DOCSLIB.ORG

Chapter 5 Québec Impact on Triangular Relations Politics And

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Chapter 5 Québec Impact on Triangular Relations Politics And Chapter 5 Québec Impact on Triangular Relations Politics and Security Policies Introduction The previous chapter assessed the economic importance of the province of Quebec, it pointed out the influence of the province on Canadian economic issues, taking as example the signature of the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement, which not only revealed extremely profitable for the country but for the overall Canadian provinces and the U.S., creating a more homogeneous North America. It also determined the economic influence of the province, providing evidences that even though it represents only one tenth of the whole Canada (in terms of provinces), still accounts for an undeniable percentage of the overall Canadian economy and trade with Canada’s southern neighbor, hence has enough weight to occasionally influence the Country’s trade policy. In the last chapter, it was also discussed and understood that Quebec enjoys a relatively good trade relation with the United States, thus has the ability to play a role in the Canada-U.S. bilateral policies. As well, previously shown in the first chapter of this present thesis, there exist fundamental differences between the Canadian and the Quebecois culture, and as their language, life habits and other measurable differences were compared, there still remain differences that cannot be measured i.e. the level of pacifism or antimilitarism of a population (which will be assessed in this last chapter) . This chapter emphasizes on the fact that the Quebecois population is in majority antimilitarist, and that this antimilitarist state of mind has played several times on the province of Quebec’s public opinion, thus influencing some decisions previously taken by the federal government. As mentioned in the paragraph above, measuring the level of antimilitarism of a population is not an easy task, therefore in order to understand whether it exists or not, the explanations of some academics on some historical events will be exhibited as proof in order to establish the pacifist state of mind of a majority of “French Quebecois”. Finally, the establishment of a very probable antimilitarism Quebecois will help clarifying Quebec’s strong public opinion in disfavor of two important Canada-U.S. issues i.e. the BMD (Ballistic Missile Defense) and the Iraq issues. But first, despite the fact that Quebec enjoys a potential power over the federal government due to tensions mentioned earlier, nonetheless it also enjoys an actual power within the Canadian federal parliament. The first part of this last chapter will clarify and measure that place held by the province in the parliament. Quebec and the Parliament To begin with, the Canadian federal Parliament consists of The Sovereign (the Governor General) and two houses, the House of Commons (lower house) and the Senate (upper house). The Senate consists of 105 Senators, which are appointed by the Governor General in accordance with the advice of the Canadian Prime Minister. In the Canadian Senate, Canada distributes 24 senators to the four largest regions i.e. Quebec, Ontario, the Maritimes provinces, and the Western provinces, whilst the seats for Newfoundland and Labrador, the Northwest Territories, Yukon, and Nunavut are assigned separately. The House of Commons consists of 308 Ministers. Its representatives are called Members of Parliament or MP’s and are elected by the population according to the country’s electoral districts during federal elections (not during provincial elections). A certain number of MP’s, given in accordance with to the size of the province in terms of population (written in the Constitution Act of 1867), is accorded to every province and territory, while each MP represents a Canadian electoral district and a particular political party. The province of Quebec, in accordance with the 1867 Constitution Act, enjoys at least the representation of 75 MP’s, and 24 Senators, which accounts for approximately one fourth of the Lower and upper House. Representation in the House of Commons (per province) Electoral Quotient Minimum number of seats (Average Province or Territory in accordance with the population Constitution Act, 1867 per electoral district) Special Population 2001 National Quotient clauses Newfoundland and Labrador 7 107 220 5 2 7 Prince Edward Island 4 107 220 1 3 4 Nova Scotia 11 107 220 8 3 11 New Brunswick 10 107 220 7 3 10 Quebec 75 107 220 68 7 75 Ontario 95 107 220 106 0 106 Manitoba 14 107 220 10 4 14 Saskatchewan 14 107 220 9 5 14 Alberta 21 107 220 28 0 28 British Columbia 28 107 220 36 0 36 Nunavut 1 – – – 1 Northwest Territories 1 – – – 1 Yukon Territory 1 – – – 1 TOTAL 282 308 Source: Jackson & Jackson, Politics in Canada, Prentice Hall, Toronto, pg 438 This being said, a further explanation the power of the two houses is necessary in order to comprehend the considerable place that occupies the province of Quebec within the Parliament. To begin with, the Sovereign has no power over decision- makings, it is purely symbolic and her duty is only ceremonial. The Senate rarely opposes the decisions of the House of Commons. The lower house or House of Commons has much more power over decision-makings than the upper house, it is the dominant house of the Parliament, and the Prime Minister requires the support of the majority of the lower house to stay in office. That being explained, the voting pattern of the inhabitants of the province of Quebec (during federal elections) allows it to be well represented in the Parliament. As shown by the tables below, Quebecers have the tendency to vote in majority for one political party, logically the more MP’s held by a party, the more power or influence on the federal government’s decisions the latter will hold. Table 13 Voting Pattern of Quebecers (Federal Elections 1980-1997) 1980 Liberals Conservatives NDP Canada 147 103 32 Ontario 52 38 5 Quebec 74 1 0 1984 Liberals Conservatives NDP Canada 40 211 30 Ontario 14 67 13 Quebec 17 58 0 1988 Liberals Conservatives NDP Canada 88 169 43 Ontario 43 46 10 Quebec 12 63 0 1993 ND Liberals Conservatives Reform Bloc Quebecois P Canada 177 2 9 52 54 Ontario 98 0 0 1 0 Quebec 19 1 0 0 54 1997 ND Liberals Conservatives Reform Bloc Quebecois P Canada 155 20 21 60 44 Ontario 101 1 0 0 0 Quebec 26 5 0 0 44 Source: Marianopolis College, Department of Quebec History http://www2.marianopolis.edu/quebechistory/stats/fedelect.htm This means that from time to time the population of Quebec can be extremely well represented in the strongest house (House of Commons), and since the Prime minister needs a majority of support from the MP’s, thus he needs to be able to satisfy the requirements of the considerable number of Quebecer MP’s that are seated at the Parliament. Sometimes the province can represent almost a fourth of the country within the parliament; for instance as shown by the table 13, in 1980 the Liberals had 74 seats in the House of Commons which gave them considerable power to represent Quebec’s public opinion. Interestingly, in 2007 the Bloc Quebecois (pro Quebec) holds only 49 seats in the House of Commons, which still allows the province to represent a sixth of the country 1. Consequently, for different issues, if the Canadian public opinion is divided in half, as for the Iraq, the BMD or even the CUFTA issues, while Quebec’s public opinion is almost unanimous, therefore Quebec as a chance to redress the balance in favor of its own position. As it can be understood, Quebecois who voted in majority for the PQ during the federal elections of 1988, found itself enjoying 63 seats in favor of the Canada United States Free Trade Agreement, and even if the rest of Canada did not favor it, the province still was able to change the public opinion in his favor and redress the balance slightly over 50%, which is enough to pass laws. The province of Quebec did it several times during Canada’s history, and it is well recognized that the rest of the country, which public opinion is mostly homogenous, find it considerably unjust. The province of Quebec has often been the biggest opposition in the Canadian Federal Parliament. Another equally important fact that needs to be pointed out is the fact that, historically, there was a considerably high percentage of Canadian Prime Ministers that originated from the province of Quebec (Quebecers Prime Ministers). St-Laurent, Mulroney, Trudeau, Chrétien, Martin, are only a few of the long lineage of Quebecois Prime Ministers. During the last 50 years more than …….% of Canadian Prime Ministers have been Quebecois, and even though it is ideal to think that Prime Ministers were objective, it is hard to believe and easier to think that they sometimes favored Quebec over other provinces. So as pointed out earlier, not only does the province enjoy an actual power over the country’s decision-making with its considerable economic power and its influent place within the Canadian Federal Parliament, but as well, it sometimes manages to 1 David Ljunggren, Quebec's separatist boss quits after election loss , Reuters, Tuesday May 8 2007. use its potential power and play the Quebec card in order to obtain what it wants from the rest of the federation. To understand the origin of the difference of public opinion between Quebec and the rest of Canada on military and defense issues, the explanation of the province’s historical antimilitarism will follow. 3.1 Brief explanation of Quebec’s Anti-Militarism To begin with, as Robitaille interestingly ask, if there exist a pacifist tradition ongoing in the province of Quebec or “is there something in the Quebec soul that would predispose people to resist going to war?” It is primordial to take a brief look at the province’s past in order to comprehend the antimilitarist state of mind of the Quebecois population.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Toronto to Have the Canadian Jewish News Area Canada Post Publication Agreement #40010684 Havdalah: 7:53 Delivered to Your Door Every Week
    SALE FOR WINTER $1229 including 5 FREE hotel nights or $998* Air only. *subject to availabilit/change Call your travel agent or EL AL. 416-967-4222 60 Pages Wednesday, September 26, 2007 14 Tishrei, 5768 $1.00 This Week Arbour slammed by two groups National Education continues Accused of ‘failing to take a balanced approach’ in Mideast conflict to be hot topic in campaign. Page 3 ognizing legitimate humanitarian licly against the [UN] Human out publicly about Iran’s calls for By PAUL LUNGEN needs of the Palestinians, we regret Rights Council’s one-sided obses- genocide.” The opportunity was Rabbi Schild honoured for Staff Reporter Arbour’s repeated re- sion with slamming there, he continued, because photos 60 years of service Page 16 sort to a one-sided Israel. As a former published after the event showed Louise Arbour, the UN high com- narrative that denies judge, we urge her Arbour, wearing a hijab, sitting Bar mitzvah boy helps missioner for Human Rights, was Israelis their essential to adopt a balanced close to the Iranian president. Righteous Gentile. Page 41 slammed by two watchdog groups right to self-defence.” approach.” Ahmadinejad was in New York last week for failing to take a bal- Neuer also criti- Neuer was refer- this week to attend a UN confer- Heebonics anced approach to the Arab-Israeli cized Arbour, a former ring to Arbour’s par- ence. His visit prompted contro- conflict and for ignoring Iran’s long- Canadian Supreme ticipation in a hu- versy on a number of fronts. Co- standing call to genocide when she Court judge, for miss- man rights meeting lumbia University, for one, came in attended a human rights conference ing an opportunity to of the Non-Aligned for a fair share of criticism for invit- in Tehran earlier this month.
