PYTHAGORAS-The-Story-Of-A-Child
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Map 44 Latium-Campania Compiled by N
Map 44 Latium-Campania Compiled by N. Purcell, 1997 Introduction The landscape of central Italy has not been intrinsically stable. The steep slopes of the mountains have been deforested–several times in many cases–with consequent erosion; frane or avalanches remove large tracts of regolith, and doubly obliterate the archaeological record. In the valley-bottoms active streams have deposited and eroded successive layers of fill, sealing and destroying the evidence of settlement in many relatively favored niches. The more extensive lowlands have also seen substantial depositions of alluvial and colluvial material; the coasts have been exposed to erosion, aggradation and occasional tectonic deformation, or–spectacularly in the Bay of Naples– alternating collapse and re-elevation (“bradyseism”) at a staggeringly rapid pace. Earthquakes everywhere have accelerated the rate of change; vulcanicity in Campania has several times transformed substantial tracts of landscape beyond recognition–and reconstruction (thus no attempt is made here to re-create the contours of any of the sometimes very different forerunners of today’s Mt. Vesuvius). To this instability must be added the effect of intensive and continuous intervention by humanity. Episodes of depopulation in the Italian peninsula have arguably been neither prolonged nor pronounced within the timespan of the map and beyond. Even so, over the centuries the settlement pattern has been more than usually mutable, which has tended to obscure or damage the archaeological record. More archaeological evidence has emerged as modern urbanization spreads; but even more has been destroyed. What is available to the historical cartographer varies in quality from area to area in surprising ways. -
A HISTORY of the PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW Peoples Of
A HISTORY OF THE PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW peoples of the ancient world have given rise to so much controversy as the Pelasgians; and of few, after some centuries of discussion, is so little clearly established. Like the Phoenicians, the Celts, and of recent years the Teutons, they have been a peg upon which to hang all sorts of speculation ; and whenever an inconvenient circumstance has deranged the symmetry of a theory, it has been safe to ' call it Pelasgian and pass on.' One main reason for this ill-repute, into which the Pelasgian name has fallen, has been the very uncritical fashion in which the ancient statements about the Pelasgians have commonly been mishandled. It has been the custom to treat passages from Homer, from Herodotus, from Ephorus, and from Pausanias, as if they were so many interchangeable bricks to build up the speculative edifice; as if it needed no proof that genealogies found sum- marized in Pausanias or Apollodorus ' were taken by them from poems of the same class with the Theogony, or from ancient treatises, or from prevalent opinions ;' as if, further, ' if we find them mentioning the Pelasgian nation, they do at all events belong to an age when that name and people had nothing of the mystery which they bore to the eyes of the later Greeks, for instance of Strabo;' and as though (in the same passage) a statement of Stephanus of Byzantium about Pelasgians in Italy ' were evidence to the same effect, perfectly unexceptionable and as strictly historical as the case will admit of 1 No one doubts, of course, either that popular tradition may transmit, or that late writers may transcribe, statements which come from very early, and even from contemporary sources. -
The Roman Army's Emergence from Its Italian Origins
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Carolina Digital Repository THE ROMAN ARMY’S EMERGENCE FROM ITS ITALIAN ORIGINS Patrick Alan Kent A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2012 Approved by: Richard Talbert Nathan Rosenstein Daniel Gargola Fred Naiden Wayne Lee ABSTRACT PATRICK ALAN KENT: The Roman Army’s Emergence from its Italian Origins (Under the direction of Prof. Richard Talbert) Roman armies in the 4 th century and earlier resembled other Italian armies of the day. By using what limited sources are available concerning early Italian warfare, it is possible to reinterpret the history of the Republic through the changing relationship of the Romans and their Italian allies. An important aspect of early Italian warfare was military cooperation, facilitated by overlapping bonds of formal and informal relationships between communities and individuals. However, there was little in the way of organized allied contingents. Over the 3 rd century and culminating in the Second Punic War, the Romans organized their Italian allies into large conglomerate units that were placed under Roman officers. At the same time, the Romans generally took more direct control of the military resources of their allies as idea of military obligation developed. The integration and subordination of the Italians under increasing Roman domination fundamentally altered their relationships. In the 2 nd century the result was a growing feeling of discontent among the Italians with their position. -
