of Europe in the twentieth century. This controversy reflects the growing preoccupation with the issue of collective memory, which Henri Rousso has characterized as a central “value” reflecting the spirit of our time.1 One key element in the understanding of collec- tive memory is the “dark past” of nations—those aspects of the na- tional past that provoke shame, guilt, and regret; this past needs to be integrated into the national collective identity, which itself is continu- ally being reformulated.2 In this sense, memory has to be understood as a public discourse that helps to build group identity and is inevita- bly entangled in a relationship of mutual dependence with other iden- tity-building processes. -
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The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) Lesson plan (Polish) Lesson plan (English) The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) Children with flags during a ceremony Source: Dzieci z chorągiewkami podczas uroczystości, 1934, Narodowe Archiwum Cyfrowe, domena publiczna. Link to the Lesson You will learn to define the effects of the May Coup D’État and the manifestations of the crisis of democracy; to describe the everyday life of students of the elementary schools in the Second Polish Republic; to characterize the strong and weak points of the economy and social life of the Second Polish Republic. Nagranie dostępne na portalu epodreczniki.pl Nagranie abstraktu In 1926, Józef Piłsudski decided to take the power with the use of armed force. Ignacy Mościcki assumed the office of President. The August Novelization of 1926 became a temporary solution. One of the first decrees to be issued was the appointment of the General Armed Forces Inspector (Polish acronym: GISZ). Józef Piłsudski was appointed for this office by Ignacy Mościcki. In 1935, the April Constitution was adopted, limiting the authority of the Parliament. During the campaign for the new term of the Sejm in September 1930, the opposition leaders were arrested. Some of them were forced to emigrate. The Brest elections of November granted the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR) 56% of the seats in the Sejm and almost 68% in the Senate. It was a result of a violation of democratic principles. The founding of the Bereza Kartuska prison in the 30s became a symbol of the Sanation’s activities. -
An Emigre—Historian
ORGANON 32:2003 Piotr Wandycz (Yale, U. S. A.) AN EMIGRE — HISTORIAN How and where does one commence a scholarly autobiography? Perhaps the best precept is to be found in Alice in Wonderland: Begin at the beginning, the King said, and go on till you come to the end: then stop. Thinking of the beginnings my thoughts go back to my family, an intelligentsia Polish family with broad intellectual interests. My mother wrote children’s books, her sister (Mieroszewska) was a painter, and so was my brother, my sister had a Ph. D. in art history from the Jagiellonian University. To avoid possible confusion I should add that they were my half-brother and half-sister and their family name was Mars. However, being extremely close to one another we never used the term half. My brother’s influence during my formative years was particularly strong. My father was by education a chemist and he became a leading figure in the Polish oil industry. But by inclination he remained a humanist with a deep knowledge of music and literature. The tradition of Young Poland weighed heavily on my parents and to some extent was passed on to me. So was an attachment to the past - perhaps a romanticized vision of it. Ideologically, my parents were adherents of Piłsudski - my father was a legionary of the First Brigade - and I remember them crying at the news of the Marshal’s death. My uncle (father’s brother) was in POW. In the late 1930s, however, when the sanacja split internally and began to move to the right, my parents became critical of the regime and looked up to general Kazimierz Sosnkowski and the nascent Democratic Clubs. -
Identity and Diversity: What Shaped Polish Narratives Under Communism and Capitalism Witold Morawski1
„Journal of Management and Business Administration. Central Europe” Vol. 25, No. 4/2017, p. 209–243, ISSN 2450-7814; e-ISSN 2450-8829 © 2017 Author. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/) Identity and Diversity: What Shaped Polish Narratives Under Communism and Capitalism Witold Morawski1 at first, the motherland is close at your fingertips later it bleeds hurts – Tadeusz Różewicz (1999, p. 273) Aims I shall refer to concepts of identity and difference on the border between culture and society not only to better understand and explain waves of social anger experienced by individuals or communities but also to reflect on ways in which to address the challenges that emerge within the social environment. One is angry when struggling with financial insecurity due to unemployment or low income; economists analyse this phenomenon. Another one is angry because of the mediocrity of those in power; political scientists explore this matter. The media, whose task is to bring the above to public attention, also become instruments that shape events and they aspire or even engage in exercising power. Thus, I shift the focus to society and its culture as sources of anger and, at the same time, areas where we may appease anger (Mishra, 2017; Sloterdijk, 2011). People often tap into the power of identity and difference as a resource. I do not assume that culture prevails, but society needs to take it into account if it is to understand itself and change any distressing aspects of reality. -
Background and Cases of Nationalization in Poland in the Stalinist Era – an Example of Lublin’S Tanning Industry