    [Show full text]
  • ON TRACK Vol 16 No 4 V2.Indd
    INDEPENDENT AND INFORMED • AUTONOME ET RENSEIGNÉ ON TRACK The Conference of Defence Associations Institute • L’Institut de la Conférence des Associations de la Défense Winter 2011/12 • Volume 16, Number 4 Hiver 2011/12 • VolumeHiver 16,2011 Numéro / 12 • Volume 4 16, Numéro 4 LLIBYA:IBYA: CCanada’sanada’s ContributionContribution EExaminingxamining NATONATO inin a StormyStormy CenturyCentury CCanadaanada andand thethe UNUN SecuritySecurity CouncilCouncil ON TRACK VOLUME 16 NUMBER 4: WINTER / HIVER 2011/2012 PRESIDENT / PRÉSIDENT Dr. John Scott Cowan, BSc, MSc, PhD VICE PRESIDENT / VICE PRÉSIDENT Général (Ret’d) Raymond Henault, CMM, CD EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR / DIRECTEUR EXÉCUTIF CDA INSTITUTE BOARD OF DIRECTORS Colonel (Ret) Alain M. Pellerin, OMM, CD, MA LE CONSEIL D’ADMINISTRATION DE L’INSTITUT DE LA CAD SECRETARY-TREASURER / SECRÉTAIRE TRÉSORIER Lieutenant-Colonel (Ret’d) Gordon D. Metcalfe, CD Admiral (Ret’d) John Anderson HONOURARY COUNSEL / AVOCAT-CONSEIL HONORAIRE Mr. Thomas d’Aquino Mr. Robert T. Booth, QC, B Eng, LL B Dr. David Bercuson DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH / Dr. Douglas Bland DIRECTEUR DE LA RECHERCHE Colonel (Ret’d) Brett Boudreau Mr. Paul Chapin Dr. Ian Brodie PUBLIC AFFAIRS / RELATIONS PUBLIQUES Mr. Thomas S. Caldwell Captain (Ret’d) Peter Forsberg, CD Mr. Mel Cappe DEFENCE POLICY ANALYSTS / ANALYSTES DES POLITIQUES DE DÉFENSE Mr. Jamie Carroll Ms. Meghan Spilka O’Keefe, MA Dr. Jim Carruthers Mr. Arnav Manchanda, MA Mr. Dave Perry, MA Mr. Paul H. Chapin Mr. Terry Colfer PROJECT OFFICER / AGENT DE PROJET Mr. Paul Hillier, MA M. Jocelyn Coulon Conference of Defence Associations Institute Dr. John Scott Cowan 151 Slater Street, Suite 412A Mr. Dan Donovan Ottawa ON K1P 5H3 Lieutenant-général (Ret) Richard Evraire PHONE / TÉLÉPHONE Honourary Lieutenant-Colonel Justin Fogarty (613) 236 9903 Colonel, The Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • À La Croisée Des Chemins
    CANADIEN L’amour à deux, à trois, La force des jeunes à quatre... P. 46 P. 14 Par la bouche de nos crayons ! | Du 7 au 13 avril 2011 Vol. 1 No 22 Le taxi à la croisée des chemins PAGE 18 alain décarie photo 2 Nouvelles Rue Frontenac Jeudi 7 avril 2011 Élections 2011 – le nouveau visage du canada Après cinq ans de règne conservateur, le Canada s’est transformé. Chaque semaine durant la campagne électorale, Rue Frontenac explore le nouveau visage du pays façonné par Stephen Harper. Notre journaliste Valérie Dufour analyse le virage guerrier effectué par le gouvernement ces dernières années. un homme et son armée Difficile de faire le bilan du gouvernement Harper sans penser à la question tion. On ne connaît pas les sentiments des autant pour l’équipement que pour l’exper- militaire. Depuis 2006, les décisions conservatrices concernant l’avenir de la Canadiens et des Québécois sur cette poli- tise. […] On se faisait accuser par nos alliés mission en Afghanistan, le recrutement accéléré de personnel pour regarnir tique plus proactive des forces militaires. Si du G8 et de l’OTAN de ne pas faire notre les rangs de l’armée et les onéreux achats d’avions et de navires ont défrayé la les gens sont pour, alors il faut qu’ils sachent part et on a remédié à la situation », croit le manchette. Est-ce que le Canada de Stephen Harper est un pays plus guerrier? qu’il y a un coût à payer pour la mettre en professeur Rémi Landry. Oui et non, répondent des experts du milieu de la défense.