Welcome to the Complete Pythagoras
Welcome to The Complete Pythagoras A full-text, public domain edition for the generalist & specialist Edited by Patrick Rousell for the World Wide Web. I first came across Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie’s edition of the Complete Pythagoras while researching a book on Leonardo. I had been surfing these deep waters for a while and so the value of Guthrie’s publication was immediately apparent. As Guthrie explains in his own introduction, which is at the beginning of the second book (p 168), he was initially prompted to publish these writings in the 1920’s for fear that this information would become lost. As it is, much of this information has since been published in fairly good modern editions. However, these are still hard to access and there is no current complete collection as presented by Guthrie. The advantage here is that we have a fairly comprehensive collection of works on Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans, translated from the origin- al Greek into English, and presented as a unified, albeit electronic edition. The Complete Pythagoras is a compilation of two books. The first is entitled The Life Of Py- thagoras and contains the four biographies of Pythagoras that have survived from antiquity: that of Iamblichus (280-333 A.D.), Porphry (233-306 A.D.), Photius (ca 820- ca 891 A.D.) and Diogenes Laertius (180 A.D.). The second is entitled Pythagorean Library and is a complete collection of the surviving fragments from the Pythagoreans. The first book was published in 1920, the second a year later, and released together as a bound edition. -
Porphyry on Pythagoras V
Porphyry on The Life of Pythagoras Porphyry on Pythagoras v. 12.11, www.philaletheians.co.uk, 3 April 2018 Page 1 of 15 BUDDHAS AND INITIATES SERIES PORPHYRY ON PYTHAGORAS From Porphyrius, Vita Pythagorae, 17. Translated by Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie. Alpine, New Jer- sey: Platonist Press, c. 1919. This biography should not to confused with the another work bear- ing the same title by Iamblichus, thought to be Porphyry’s disciple. ANY THINK THAT PYTHAGORAS WAS THE SON OF MNESARCHUS, but they differ as to the latter’s race; some thinking him a Samian, while Neanthes, M in the fifth book of his Fables states he was a Syrian, from the city of Tyre. As a famine had arisen in Samos, Mnesarchus went thither to trade, and was natu- ralized there. There also was born his son Pythagoras, who early manifested studi- ousness, but was later taken to Tyre, and there entrusted to the Chaldeans, whose doctrines he imbibed. Thence he returned to Ionia, where he first studied under the Syrian Pherecydes, then also under Hermodamas the Creophylian who at that time was an old man residing in Samos. 2. Neanthes says that others hold that his father was a Tyrrhenian, of those who in- habit Lemnos, and that while on a trading trip to Samos was there naturalized. On sailing to Italy, Mnesarchus took the youth Pythagoras with him. Just at this time this country was greatly flourishing. Neanthes adds that Pythagoras had two older brothers, Eunostus and Tyrrhenus. But Apollonius, in his book about Pythagoras, affirms that his mother was Pythais, a descendant, of Ancaeus, the founder of Sa- mos. -
The Aurunci and Sidicini
Christopher J. Smith The Aurunciand Sidicini IGeography The Aurunci/Ausones and the Sidicini occupied the area between the Garigliano and the Volturno rivers (for amap of the region,see Map 2, p. 7; alsosee Fig. 2, p. 388). The area is formed of plainsinterrupted by two mountain ranges, the Monti Aurunci and the Monti Ausones(the latter dominated by the extinct but once powerful volca- no Mt.Roccamonfina), and the Massico rangewhich runs down to the coast.They are all part of the Anti-Apennines, which wereformedbetween seven and five million years agoasaresult of the African tectonic plate being carried underthe European plate. Predominantlyfriable limestone, they represent aboundary between Latium Adjectum and the fertile Ager Stellas and the Campanian plain. Post-volcanic activity is demonstratedbythermal springsatSuoi Terme (Aquae Vescinae)and Bagni Sul- furei (Thermae Sinuessanae), and earthquake activity is well-attested archaeological- ly. The upland parts of the area wereprobablyheavilyforested in prehistory,but partiallydeforestedinclassicaltimes. Thelower ground was well-watered and had considerable agricultural potential, becominginclassical times famous for viticul- ture. The close juxtaposition of hill and plain mayhavepermitted local movement of flocks without the need for long distance transhumance, as could be observed until quite recently. Thecoastline was further inlandthan today, and there werea series of lagoons and grottoes, which encouraged fishing,but also harboured malar- ia, at least in Late Antiquity. The combination -
Defining Orphism: the Beliefs, the Teletae and the Writings
Defining Orphism: the Beliefs, the teletae and the Writings Anthi Chrysanthou Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Languages, Cultures and Societies Department of Classics May 2017 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his/her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. I This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. © 2017 The University of Leeds and Anthi Chrysanthou. The right of Anthi Chrysanthou to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. II Acknowledgements This research would not have been possible without the help and support of my supervisors, family and friends. Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisors Prof. Malcolm Heath and Dr. Emma Stafford for their constant support during my research, for motivating me and for their patience in reading my drafts numerous times. It is due to their insightful comments and constructive feedback that I have managed to evolve as a researcher and a person. Our meetings were always delightful and thought provoking. I could not have imagined having better mentors for my Ph.D studies. Special thanks goes to Prof. Malcolm Heath for his help and advice on the reconstruction of the Orphic Rhapsodies. I would also like to thank the University of Leeds for giving me the opportunity to undertake this research and all the departmental and library staff for their support and guidance. -
ETRUSCAN ORIGINS* Fred C. Woudhuizen Models the Problem of Etruscan Origins Has Received Scholarly Attention Already in Antiquit
TALANTAXXXIV-XXXV (2002-2003) * ETRUSCAN ORIGINS Fred C. Woudhuizen Models The problem of Etruscan origins has received scholarly attention already in Antiquity. First of all, there is the testimony of Herodotos of Halikarnassos (5th century BC) according to which the Etruscans were Lydian colonists from western Asia Minor. Hard pressed by a famine, so the story goes, half of the Lydian population under the leadership of king Atys’ son Tyrsenos mus- tered on ships at Smyrna and sailed to Italy, where they settled in the territo- ry of the Umbrians (Histories I, 94). As opposed to this, we have the opinion of Dionysios of Halikarnassos (1st century BC), who, on the basis of a com- parison between the customs and the languages of the Etruscans and the Lydians, reached the conclusion that these two peoples were unrelated. He extrapolated from this conclusion that the Etruscans were no Lydian colonists, but had always lived in Italy (Roman Antiquities I, 25-30). As divided as opinions were on the subject of Etruscan origins in Antiquity, so they are in our present era. A majority among scholars in the field holds that the Etruscans were autochthonous. In accordance with this view, the Etruscans are considered a remnant population surviving the onset of Indo- European migrations which brought the Umbrians, Oscans, Latins, and Faliscans to the Italian peninsula. Their language, so this line of appraoch con- tinues, is not comparable to any other in the world, except for the one attest- ed for the famous stele from Kaminia on the island of Lemnos in the Aegean. -
Download Date | 6/9/19 10:06 AM Pseudo-Pythagorean Literature 73
Philologus 2019; 163(1): 72–94 Leonid Zhmud* What is Pythagorean in the Pseudo-Pythagorean Literature? https://doi.org/10.1515/phil-2018-0003 Abstract: This paper discusses continuity between ancient Pythagoreanism and the pseudo-Pythagorean writings, which began to appear after the end of the Pythagorean school ca. 350 BC. Relying on a combination of temporal, formal and substantial criteria, I divide Pseudopythagorica into three categories: 1) early Hellenistic writings (late fourth – late second centuries BC) ascribed to Pytha- goras and his family members; 2) philosophical treatises written mostly, yet not exclusively, in pseudo-Doric from the turn of the first century BC under the names of real or fictional Pythagoreans; 3) writings attributed to Pythagoras and his relatives that continued to appear in the late Hellenistic and Imperial periods. I will argue that all three categories of pseudepigrapha contain astonishingly little that is authentically Pythagorean. Keywords: Pythagoreanism, pseudo-Pythagorean writings, Platonism, Aristote- lianism Forgery has been widespread in time and place and varied in its goals and methods, and it can easily be confused with superficially similar activities. A. Grafton Note: An earlier version of this article was presented at the colloquium “Pseudopythagorica: stratégies du faire croire dans la philosophie antique” (Paris, 28 May 2015). I would like to thank Constantinos Macris (CNRS) for his kind invitation. The final version was written during my fellowship at the IAS of Durham University and presented at the B Club, Cambridge, in Mai 2016. I am grateful to Gábor Betegh for inviting me to give a talk and to the audience for the vivid discussion. -
12. Heraclitus' Ethics
12. Heraclitus’ Ethics David Sider Investigations into Heraclitus’ ethics are scarce on the ground. It is not that, apart from some that have been been overlooked because they are universally considered spurious, his several comments that touch upon human behavior have been ignored—there are too few fragments for any to go uncommented for long—but that they seem isolated and not obviously calling out to be made part of a systematic theory of eth- ical behavior. Furthermore, it has to be said that some of these scarce attempts to study Heraclitus’ ethics are disappointing.1 Nor does the subject of ethics as such receive much attention in more comprehensive treatments. It is true that ethics is discussed elsewhere in the huge Hera- clitus bibliography, but rarely head-on as a subject to be investigated and analyzed in its own right.2 Two noteworthy contributions to the liter- 1 Thus, A. N. Zoumpos, “Das ‘ethische Urteil’ bei Heraklit,” Platon 11 (1959) 420–423, raises the Aristotelian distinction between a-priori and a-posteriori reasoning, only to find that this does not apply to Heraclitus, which does not get us very far: “Kurz gesagt nimmt Herakleitos das ‘ethische Urteil’ als Produkt des ‘Göttlichen Logos’ an, das naturgemäss also in Voraus in den Menschen vor- hande ist.” (One could compare Anaxagoras’ Nous, which also shows up in an- imals.) Zoumpos relies too heavily on Plato for his understanding of Heraclitus, especially those passages in the Cratylus and Theaetetus that characterize him pri- marily as one relying on a theory of flux to explain his epistemological con- cerns. -
Women in Early Pythagoreanism
Women in Early Pythagoreanism Caterina Pellò Faculty of Classics University of Cambridge Clare Hall February 2018 This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Alla nonna Ninni, che mi ha insegnato a leggere e scrivere Abstract Women in Early Pythagoreanism Caterina Pellò The sixth-century-BCE Pythagorean communities included both male and female members. This thesis focuses on the Pythagorean women and aims to explore what reasons lie behind the prominence of women in Pythagoreanism and what roles women played in early Pythagorean societies and thought. In the first chapter, I analyse the social conditions of women in Southern Italy, where the first Pythagorean communities were founded. In the second chapter, I compare Pythagorean societies with ancient Greek political clubs and religious sects. Compared to mainland Greece, South Italian women enjoyed higher legal and socio-political status. Similarly, religious groups included female initiates, assigning them authoritative roles. Consequently, the fact that the Pythagoreans founded their communities in Croton and further afield, and that in some respects these communities resembled ancient sects helps to explain why they opened their doors to the female gender to begin with. The third chapter discusses Pythagoras’ teachings to and about women. Pythagorean doctrines did not exclusively affect the followers’ way of thinking and public activities, but also their private way of living. Thus, they also regulated key aspects of the female everyday life, such as marriage and motherhood. I argue that the Pythagorean women entered the communities as wives, mothers and daughters. Nonetheless, some of them were able to gain authority over their fellow Pythagoreans and engage in intellectual activities, thus overcoming the female traditional domestic roles. -
Getty Pompeian Identities Final
[Draft for Getty seminar, not for publication.] Pompeian identities: between Oscan, Samnite, Greek, Roman and Punic Andrew Wallace-Hadrill Pompeii is a welcoming place for thinking about the complexities of cultural identity: because it is a frontier zone (but then, what zone is not a frontier?). Of course, Pompeii has long had to do duty for some sort of standard ‘Roman’ city. That it was ‘Roman’ from its establishment as a colony, in a year not precisely known, but normally taken to be 80 BCE, is undeniable; the assumed corollary is that before that point, it was not Roman, but as Amedeo Maiuri put it, ‘pre-Roman’ (Maiuri 1973). Such contrasts do less than justice to the subtleties of cultural identity, and Pompeii was a good deal more ‘Roman’ before it became a colony than is generally allowed, and perhaps rather less ‘Roman’ than generally allowed thereafter. In what follows, I shall start by looking at Strabo’s account of the ethnic identities of Pompeii and the surrounding area; and then take two moments, of ‘Etruscan’ Pompeii in the sixth century, and ‘Hellenistic’ Pompeii in the second century, to illustrate the complexity of the town’s cultural identities. Strabo’s Pompeii The bay of Naples is familiar as a hinge zone between Greek colonists and local Italian powers, an enclave of non-Greekness (Etruscan, Samnite) caught between the solid block of colonized coast up to Posidonia, and the final bastion of colonial power represented by the northern coast from Neapolis to Cumae. From the sea, it is completely exposed to the Greek; but to the south it is shielded by the massive limestone outcrop of the Monti Lattari, which connects it strongly to the hinterland of Irpinia.