MISCELLANEA HISTORICO-IURIDICA TOM XVI, z. 1 ROK 2017 Karol Dąbrowski Maria Sklodowska-Curie University e-mail: [email protected] phone: +48 81 537 54 28 DOI: 10.15290/mhi.2017.16.01.11 Background and cases of nationalization in Poland in the Stalinist Era – an example of Lublin’s tanning industry SUMMARY Background and cases of nationalization in Poland in the Stalinist Era – an example of Lublin’s tanning industry The nationalization processes in People’s Poland had already begun at the time of estab- lishment of the Polish Committee of National Liberation. Enterprises were submitted under temporary state management and were expropriated on the basis of various regulations, including those enacted by Pilsudski’s sanation. The food industry was na- tionalized as part of the land reform. Industrial enterprises which were able to employ more than 50 employees on one shift (it was quite indefinite) were nationalized by the act on nationalization of 3 January 1946. Next, factories were taken over by political decisions of the communist Polish United Workers’ Party. On the other hand, the re- construction of industry after the Nazi and Soviet devastation, rescuing of work places, concern for inhabitants’ lives, supplies of food and goods, needed extraordinary mea- sures. It is demonstrated by the example of the tanning industry in Lublin – where the Polish Committee of National Liberation had its headquarters. However, the national- ization in post-war Poland served the communists political interests and was one of the means used by the communist political class to introduce the totalitarian system. -
Marcus Braude and the Making of the Future Jewish Elite in Poland
Natalia Aleksiun Marcus Braude and the Making of the Future Jewish Elite in Poland In the autumn of 1946, a Holocaust survivor and graduate of the prestigious Second Boys Gymnasium in Łódź recalled his experiences with a sense of pro- found pride and nostalgia: “I am one of thousands of young boys who … envi- sioned new, intellectually sophisticated cadres of the Jewish youth. We were to face a great historical task. We have been … brought up thinking about our na- tion.”1 Indeed, the school championed the programme designed to train a new generation of Polish Jews fully conversant in the contemporary culture, fl u- ent in Hebrew and committed to Jewish national causes in Poland. Th is novel model of secondary Jewish education for the future Jewish communal and in- tellectual elite was envisioned by Zionist leader, preacher and educator Marcus Braude (1869−1949).2 Raised in Lvov (or Lwów – Lviv in present-day Ukraine), he belonged to the circle of young Jews pursuing secular studies and Zion- ist commitment, together with Ozjasz Th on and Markus Ehrenpreis.3 Braude 1 YIVO Archive in New York (YIVO), Record Group (RG) no. 1258, Philip Friedman papers. 2 Born in Brest-Litovsk in 1869, Braude received both secular and religious education in Lvov, where his maternal grandfather Tzvi Hirsh Orenstein had been the city’s rabbi. Not sur- prisingly, Nella Th on-Rostowa called him “the aristocrat of blood and spirit” as Braude was a scion of well-respected rabbinic families. See Nella Th on-Rostowa, Ozjasz Th on: Wspomnie- nia córki (Lwów: Cofi m, 1937), 16. -
The Transfer Agreement and the Boycott Movement: a Jewish Dilemma on the Eve of the Holocaust
The Transfer Agreement and the Boycott Movement: A Jewish Dilemma on the Eve of the Holocaust Yf’aat Weiss In the summer of 1933, the Jewish Agency for Palestine, the German Zionist Federation, and the German Economics Ministry drafted a plan meant to allow German Jews emigrating to Palestine to retain some of the value of their property in Germany by purchasing German goods for the Yishuv, which would redeem them in Palestine local currency. This scheme, known as the Transfer Agreement or Ha’avarah, met the needs of all interested parties: German Jews, the German economy, and the Mandatory Government and the Yishuv in Palestine. The Transfer Agreement has been the subject of ramified research literature.1 Many Jews were critical of the Agreement from the very outset. The negotiations between the Zionist movement and official representatives of Nazi Germany evoked much wrath. In retrospect, and in view of what we know about the annihilation of European Jewry, these relations between the Zionist movement and Nazi Germany seem especially problematic. Even then, however, the negotiations and the agreement they spawned were profoundly controversial in broad Jewish circles. For this reason, until 1935 the Jewish Agency masked its role in the Agreement and attempted to pass it off as an economic agreement between private parties. One of the German authorities’ principal goals in negotiating with the Zionist movement was to fragment the Jewish boycott of German goods. Although in retrospect we know the boycott had only a marginal effect on German economic 1 Eliahu Ben-Elissar, La Diplomatie du IIIe Reich et les Juifs (1933-1939) (Paris: Julliard, 1969), p. -
Acta 123.Indd
Acta Poloniae Historica 123, 2021 PL ISSN 0001–6829 Mariusz Wołos https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6943-1069 Tadeusz Manteuffel Institute of History, Polish Academy of Sciences Institute of History and Archival Research, Pedagogical University in Cracow “AN UNFULFILLED WRITER WHO BECAME A HISTORIAN”*. JERZY WOJCIECH BOREJSZA (22 AUGUST 1935 – 28 JULY 2019)** Abstract 12 Jerzy Wojciech Borejsza was the son of communist activist Jerzy Borejsza, referred to as an ‘international communist’, and Ewa née Kantor. His grandfather Abraham Goldberg was one of the leaders of Polish Zionists. Borejsza described himself as ‘a Pole of Jewish origin’. His personality was greatly infl uenced by the Second World War experiences, including the pogrom of Jews in German-occupied Lwów in July 1941 and the tragic events of occupied Warsaw. As a result of the deci- sion of the communist party authorities, in 1952, Borejsza was sent to study in the Soviet Union, fi rst to Kazan, then to Moscow. This made it impossible for him to study Polish philology in Warsaw; Borejsza, therefore, chose historical studies. After returning to Poland in 1957, he undertook research on the history of Polish emigration after the January Uprising (1863–4). He was also interested in the history of the Polish socialist movement and its connections to socialism in Western Europe. Later, Borejsza intervened in the historiography of the Crimean War (1853–6), intending to bring this forgotten armed confl ict back to light. He coined the phrase ‘the beautiful nineteenth century’, in contrast to the twentieth century as a time of hatred, extermination, and the Holocaust.