    [Show full text]
  • Archived Content Information Archivée Dans Le
    Archived Content Information identified as archived on the Web is for reference, research or record-keeping purposes. It has not been altered or updated after the date of archiving. Web pages that are archived on the Web are not subject to the Government of Canada Web Standards. As per the Communications Policy of the Government of Canada, you can request alternate formats on the "Contact Us" page. Information archivée dans le Web Information archivée dans le Web à des fins de consultation, de recherche ou de tenue de documents. Cette dernière n’a aucunement été modifiée ni mise à jour depuis sa date de mise en archive. Les pages archivées dans le Web ne sont pas assujetties aux normes qui s’appliquent aux sites Web du gouvernement du Canada. Conformément à la Politique de communication du gouvernement du Canada, vous pouvez demander de recevoir cette information dans tout autre format de rechange à la page « Contactez-nous ». CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE / COLLÈGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES JCSP 33 / PCEMI 33 MASTER OF DEFENCE STUDIES THESIS Canada and the United States: Has the change from a minority Liberal to a minority Conservative government in 2006 affected our relationship, including that on military matters? By /par Lieutenant-Colonel Bruno Noury 23 April 2007 This paper was written by a student La présente étude a été rédigée par un attending the Canadian Forces College in stagiaire du Collège des Forces fulfilment of one of the requirements of the canadiennes pour satisfaire à l'une des Course of Studies. The paper is a exigences du cours.
    [Show full text]
  • Échec Diplomatique Du Gouvernement Canadien Au Conseil De Sécurité De L’Organisation Des Nations Unies Pour L'obtention D'un Siège En 2010
    MÉMOIRE DE MAÎTRISE EN ADMINISTRATION PUBLIQUE POUR ANALYSTE Concentration: Administration internationale Titre du mémoire: Échec diplomatique du gouvernement canadien au Conseil de Sécurité de l’Organisation des Nations unies pour l'obtention d'un siège en 2010 Auteur: Owoundi Joseph Parfait Directeur de Mémoire : Pr Stéphane Roussel Composition du Jury d'évaluation: -Pr Jean-François Savard, Président -Pr Stéphane Paquin, membre -Pr Stéphane Roussel, membre Septembre 2018 REMERCIEMENTS Réaliser un travail de recherche est certes un exercice solitaire, mais cette étude n'aurait pas pu aboutir sans le soutien de toute une équipe dynamique et renforcée, composée du Ministère de l'Éducation et de l'Enseignement supérieur de Québec, l'ambassade du Cameroun à Ottawa, et l'École Nationale d'Administration publique. Je remercie particulièrement Guy Laforest, directeur de l'ÉNAP, la direction de l'enseignement et de la recherche de l'ÉNAP, le Comité d'éthique et de la recherche de l'ÉNAP, le service culturel de l'ambassade du Cameroun à Ottawa, et tout le personnel administratif de l'ÉNAP de l'appui matériel, humain et en ressource dont j'ai pu bénéficier. Je remercie par ailleurs, mon directeur de recherche, monsieur Stéphane Roussel d'avoir accepté de diriger ce travail. Ses conseils, sa relecture attentive du texte, son expérience ainsi que sa disponibilité, ont constitué un soutien précieux et m'ont permis de mener ce travail à terme. Je remercie aussi madame et messieurs Juliette Champagne, Jean-François Savard, Stéphane Paquin, Jacques A. Plamondon, Luc Desrochers, qui grâce aux évaluations sur mon projet de recherche et le mémoire final, m'ont permis d'améliorer ce travail.
