Road from Home to America, Middle East and Diaspora, About Being Armenian Genocide Female Survivor
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A Form Within a Form a Conversation Between Dor Guez and the Composer Hagop K
A Form within a Form A Conversation between Dor Guez and the Composer Hagop K. Dor Guez: The fate, or should I say the physical presence, of a work of art that isn't fixed to a place doesn't necessarily attests to its origin, or sources of influence. This is especially true in the case of musical works like your own. Hagop K.: Similarly to movables such as ceramics, carpets, silverware, manuscripts, etc., sometimes it's impossible to point with any certainty to the origin of a melody. Objects such as these are easily transferable and thus it's often hard to pinpoint the identity of their maker. This enabled nationalistic historians to bend their findings and dub unmistakablely Armenian artifacts "Ottoman." D.G.: The nation-state's artificial borders distort the historiography of art. For this reason, the phenomenon of inscription (in Armenian "hishatakaran") is not accidental when we are dealing with minority culture, which is often nomadic. H.K.: More than any other people, we insist on artistic validation and authorship. There is a built-in blindness in the writing on Christian artisanship originating from Armenia. For example, academic literature tends to ignore the Armenian influence on the ceramics made throughout the Ottoman Empire. The prevalent reasons given to this oversight are that many of the objects manufactured by Armenian potters were commissioned by Muslim clients, or that Armenian carpets were woven and commissioned by Muslim subjects of the Empire. Having been subsumed by the metanarrative under the heading "Ottoman" or "Turkish" works, ornaments manufactured in Armenian workshops (decorated ceramic tiles, jars and eggs) were deemed unworthy of a chapter of their own. -
Armenian Christians in Jerusalem: 1700 Years of Peaceful Presence*
Laury Haytayan1 Прегледни рад Arab Region Parliamentarians Against Corruption UDK:27(479.25)(569.44) ARMENIAN CHRISTIANS IN JERUSALEM: 1700 YEARS OF PEACEFUL PRESENCE* Abstract This paper examines the presence of the Armenians in Jerusalem for the past 1700 years. This historical account sheds the light on the importance of Jerusa- lem for the Armenians, especially for the Armenian Church that was granted the authority to safeguard the Holy Places in the Holy Land with the Greek and Latin Churches. During the centuries, the Armenians survived all the conquests and were able to find all sorts of compromises with all the different powers that conquered Jerusalem. This study shows that the permanent presence is due to the wise religious authorities and the entire Armenian community who had no backing from super powers but they had their religious beliefs and their per- sistence in safeguarding the Holy Places of Christianity. The author takes the reader back in History by stopping at important events that shaped the history of the Armenians in the Holy Land. Key words: Jerusalem, Armenians, Crusaders, Holy Land, St James Monas- tery, Old City, Armenian Quarter. Introduction This paper comes at a time when Christians in Iraq and Egypt are being mas- sacred in their churches, Christians in Nazareth are being forbidden to decorate a Christmas tree in public space, and Christians in Lebanon are seeking to pre- serve their political rights to safeguard their presence in their Homeland. At a time, when the Palestinian Authority is alerting the International Community of the danger of the continuous and ferocious settlement construction in East Jerusalem by the State of Israel, and at a time when Christians of the East are being silent on the fate of Jerusalem by leaving it in the hands of the Palestinian and Israeli negotiators, hoping that the Unites States will be the caretaker of the Christians of Jerusalem. -
Armenian Genocide Ch3.Pdf
