Dative Constructions in Romance and Beyond
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Formal Approaches to Dps in Old Romanian Brill’S Studies in Historical Linguistics
Formal Approaches to DPs in Old Romanian Brill’s Studies in Historical Linguistics Series Editor Jóhanna Barðdal (Ghent University) Consulting Editor Spike Gildea (University of Oregon) Editorial Board Joan Bybee (University of New Mexico) – Lyle Campbell (University of Hawai’i Manoa) – Nicholas Evans (The Australian National University) Bjarke Frellesvig (University of Oxford) – Mirjam Fried (Czech Academy of Sciences) – Russel Gray (University of Auckland) – Tom Güldemann (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin) – Alice Harris (University of Massachusetts) Brian D. Joseph (The Ohio State University) – Ritsuko Kikusawa (National Museum of Ethnology) – Silvia Luraghi (Università di Pavia) Joseph Salmons (University of Wisconsin) – Søren Wichmann (MPI/EVA) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bshl Formal Approaches to DPs in Old Romanian Edited by Virginia Hill LEIDEN | BOSTON Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Formal approaches to DPs in Old Romanian / Edited by Virginia Hill. pages cm. — (Brill’s Studies in Historical Linguistics; Volume 5.) Includes index. ISBN 978-90-04-28771-6 (hardback : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-29255-0 (e-book) 1. Romanian language—Syntax. 2. Romanian language—To 1500. 3. Romanian language—History. 4. Discourse analysis—History. 5. Pragmatics—History. 6. Historical linguistics. 7. Romania—History—To 1711. I. Hill, Virginia, editor. PC713.F67 2015 459’.5—dc23 2015010249 This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 2211-4904 isbn 978-90-04-28771-6 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-29255-0 (e-book) Copyright 2015 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. -
Not So Quirky: on Subject Case in Ice- Landic1
5 Not so Quirky: On Subject Case in Ice- landic 1 JÓHANNES GÍSLI JÓNSSON 1 Introduction The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of subject case in Icelandic, extending and refining the observations of Jónsson (1997-1998) and some earlier work on this topic. It will be argued that subject case in Icelandic is more predictable from lexical semantics than previous studies have indicated (see also Mohanan 1994 and Narasimhan 1998 for a similar conclusion about Hindi). This is in line with the work of Jónsson (2000) and Maling (2002) who discuss various semantic generalizations about case as- signment to objects in Icelandic. This paper makes two major claims. First, there are semantic restrictions on non-nominative subjects in Icelandic which go far beyond the well- known observation that such subjects cannot be agents. It will be argued that non-nominative case is unavailable to all kinds of subjects that could be described as agent-like, including subjects of certain psych-verbs and intransitive verbs of motion and change of state. 1 I would like to thank audiences in Marburg, Leeds, York and Reykjavík and three anony- mous reviewers for useful comments. This study was supported by grants from the Icelandic Science Fund (Vísindasjóður) and the University of Iceland Research Fund (Rannsóknasjóður HÍ). New Perspectives in Case Theory. Ellen Brandner and Heike Zinsmeister (eds.). Copyright © 2003, CSLI Publications. 129 130 / JOHANNES GISLI JONSSON Second, the traditional dichotomy between structural and lexical case is insufficient in that two types of lexical case must be recognized: truly idio- syncratic case and what we might call semantic case. -
Against Predp
AGAINST PREDP ORA MATUSHANSKY SFL (CNRS/Université Paris-8)/UiL OTS/Utrecht University 1xxIntroduction Whereas Stowell 1981, 1983 analyzes small clauses (minimal units of predication) as maximal projections of the head of the predicate (i.e., as APs, PPs, etc.), Bowers 1993, 2001 argues that this is not enough and predication must be mediated by a functional head (Pred°), which has both a semantic and a syntactic function: (1) VP V° PredP = small clause consider DP Pred Marie Pred° AP ø proud of her work Bowers' motivation for this proposal was mostly theoretical, but some empirical evidence was also provided. However, as I will argue below, this conclusion, although widely accepted by now, is not, on closer examination, supported by linguistic evidence that has been adduced in its favor and theory-internal arguments for it either have become obsolete or may be counted by an alternative explanation. 2xxTheoretical Evidence for PredP The first, most frequently cited argument for the existence of a functional head in small clauses comes from coordination. While it is generally impossible to coordinate maximal projections of different lexical heads (a constraint from Chomsky 1957 that Williams 1981 terms the Law of Coordination of Likes), coordination of small-clause predicates is possible (Sag et al. 1985): 83 84 Matushansky (2) a. I consider Fred crazy and a fool. b. I consider Mary both shrewd and in the know. Bowers proposes that the Law of Coordination of Likes can be explained by the impossibility of assigning a label to the constituent formed by the coordination of projections of X° and Y°. -
The Case of Restricted Locatives Ora Matushansky
The case of restricted locatives Ora Matushansky To cite this version: Ora Matushansky. The case of restricted locatives. Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung , 2019, 23 (2), 10.18148/sub/2019.v23i2.604. halshs-02431372 HAL Id: halshs-02431372 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02431372 Submitted on 7 Jan 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The case of restricted locatives1 Ora MATUSHANSKY — SFL (CNRS/Université Paris-8)/UiL OTS/Utrecht University Abstract. This paper examines the cross-linguistic phenomenon of locative case restricted to a closed class of items (L-nouns). Starting with Latin, I suggest that the restriction is semantic in nature: L-nouns denote in the spatial domain and hence can be used as locatives without further material. I show how the independently motivated hypothesis that directional PPs consist of two layers, Path and Place, explains the directional uses of L-nouns and the cases that are assigned then, and locate the source of the locative case itself in p0, for which I then provide a clear semantic contribution: a type-shift from the domain of loci to the object domain. -
Recent Anglicisms in Romanian
207 RECENT ANGLICISMS IN ROMANIAN Hortensia Parlog, University of Timisoara In the years after the fall of the communist regime in 1989, when Ro• mania opened to the West, the influence of English on the Romanian lan• guage rose to an unprecedented level. Nowadays, English words can be found in all Romanian newspapers and journals, can be heard on any Romanian TV channel, and are frequently used as shop or business names (Parlog 2002); English has even become the language of Romanian graffiti. The phenomenon has been most recently charted in the three volumes on European Anglicisms edited by Manfred Görlach (2001; 2002a; 2002b). A previous article on English loanwords in Romanian, published twenty years ago (Parlog 1983), was based on a corpus in which only eighteen nouns referred to human beings. The current corpus, collected since 1990 from several newspapers and magazines of different orienta• tion, contains more than six times as many (see Annex).1 With some ex• ceptions, they denote human agents or members of a profession and many do not represent random usage but seem to occur regularly. Their gradual adaptation to Romanian is governed by formal and semantic cri• teria. From a formal point of view, borrowed names of human agents end• ing in a consonant or a semivowel may become either masculine or neuter in Romanian and the difference becomes obvious only in the plural forms; from a semantic point of view, however, such nouns usually become mas• culine while the neuter is reserved for nouns with non-animate referents. Many of the borrowed English words are used unmodified, without any change in their formal structure e.g.: 208 Nordic Journal of English Studies o pozitie de outsider ["a position of outsider"];2 angajeazä brand manager, creative director, account manager, art director, account executive, copywriter, designer ["wanted ..."]; locuri de muncäpentru baby-sitter ["jobs as baby-sitter"]; and A.N., hostess de night-club ["A.N., night-club hostess"]. -
Accusative Case in Pps
Accusative case in PPs Boban Arsenijevi ć and Berit Gehrke University of Amsterdam Pompeu Fabra University 1. Introduction In some Indo-European languages, such as most Slavic ones, Latin, or German, a number of prepositions with spatial meanings take nominal complements in two different cases: an oblique case (e.g. dative, locative 1, or instrumental), as in (1), and accusative (2). (1) a. Elena čitala knigu v komnate. Russian Elena read book. ACC in room. LOC ‘Elena read a/the book in a/the room.’ b. Hans schob den Wagen in dem Graben. German Hans pushed the. ACC cart in the. DAT ditch ‘Hans pushed the cart inside the ditch.’ (2) a. Elena položila knigu v sumku. Russian Elena put book. ACC in bag. ACC ‘Elena put a/the book in a/the bag.’ b. Hans schob den Wagen in den Graben. German Hans pushed the. ACC cart in the. ACC ditch ‘Hans pushed the cart into the ditch.’ In this paper, we will concentrate on Serbo-Croatian (S-C) and German (G), but we assume that the analysis can be applied to other languages that display this kind of case alternation in the PP domain. Traditional grammar generalizes that prepositions assign accusative in the context of a change of state, most frequently of location, in which the relevant PP denotes the result state or final location of this change. Locative, or other oblique cases, are assigned in PPs that modify the entire event (structurally represented as VP), usually for place. Accusative is linked to the denotation of the goal. -
Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: a Case Study from Koro
Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro By Jessica Cleary-Kemp A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair Assistant Professor Peter S. Jenks Professor William F. Hanks Summer 2015 © Copyright by Jessica Cleary-Kemp All Rights Reserved Abstract Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro by Jessica Cleary-Kemp Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair In this dissertation a methodology for identifying and analyzing serial verb constructions (SVCs) is developed, and its application is exemplified through an analysis of SVCs in Koro, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea. SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and mood, and they denote a single event. The unique syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs present a number of theoretical challenges, and thus they have invited great interest from syntacticians and typologists alike. But characterizing the nature of SVCs and making generalizations about the typology of serializing languages has proven difficult. There is still debate about both the surface properties of SVCs and their underlying syntactic structure. The current work addresses some of these issues by approaching serialization from two angles: the typological and the language-specific. On the typological front, it refines the definition of ‘SVC’ and develops a principled set of cross-linguistically applicable diagnostics. -
Russian Grammar 1 Russian Grammar
Russian grammar 1 Russian grammar Russian grammar (Russian: грамматика русского языка, IPA: [ɡrɐˈmatʲɪkə ˈruskəvə jɪzɨˈka]; also русская грамматика; IPA: [ˈruskəjə ɡrɐˈmatʲɪkə]) encompasses: • a highly inflexional morphology • a syntax that, for the literary language, is the conscious fusion of three elements: • a Church Slavonic inheritance; • a Western European style; • a polished vernacular foundation. The Russian language has preserved an Indo-European inflexional structure, although considerable adaption has taken place. The spoken language has been influenced by the literary one, but it continues to preserve some characteristic forms. Russian dialects show various non-standard grammatical features, some of which are archaisms or descendants of old forms discarded by the literary language. NOTE: In the discussion below, various terms are used in the meaning they have in standard Russian discussions of historical grammar. In particular, aorist, imperfect, etc. are considered verbal tenses rather than aspects, because ancient examples of them are attested for both perfective and imperfective verbs. Nouns Nominal declension is subject to six cases – nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, instrumental, and prepositional – in two numbers (singular and plural), and absolutely obeying grammatical gender (masculine, feminine, and neuter). Up to ten additional cases are identified in linguistics textbooks,[1][2][3] although all of them are either incomplete (do not apply to all nouns) or degenerate (appear identical to one of the six simple cases). The most recognized additional cases are locative (в лесу, в крови, в слезах), partitive (чаю, сахару, коньяку), and several forms of vocative (Господи, Боже, отче). The adjectives, pronouns, and the first two cardinal numbers further vary by gender. -
From Latin to Romance: Case Loss and Preservation in Pronominal Systems
FLORE Repository istituzionale dell'Università degli Studi di Firenze From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems Questa è la Versione finale referata (Post print/Accepted manuscript) della seguente pubblicazione: Original Citation: From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems / Manzini, MARIA RITA; Savoia, LEONARDO MARIA. - In: PROBUS. - ISSN 1613-4079. - STAMPA. - 26, 2(2014), pp. 217-248. Availability: This version is available at: 2158/891750 since: 2016-01-20T16:23:29Z Terms of use: Open Access La pubblicazione è resa disponibile sotto le norme e i termini della licenza di deposito, secondo quanto stabilito dalla Policy per l'accesso aperto dell'Università degli Studi di Firenze (https://www.sba.unifi.it/upload/policy-oa-2016-1.pdf) Publisher copyright claim: (Article begins on next page) 27 September 2021 Probus 2014; 26(2): 217 – 248 M. Rita Manzini* and Leonardo M. Savoia From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems Abstract: The evolution from Latin into Romance is marked by the loss of case in nominal declensions. In most Romance varieties, however, pronouns, specifi- cally in the 1st/2nd person singular, keep case differentiations. In some varieties 1st/2nd singular pronouns present a three-way case split, essentially the same re- constructed for proto-Romance (De Dardel and Gaeng 1992, Zamboni 1998). We document and analyze the current situation of Romance in the first part of the article (section 1). In the second part of the article we argue that the Dative Shifted distribution of loro in modern Italian, accounted for by means of the category of weak pronoun in Cardinaletti and Starke (1999), is best construed as a survival of oblique case in the 3rd person system (section 2). -
William Snyder the Compounding Parameter (TCP)
To appear in Violeta Demonte and Louise McNally (eds.) Telicity, Change, and State . Oxford: OUP. 1 PARAMETER THEORY AND MOTION PREDICATES William Snyder The Compounding Parameter (TCP) of (Snyder 1995, 2001) has been linked to a number of the same points of cross-linguistic variation that Leonard Talmy (1985, 1991, 2000) addresses in his well-known verb-framed / satellite-framed typology. Talmy differentiates between languages in which path-of-motion is normally encoded in the main verb of a clause ("verb-framed" languages), and those in which path-of-motion is more commonly expressed outside the verb ("satellite-framed" languages). Both the English type of verb-particle construction (where the particle can be separated from the verb by a phrasal constituent, as in Mary pulled the lid off ) and the English adjectival resultative construction ( John wiped the table clean ) have been argued to depend on the positive setting of TCP (e.g. Snyder 2001, Sugisaki & Isobe 2000); and both are typical of Talmy's satellite-framed languages (e.g. Talmy 1985:68,104). Likewise, researchers have argued that a spatial PP (such as under the bridge ) can convert a pure manner-of-motion activity predicate (Sue swam for/*in 15 minutes ) into an accomplishment ( Sue swam under the bridge in 15 minutes ) only in [+ TCP] languages (Beck & Snyder 2001, Gehrke 2008), and only in satellite-framed languages (cf. Aske 1989:6-7). This chapter examines the precise role of TCP in the linguistic expression of motion events. One of my central claims will be that TCP should be understood as the availability, or unavailability, of a specific rule of semantic composition, which I term To appear in Violeta Demonte and Louise McNally (eds.) Telicity, Change, and State . -
Proper Language, Proper Citizen: Standard Practice and Linguistic Identity in Primary Education
Proper Language, Proper Citizen: Standard Linguistic Practice and Identity in Macedonian Primary Education by Amanda Carroll Greber A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures University of Toronto © Copyright by Amanda Carroll Greber 2013 Abstract Proper Language, Proper Citizen: Standard Linguistic Practice and Identity in Macedonian Primary Education Doctor of Philosophy 2013 Amanda Carroll Greber Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures University of Toronto This dissertation analyzes how the concept of the ideal citizen is shaped linguistically and visually in Macedonian textbooks and how this concept changes over time and in concert with changes in society. It is focused particularly on the role of primary education in the transmission of language, identity, and culture as part of the nation-building process. It is concerned with how schools construct linguistic norms in association with the construction of citizenship. The linguistic practices represented in textbooks depict “good language” and thus index also “good citizen.” Textbooks function as part of the broader sets of resources and practices with which education sets out to make citizens and thus they have an important role in shaping young people’s knowledge and feelings about the nation and nation-state, as well as language ideologies and practices. By analyzing the “ideal” citizen represented in a textbook we can begin to discern the goals of the government and society. To this end, I conduct a diachronic analysis of the Macedonian language used in elementary readers at several points from 1945 to 2000 using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. -
MR Harley Miyagawa Syntax of Ditransitives
Syntax of Ditransitives Heidi Harley and Shigeru Miyagawa (in press, Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics) July 2016 Summary Keywords 1. Structure for the Two Internal Arguments 2. Underlying Order 3. Meaning Differences 4. Case, Clitic 5. The Structure of Ditransitives 6. Nominalization Asymmetries 6.1. A Morphological Account of the Nominalization Asymmetry 6.2. –kata Nominalization in Japanese and Myer’s Generalization 6.3 Selectional Accounts of the Nominalization Asymmetry 6.4 Applicative vs Small Clause Approaches to the DOC. 7. Constraints on the Dative/DOC Alternation 7.1 Morphological Constraints 7.2 Lexical Semantic Constraints 7.3 Information-Structural and Sentential Prosody Constraints 8. Overview and Prospects Further Reading References Summary Ditransitive predicates select for two internal arguments, and hence minimally entail the participation of three entities in the event described by the verb. Canonical ditranstive verbs include give, show and teach; in each case, the verb requires an Agent (a giver, shower or teacher, respectively), a Theme (the thing given, shown or taught) and a Goal (the recipient, viewer, or student). The property of requiring two internal arguments makes ditransitive verbs syntactically unique. Selection in generative grammar is often modelled as syntactic sisterhood, so ditranstive verbs immediately raise the question of whether a verb might have two sisters, requiring a ternary-branching structure, or whether one of the two internal arguments is not in a sisterhood relation with the verb. Another important property of English ditransitive constructions is the two syntactic structures associated with them. In the so-called “Double Object Construction”, or DOC, the Goal and Theme both are simple NPs and appear following the verb in the order V-Goal-Theme.