    [Show full text]
  • Volume XVI, Issue I
    cgai.ca 2018 • VOLUME XVI • ISSUE I A publication of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute IN THIS ISSUE: The Great Divergence: North America’s Trade Policies by SARAH GOLDFEDER 17 Global Rules of Digital Trade: Can We Adapt Bordered Regulation for a Borderless World? by LAURA DAWSON 26 Reassessing Canadian Trade in Asia by RANDOLPH MANK 35 POSITIONING CANADA IN THE SHIFTING INTERNATIONAL ORDER MAY 8, 2018 | RIDEAU CLUB OTTAWA, ONTARIO cgai.ca Published by the Canadian Global Affairs Institute Contributing Fellows: Howard Anglin Frédérick Gagnon Robert Muggah Ken Barker Monica Gattinger Michael Nesbitt David Bercuson Sarah Goldfeder Kevin O’Shea Kevin Birn Andrew Griffith David Perry Jean-Christophe Boucher Marius Grinius Vanja Petricevic Brett Boudreau Robert Hage George Petrolekas Brian Bow David Higgins Joël Plouffe Andrew Caddell Roger Hilton Andrew Rasiulis David Carment Rolf Holmboe Tom Ring Anthony Cary Rob Huebert Colin Robertson Andrea Charron Peter Jones Lindsay Rodman Michael Cleland Thomas Juneau Stephen Saideman Howard Coombs Amy Karam Hugh Segal Lindsay Coombs Tom Keenan Elinor Sloan Barry Cooper Brian Kingston Sarah Smith Daryl Copeland Adam Lajeunesse Gary Soroka Jocelyn Coulon Eugene Lang Hugh Stephens Mike Day Julian Lindley-French Alan Stephenson Ferry de Kerckhove Matthew Lombardi Denis Thompson Douglas Dempster Randolph Mank James Trottier Jim Donihee Kyle Matthews Heidi Tworek Ross Fetterly Dennis McConaghy Stéfanie von Hlatky Matthew Fisher Eric Miller Charity Weeden Patricia Fortier John Weekes Prepared for the Canadian Global Affairs Institute 1800, 421 – 7th Avenue S.W. Calgary, Alberta T2P 4K9 www.cgai.ca ©2018 Canadian Global Affairs Institute| ISBN: 978-1-988493-98-5 Volume XVI • Issue I The Global Exchange | 3 I N S I D E 2018 | VOLUME XVI • ISSUE I 6 42 Introduction: Canada’s Interests in Japan in the New, Unpredictable International Trade World of Trade: What’s in it for by ADAM FROST Canada? by FERRY DE KERCKHOVE 7 Canada-U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Canada and ‘Re-Engaging’ United Nations Peacekeeping
    Canada and ‘Re-engaging’ United Nations Peacekeeping. A Critical Examination. by Daria Goncharova A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of Manitoba in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Political Studies University of Manitoba Winnipeg Copyright © 2018 Daria Goncharova ii Abstract With the advent of Justin Trudeau in 2015, Canada appears to be determined to revitalize its historic role as a peacekeeper. Central is whether Canada truly abandoned UN peacekeeping per se. In order to answer this question, the following needs to be addressed. The first relates to the meaning of UN peacekeeping and the evolution of peacekeeping’s aims, tools, and basic principles, such as consent, impartiality, and the appropriate use of force. The second concerns the role of Canada in UN peacekeeping from 1947 to 2017. Given the nature of UN peacekeeping and Canada’s role from 1947 to 2017, the rhetoric of Trudeau government is confusing. Canada never truly disengaged from UN peacekeeping. Rather, for a variety of reasons, it shifted from UN-led to UN-approved peace operations. If the Trudeau government’s re-engagement means he intends to support UN-led missions rather than UN-approved peace operations in contradiction from the current trend, this has several implications that require careful examination. The final chapter articulates some of these implications. iii Acknowledgments I would like to thank Dr. Jim Fergusson. I appreciate his time, patience, guidance, and support. Thank you so much for helping me improve my writing skills and critical thinking.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia-Canada Relations in a Period of Crisis, 2014-2020
    30 Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies, 14(1) 2020: 30-54 ISSN 2562-8429 Russia-Canada Relations in a Period of Crisis, 2014-2020 Natalia Viakhireva1 Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) Abstract This article explores the state of Russian-Canadian relations from 2014 to 2020, identifying areas where cooperation is still possible. Russian-Canadian bilateral relations are deeply affected by the crisis in Russia-West relations and are at their lowest point since the end of the Cold War. