Formal Approaches to DPs in Old Romanian
Brill’s Studies in
Historical Linguistics
Series Editor
Jóhanna Barðdal
(Ghent University) Consulting Editor
Spike Gildea
(University of Oregon)
Editorial Board
Joan Bybee (University of New Mexico) – Lyle Campbell (University of Hawai’i Manoa) – Nicholas Evans (The Australian National University) Bjarke Frellesvig (University of Oxford) – Mirjam Fried (Czech Academy of
Sciences) – Russel Gray (University of Auckland) – Tom Güldemann
(Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin) – Alice Harris (University of Massachusetts)
Brian D. Joseph (The Ohio State University) – Ritsuko Kikusawa
(National Museum of Ethnology) – Silvia Luraghi (Università di Pavia) Joseph Salmons (University of Wisconsin) – Søren Wichmann (MP I/ E V A )
VOLUME 5
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bshl
Formal Approaches to DPs in
Old Romanian
Edited by
Virginia Hill
LEIDEN | BOSTON
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Formal approaches to DPs in Old Romanian / Edited by Virginia Hill. ꢀꢀpages cm. — (Brill’s Studies in Historical Linguistics; Volume 5.) ꢀIncludes index. ꢀISBN 978-90-04-28771-6 (hardback : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-29255-0 (e-book) 1. Romanian language—Syntax. 2. Romanian language—To 1500. 3. Romanian language—History. 4. Discourse analysis—History. 5. Pragmatics—History. 6. Historical linguistics. 7. Romania—History—To 1711. I. Hill, Virginia, editor.
ꢀPC713.F67 2015 ꢀ459’.5—dc23
2015010249
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Contents
Abbreviationsꢀvii List of Contributorsꢀix
Introductionꢀ1
V irginia Hill
PART 1
The Internal Structure of the DP
The Parameter of Definiteness in Romanian: Diachronic and Synchronic
Evidenceꢀ17
Alexandru Nicolae
Polydefinite DPs in Old Romanianꢀ62
Daniela I sac
Classified Proper Names in Old Romanian: Person and Definitenessꢀ100
Alexandra Cornilescu and Alexandru Nicolae
Agreeing and Non-agreeing Genitives in Old Romanian and the History of
Romanian Genitive Constructionsꢀ154
I on Giurgea
Differential Object Marking in the First Original Romanian Textsꢀ200
Alexandru Mardale
Two DP Configurations for Supine-Based Nounsꢀ246
Adina Dragomirescu
Part 2
The DP and the Clause
Object Pronouns in the Evolution of Romanian: A Biolinguistic
Perspectiveꢀ269
Anna Maria Di Sciullo and Stanca Somesfalean
vi
Contents
DPs in Αdjectival Small Clauses in Romanian: A Diachronic
Perspectiveꢀ290
Monica Alexandrina I rimia
Restrictive and Appositive Relativesꢀ329
Anca Sevcenco
Indexꢀ365
Abbreviations
ABL ACC ADV
AUX
COND DAT DEF DEM DO
ablative accusative adverb auxiliary verb conditional dative definite article demonstrative direct object differential object marking ergative
DOM ERG ESS
essive
F
feminine
FUT GEN GER IMP IMPER INDEF INDIC INF
future genitive gerund imperative imperfective indefinite indicative infinitive
INF
infinitive instrumental irrealis
INST IRR IO
indirect object masculine neuter
MNNEG NOM NPI
negation nominative Negative Polarity Item partitive
PART PASS PFV PL
passive perfective plural
PLUPERF pluperfect
PPART PRES
past participle present
viii
abbreviations
PROG PS
progressive simple past reflexive
REFL
SEARB
SG
arbitrary se
singular
SUBJ
subjonctif
Note: ‘=’ attached to an item indicates its clitic/affixal status;
‘/’ between two abbreviations indicates syncretism (e.g., Case syncretism: NOM/ACC
List of Contributors
Alexandra Cornilescu
[email protected] University of Bucharest
Anna Maria Di Sciullo
[email protected] Université du Québec à Montréal
Adina Dragomirescu
[email protected] The I.Iordan-Al.Rosetti Institute of Linguistics
I on Giurgea
[email protected] The I.Iordan-Al.Rosetti Institute of Linguistics
V irgina Hill
[email protected] University of New Brunswick - Saint John
Monica Alexandrina I rimia
[email protected] University of York & University of Toronto
Daniela I sac
[email protected] Concordia University
Alexandru Mardale
[email protected] INALCO de Paris
Alexandru Nicolae
[email protected] The I.Iordan-Al.Rosetti Institute of Linguistics
x
list of contributors
Anca Sevcenco
[email protected] University of Bucharest
Stanca Somesfalean
[email protected] Université du Québec à Montréal
Introduction
Virginia Hill
This volume provides a number of studies that bring a formal perspective to the discussion of diachronic changes the noun phrases underwent from Old to Modern Romanian. It is the first time that a collection of such studies is published in English, outside Romania, so the respective data and tests become accessible to linguists all over the world.
Why would the Old Romanian DP be interesting for cross-linguistic studies?1
In order to answer this question, I will briefly summarize the main points of contention in the current DP theory, and then point out how the studies included in this volume contribute to a better understanding of the relevant issues. In a nutshell, the data from Old Romanian increase the empirical basis needed to revise or refine current analyses of DPs with respect to their internal structure and to the constraints such phrases impose on the structure and interpretation of clauses. The empirical observations lead to precise theoretical proposals that benefit from the diachronic perspective adopted across the board in this volume.
- 1
- Data and Methodology
Old Romanian texts have been preserved starting with mid16th century. Thus, what we call old for Romanian grammar corresponds to the early modern stages in other languages (see also Hill & Alboiu 2015). Thus, Old Romanian is the language of the texts created, translated or printed from the 16th century up to the end of the 18th century (Gheție et al. 1997).
The Institute of Linguistics in Bucharest compiled a digital corpus comprising most of these texts. All the contributors to this book used texts included in this corpus, in their digital or original versions, with the occasional addition of other documents. The search is manual and, for the digital version, it relies on the word search key in the software. The formal analyses proposed on the basis of these data are couched in the framework of generative grammar, in particular, the minimalist theory (Chomsky 1995 et seq).
1ꢀ The term Determiner Phrase (DP) refers to the complex structure generated by a noun; that is, the argumental structure of the noun plus its functional domain.
- ©
- koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015ꢀ|ꢀdoi 10.1163/9789004292550_002
2
hill
- 2
- Typology
It is well known that the Romanian morphosyntax displays a typological mix of Romance and Balkan parametric settings: while the morphological items are essentially inherited from Latin (Iordan & Manoliu 1965), the structure in which they merge is derived according to Balkan patterns (Mladenova 2009). For nouns, this typological mix is best illustrated by the definite article, which has a Latin etymon, but it is enclitic on the noun stem in Romanian—following the Balkan pattern—whereas in other Romance languages it is prenominal (e.g., Rom. f i ul ‘son=DEF’ versus It. il f i glio ‘DEF son’). This parametric setting remains constant in Old and Modern Romanian, and is responsible for a wide range of cross-linguistic variation concerning the word order within the DP. For example, among Romance languages, only Romanian may display definite articles in true vocatives (e.g., f i ule ‘son.DEF.VOC’; Hill 2014);2 and may allow adjectives to carry the article (e.g. bunul f i u ‘good=DEF son’; Giusti 1993). Diachronic changes affect only the micro-parameters, and they make the topic of the articles included in this volume. That is, further ramifications of the parametric setting for the definite articles are discussed (among other properties of the DP), and changes are pointed out in the area of: multiple agreement, where both adjectives and nouns carry the definite article; definiteness marking with proper nouns; the development of prenominal genitive markers; and the syntax of wh-phrases that had enclitic articles in Old Romanian.
- 3
- Formalization: The Internal Structure of DPs
Since the formalization of nominal phrases as DP structures (Brame 1982; Abney 1987), the linguistic theory strived to identify the finer articulations of these configurations, in a way that would capture the morphosyntactic and interpretive variations observable intra- and cross-linguistically. For example, variations arise regarding the codification of phi-features (i.e., number and gender), the expression of possession, the definiteness marking, the word order within the DP and so on. Typically, the theoretical approach to these issues relies on a finer articulation of the functional field (e.g., Cinque 1990; Cornilescu 1992; Giusti 1993 a.o.) and/or a reassessment of the DP internal
2ꢀ French direct addresses of the type les amis! ‘friends!’ are not true vocatives (i.e., where the
D field must be absent), in terms of Espinal (2013), but contain the D field and qualify as DPs.
introduction
3displacements (Kayne 1994; Ștefănescu 1997; Corver 2003 a.o.), in terms of A or A’-movement (see an overview in Coene & D’Hulst 2003). In both cases, most analyses rely on the mapping of semantic features as functional features which, in turn, act as triggers for movement.
3.1
Functional Features
As far as the articulation of the functional domain is concerned, noun phrases have been argued to map number (NumP; Ritter 1988; Carstens 1991 a.o.), agreement (AgrP; Kayne 1994), possession (PossP; Valois 1991), Case (KP or FP; Valois 1991; Giusti 1993), gender/classification (ClassP; Ndayiragije & Nikema 2011), and definiteness (Danon 2010). Accordingly, the internal structure of the DP may consist of one of the hierarchies in (1), where the features listed above are not necessarily mapped to a functional head distinct from D (i.e., there is no one-to-one mapping requirement).
(1) a. DP > NumP > CaseP > NP (Valois 1991) b. FP/KP > DP > NP c. DP > NumP > NP d. DP > PossP > NP* > NP
(Giusti 1993) (Ritter 1988) (Valois 1991) e. DP > NumP > ClassP > NP (Picallo 2008)
Crucially, there is wide disagreement as to the exact representation of the functional domain of a noun phrase, as the variations in (1) indicate. Practically, the representations differ according to the empirical data that motivate them. However, the inventory of functional features is generally agreed upon, variation arising with respect to their ordering and their substantiation.
Modern Romanian noun phrases have been shown to display all the projections in (1), the DP exhibiting morphological Case (e.g., Cornilescu 1992), agreement endings (e.g., Ștefănescu 1997), evidence for the number feature (Dobrovie-Sorin 2012), special morphology for expressing possession (Cornilescu 1992; Ștefănescu 1997; Dobrovie-Sorin & Giurgea 2011 a.o.), as well as morphosyntactic sensitivity to the contrast between count and mass nouns (e.g., Iordăchioaia & Soare 2008), and expletive articles (Nicolae 2013).
Old Romanian noun phrases are shown in this volume to follow the same pattern, but with non-trivial variations. In particular, Old Romanian displays multiple agreement within DPs, which is not the case in Modern Romanian, as shown in (2). That is, the syncretic ending for the definite article (–lu-) and the Genitive Case (-i) appears on three items in (2a) but only on one item in (2b).
4
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(2) a. păntru su f letul răposatului jupânului
Predei
OR
‘for the soul of the late master Preda’ (DÎ.1600: LVI)
b. pentru su f letul
for soul.DEF late.DEF.GEN master Preda ‘for the soul of the late master Preda’
răposatului
- jupân
- Preda
MR
Alexandru Nicolae argues that the distribution of the definite article in structures such as (2) justifies an analysis whereby the definiteness feature is mapped as a functional feature in both Old and Modern Romanian. This has been proposed for other languages (e.g., Danon 2010; Kibort 2010) and finds confirmation in the Romanian data. In Old Romanian, this parameter combines with the Long Distance Agree operation, which has been lost across the board towards Modern Romanian, where only Local Agree is possible. Hence, multiple agreement is possible (but not obligatory) in Old Romanian, as in (2a), but impossible in Modern Romanian (2b).
For a subset of the same type of constructions, Daniela Isac argues that the mapping of definiteness is split in Old Romanian, over a definiteness [def] feature and a reference [Ref] feature, both unvalued and associated with D. The definite article is spelled out disjointly both on items that probe D to check/ value the [def] feature, and on items that check/value the [Ref] feature on D. Modern Romanian lost this distinction (i.e., it lost [Ref]), which explains the contrast between (2a) and (2b). This analysis keeps the diachronic change within one parameter and dispenses with the parametrization of the Agree operation.
To complicate the picture, proper nouns may display the definite article in
Old Romanian, as in (3a), but not in Modern Romanian, as shown in (3b), for equivalent versions of the same example.
- (3) a. f ăcu
- nuntă
- nepotului
- său, Vladul
vodă OR
made.3 wedding nephew.DEF.DAT his Vlad.DEF king ‘he threw a wedding for his nephew, King Vlad’
- b. f ăcu
- nuntă
- pentru nepotul
- său, Vlad vodă MR
‘he threw a wedding for his nephew, King Vlad’
Aiming to account for the structure of proper nouns as in (3), Alexandra Cornilescu & Alexandru Nicolae adopt Longobardi’s (2008) proposal that such
introduction
5
DPs map a [Person] feature (which is not present on the D of common nouns). Their contribution is to show the effects arising from the mapping of [Person] to a D that is positive for the definiteness parameter. It is argued that this featural make-up is distributed over Picallo’s (2008) hierarchy shown in (1e). The diachronic change in the use of the definite article shown in (3) would then follow from the same change in the parameter for the application of Agree (i.e., Long Distance in Old Romanian but Local in Modern Romanian).
Numerous studies on the DP domain focus on the structure of possessive phrases. In fact, the mapping of a [possessive] feature has been a major argument for the proposal of D as a functional head in Abney (1987). Valois (1991) proposes a PossP within a DP structure that replicates Larson’s (1988) VP shell. That is, in the hierarchy DP > PossP > NP* > NP, PossP is assigned the external th-role of N. Kayne (1994) also treats possessive phrases as having an argument structure from which the items move to the functional domain to satisfy agreement requirements. Romanian provides important empirical support in this respect, especially due to the fact that possessiveness is marked both on the prenominal definite article and on the noun, as [definite] and genitive, as in (4).
- (4) un
- f rate
- al
- f emeii
a.MSG brother GEN.MSG woman.DEF.FSG.GEN
‘a brother of the woman’
Within the group of Romance languages, the genitive possessive article al has no counterpart, as these languages developed a partitive pattern, based on de, which did not spread to Romanian (Iordan & Manoliu 1965). Understanding the emergence and the properties of al is crucial for confirming or infirming theoretical generalizations regarding the mapping of possessiveness within DP.
Ion Giurgea treats al-phrases as agreeing genitives and argues that they emerged in a system that allowed for the existence of two definite articles, a suffix and an independent (DP-initial) one: the DP-initial article became a genitive K in attested Romanian, but kept its agreement properties. This K bears, besides the adnominal structural Case feature (treated as uPoss), uPhi-features that are valued by the case licensor (the item that checks uPoss). The challenging aspect of this configuration is that it indicates upward probing (since the probe is K and the goal is the case licensor, external to the KP), instead of the standard downward probing assumed in the grammatical theory (Chomsky 1995, 2000). Upward probing has been noticed for other configurations, crosslinguistically (see Christodoulou & Wiltschko 2012 and references within), so this paper contributes as well to that theoretical debate.
6