“ Religion has a place for a conscience, which racist ideologies do not.” —Christopher Walker Chapter 3 the young turks in power THIS CHAPTER LOOKS AT THE CHOICES MADE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE BETWEEN 1908 AND 1914 THAT would eventually result in genocide. No historical event is inevitable. Individuals and groups operate within a particular historical moment, and the choices they make ultimately define the age. In 1908, the Young Turk revolution brought great hope for many people living in the Ottoman Empire. The reintroduction of the constitution, with its promises of equal rights, seemed to offer opportunities to people who had been left behind in the old system. The Young Turk vision of a strong central gov- ernment promised an alternative to the corruption and disorder of the sultan’s regime. Many hoped the violence that had come to characterize the sultan’s reign would now end. For the Armenians, the constitution and its guaranteed equality seemed to offer many of the reforms they had long desired. But there were still unresolved tensions. What role would Muslims have in this new order? Were they going to quietly accept the loss of their special status in this new regime? What would happen to supporters of the sultan? What about the members of groups that suffered under the old regime? Could they trust the Young Turks? Who would enforce the changes they promised? 56 • Facing history and ourselves There were tensions within the Young Turk movement as well. Between 1908 and 1913, the diversity of opinion within the Young Turk movement became clear. -
The Cost of Memorializing: Analyzing Armenian Genocide Memorials and Commemorations in the Republic of Armenia and in the Diaspora
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR HISTORY, CULTURE AND MODERNITY www.history-culture-modernity.org Published by: Uopen Journals Copyright: © The Author(s). Content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence eISSN: 2213-0624 The Cost of Memorializing: Analyzing Armenian Genocide Memorials and Commemorations in the Republic of Armenia and in the Diaspora Sabrina Papazian HCM 7: 55–86 DOI: 10.18352/hcm.534 Abstract In April of 1965 thousands of Armenians gathered in Yerevan and Los Angeles, demanding global recognition of and remembrance for the Armenian Genocide after fifty years of silence. Since then, over 200 memorials have been built around the world commemorating the vic- tims of the Genocide and have been the centre of hundreds of marches, vigils and commemorative events. This article analyzes the visual forms and semiotic natures of three Armenian Genocide memorials in Armenia, France and the United States and the commemoration prac- tices that surround them to compare and contrast how the Genocide is being memorialized in different Armenian communities. In doing so, this article questions the long-term effects commemorations have on an overall transnational Armenian community. Ultimately, it appears that calls for Armenian Genocide recognition unwittingly categorize the global Armenian community as eternal victims, impeding the develop- ment of both the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian diaspora. Keywords: Armenian Genocide, commemoration, cultural heritage, diaspora, identity, memorials HCM 2019, VOL. 7 Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/202155 12:33:22PM via free access PAPAZIAN Introduction On 24 April 2015, the hundredth anniversary of the commencement of the Armenian Genocide, Armenians around the world collectively mourned for and remembered their ancestors who had lost their lives in the massacres and deportations of 1915.1 These commemorations took place in many forms, including marches, candlelight vigils, ceremo- nial speeches and cultural performances. -
Ethnic Return of Armenian Americans: Per- Spectives
Karolina Pawłowska: Ethnic return of Armenian Americans: Perspectives Ethnic return of Armenian Americans: Per- spectives Karolina Pawłowska University of Adam Mickiewicz in Poznan, [email protected] Abstract The field research conducted among the very few Armenian Americans who have moved to Armenia showed that the phenomena of migration of the diaspora of Armenians to Armenia holds great potential both as a theoretical issue within migration studies and potentially a social phenomenon, as Armenian Americans differ from other migrants and expats in Armenia, because they carry stereotyped pre-images of that land that influence their expectations toward their future lives there. Field research conducted in Armenia in 2012 shows that the disillusionment that repatriation brings causes internal tensions and identity crises, eventually forcing migrants to redefine their role in Armenia in the frame- work of their contribution to the development of their homeland, often isolating them from local Armenians through diaspora practices and maintaining the symbolic boundary between these two groups of Armenians in Armenia. KEYWORDS: diaspora, ethnic return, symbolic boundary, boundary maintenance, so- journers Introduction Both diaspora and specifically the Armenian diaspora are topics well explored in litera- ture (Cohen 2008; Dufoix 2008; Bauböck & Faist 2010; Tölölyan 2012). However, the migration of Armenians from the diaspora to Armenia is not a popular topic among re- searchers and the diaspora of Armenians themselves. The number -
Peace in Caucasus
APRIL 23, 2016 Mirror-SpeTHE ARMENIAN ctator Volume LXXXVI, NO. 40, Issue 4434 $ 2.00 NEWS The First English Language Armenian Weekly in the United States Since 1932 INBRIEF Gymnast Houry Gebeshian Qualifies for Olympics RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil — Armenian- American gymnast Houry Gebeshian will be the first female gymnast to represent Armenia at the Olympics, after placing 21st out of 36 competitors and qualifying at the Pre- Olympic Test Event in Rio on April 17. Gebeshian was born in Auburndale, Mass. in 1989, Armenian Genocide Commemoration Billboards Installed in Massachusetts but obtained Armenian citi- zenship in 2010 to be eligi- WATERTOWN — Peace of Art, Inc. continues its annual leaders and dignitaries, including French President Francois ble to compete for Armenia. Armenian Genocide commemoration campaign in various Hollande, Russian President Vladimir Putin, the presidents of She lives in Cleveland, Ohio. Massachusetts cities during the month of April with digital bill- Serbia and Cyprus. Together they placed their roses into the She was admitted to this final qualifier due to boards dedicated to the 101st anniversary of the Armenian main Centennial wreath. It would have been wonderful to see a strong performance at the first round in the Genocide. “On April 24, 2015 at the Tsitsernakaberd Armenian the U.S. president himself in attendance, placing a rose in 2015 World Championships at Glasgow last Genocide memorial in Yerevan, I participated in the 100th memory of the 1.5 million Armenian Christian victims of 1915 October. anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. I witnessed Armenian to 1923,” Said Daniel Varoujan Hejinian, president and Gebeshian has a GoFundMe page children presenting a yellow rose to each of the many foreign founder of Peace of Art, Inc. -
Princely Suburb, Armenian Quarter Or Christian Ghetto? the Urban Setting of New Julfa in the Safavid Capital of Isfahan (1605-1722)
Ina Baghdiantz-MacCabe* Princely Suburb, Armenian Quarter or Christian Ghetto? The Urban Setting of New Julfa in the Safavid Capital of Isfahan (1605-1722) Résumé. Faubourg princier, quartier arménien ou ghetto chrétien ? L’établissement urbain de New Joulfa dans la capitale safavide d’Ispahan (1605-1722). L’article examine les lieux d’habitation des Arméniens à Isfahan et dans le nouveau bourg de la Nouvelle Joulfa, un quartier résidentiel construit spécialement pour recevoir les marchands de soie de Joulfa déportés à Isfahan en 1604 par Abbas Ier (r.1587-1629). Ce quartier se trouve, non sans raison politique, face aux résidences des notables, souvent eux mêmes originaires du Caucase pendant ce règne, dans la nouvelle capitale d’Isfahan. Il est démontré que, contrairement aux villes arabes sous domination ottomane étudiées par André Raymond, comme Alep ou Le Caire, il n’existait pas un quartier arménien. À leur arrivée, seuls les marchands prospères s’étaient vus accorder le droit de séjour dans le bourg de la Nouvelle Joulfa, tandis que les artisans et les domestiques habitaient parmi la population musulmane d’Isfahan même. La Nouvelle Joulfa était strictement réservée aux Joulfains. Aux termes d’un décret, les musulmans, les missionnaires catholiques et les autres arméniens, n’étaient autorisés à y résider. Cette situation changerait vers le milieu du XVIIe siècle. Après 1655, ce qui était un bourg “princier” – car le prévôt des marchands de Joulfa provient, selon les sources, d’une famille considérée princière –, deviendrait un “quartier arménien”, les Arméniens d’ Isfahan, après avoir été chassés de la capitale, ayant été transférés vers le bourg. -
Yeghishe Charents March 13, 1897 — November 29, 1937
Հ.Մ.Ը.Մ.-Ի ԳԼԵՆԴԵԼԻ ԱՐԱՐԱՏ ՄԱՍՆԱՃԻՒՂԻ ՄՇԱԿՈՒԹԱՅԻՆ ԲԱԺԱՆՄՈՒՄՔ Homenetmen Glendale Ararat Chapter Cultural Division Get to Know… Volume 2, Issue 3 March 2009 YEGHISHE CHARENTS MARCH 13, 1897 — NOVEMBER 29, 1937 Yeghishe Charents (Yeghishe Soghomonian) was born in March 13, 1897 in Kars, currently located in North-Eastern Turkey. Born into a family of tradesman, he became one of the legendary figures of Armenian art and anti-Soviet activism. His works have fostered generations of patriotic Armenians and have been translated and read by peoples as diverse as the subjects on which he wrote. One of the leaders of the literary elite of the Soviet Union, his poetic dynamism and musical modality set him apart as one of the most inspired poets—not Armenian poet, but poet—of the twentieth century. Charents spent 1924 and 1925 as a Soviet diplomat, traveling throughout the Armenian Diaspora urging Armenian writers to return to Armenia, and continue their literary work there. After returning to Armenia, in 1925, he and a group of other Armenian writers founded a literary organization called the Association of Armenian Proletarian Writers. Unfortunately, many of his colleagues were either deported to Siberia, or shot or both, under Stalin’s regime. During the years following 1925, Charents published his satirical novel, Land of Nairi (Yerkir Nairi), which rapidly became a great success among the people. Later on, Charents became the director of Armenia’s State Publishing House, while he continued his literary career, and began to translate, into Armenian, literary works by various writers. Charents also published such famous novels as: Rubayat (1927), Epic Dawn (Epikakan Lussapats, 1930), and Book of the Road (Grik Chanaparhi, 1933). -
What Makes a Restaurant Ethnic? (A Case Study Of
FORUM FOR ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURE, 2017, NO. 13 WHAT MAKES A RESTAURANT ETHNIC? (A CASE STUDY OF ARMENIAN RESTAURANTS IN ST PETERSBURG) Evgenia Guliaeva Th e Russian Museum of Ethnography 4/1 Inzhenernaya Str., St Petersburg, Russia [email protected] A b s t r a c t: Using restaurants in St Petersburg serving Armenian cuisine as a case study, the article studies the question of what makes an ethnic restaurant ethnic, what may be learnt about ethnicity by studying a restaurant serving a national cuisine, and to what extent the image of Armenian cuisine presented in Armenian restaurants corresponds to what Armenian informants tell us. The conclusion is that the composition of the menu in these restaurants refl ects a view of Armenian cuisine from within the ethnic group itself. The representation of ethnicity is achieved primarily by discursive means. Neither owners, nor staff, nor customers from the relevant ethnic group, nor the style of the interior or music are necessary conditions for a restaurant to be accepted as ethnic. However, their presence is taken into account when the authenticity or inauthenticity of the restaurant is evaluated. Armenian informants, though, do not raise the question of authenticity: this category is irrelevant for them. Keywords: Armenians, ethnicity, ethnic restaurants, national cuisine, authenticity, St Petersburg. To cite: Guliaeva E., ‘What Makes a Restaurant Ethnic? (A Case Study of Armenian Restaurants in St Petersburg)’, Forum for Anthropology and Culture, 2017, no. 13, pp. 280–305. U R L: http://anthropologie.kunstkamera.ru/fi -
University of California
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Calouste Gulbenkian Library, Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, 1925-1990: An Historical Portrait of a Monastic and Lay Community Intellectual Resource Center Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8f39k3ht Author Manoogian, Sylva Natalie Publication Date 2012 Supplemental Material https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8f39k3ht#supplemental Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Calouste Gulbenkian Library, Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, 1925-1990: An Historical Portrait of a Monastic and Lay Community Intellectual Resource Center A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Library and Information Science by Sylva Natalie Manoogian 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Calouste Gulbenkian Library, Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, 1925-1990: An Historical Portrait of a Monastic and Lay Community Intellectual Resource Center by Sylva Natalie Manoogian Doctor of Philosophy in Library and Information Science University of California, Los Angeles 2013 Professor Mary Niles Maack, Chair The Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem is a major religious, educational, cultural, and ecumenical institution, established more than fourteen centuries ago. The Calouste Gulbenkian Library is one of the Patriarchate’s five intellectual resource centers. Plans for its establishment began in 1925 as a tribute to Patriarch Yeghishe I Tourian to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his ordination to the priesthood. Its primary mission has been to collect and preserve valuable works of Armenian religion, language, art, literature, and history, as well as representative works of world literature in a number of languages. -
A History of Armenian Immigration to Southern California Daniel Fittante
But Why Glendale? But Why Glendale? A History of Armenian Immigration to Southern California Daniel Fittante Abstract: Despite its many contributions to Los Angeles, the internally complex community of Armenian Angelenos remains enigmatically absent from academic print. As a result, its history remains untold. While Armenians live throughout Southern California, the greatest concentration exists in Glendale, where Armenians make up a demographic majority (approximately 40 percent of the population) and have done much to reconfigure this homogenous, sleepy, sundown town of the 1950s into an ethnically diverse and economically booming urban center. This article presents a brief history of Armenian immigration to Southern California and attempts to explain why Glendale has become the world’s most demographically concentrated Armenian diasporic hub. It does so by situating the history of Glendale’s Armenian community in a complex matrix of international, national, and local events. Keywords: California history, Glendale, Armenian diaspora, immigration, U.S. ethnic history Introduction Los Angeles contains the most visible Armenian diaspora worldwide; however yet it has received virtually no scholarly attention. The following pages begin to shed light on this community by providing a prefatory account of Armenians’ historical immigration to and settlement of Southern California. The following begins with a short history of Armenian migration to the United States. The article then hones in on Los Angeles, where the densest concentration of Armenians in the United States resides; within the greater Los Angeles area, Armenians make up an ethnic majority in Glendale. To date, the reasons for Armenians’ sudden and accelerated settlement of Glendale remains unclear. While many Angelenos and Armenian diasporans recognize Glendale as the epicenter of Armenian American habitation, no one has yet clarified why or how this came about. -
1 the Armenian Dialects of Jerusalem Bert Vaux, Harvard University in Armenians in the Holy Land, Michael Stone, Ed. Louvain
The Armenian Dialects of Jerusalem Bert Vaux, Harvard University In Armenians in the Holy Land, Michael Stone, ed. Louvain: Peeters, 2002. 1. Introduction The Armenian community in Jerusalem was first established somewhere between the third and fifth centuries, and since that time has remained relatively isolated from the rest of the Armenian-speaking world. It has furthermore been subjected to a degree of Arabic influence that is quite uncommon among Armenian linguistic communities. For these reasons, it is not surprising that a distinctive dialect of Armenian has emerged in the Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem. Strangely, though, this dialect has never been studied by Armenologists or linguists, and is not generally known outside of the Armenian community in Israel. (Mention of the Armenian dialect of Jerusalem is notably absent in the standard works on Armenian dialectology and in the Soviet Armenian Encyclopedia, for example.) Those who do know about the distinctive speech of the Jerusalem Armenians generally consider it to be “bad Armenian” supplemented by words A thousand thanks to Vartan Abdo, Arpine, †Antranig Bakirjian, Chris Davis, Yeghia Dikranian, Hagop Hachikian, Garo Hagopian, Vartuhi Hokeyan, Tavit Kaplanian, Arshag Merguerian, Madeleine Habosian Derderian, Shushan Teager, Abraham Terian, Rose Varzhabedian, Aram Khachadurian, and Apkar Zakarian for all of the hours they devoted to assisting me with this project. The transcription employed here is that of REArm; linguists should note the following oddities of this system: <¬> represents a voiced uvular fricative, IPA [“]. <x> represents a voiceless uvular fricative, IPA [X]. <j> represents a voiced alveopalatal affricate, IPA [dz]. <c> represents a voiceless alveopalatal affricate, IPA [ts].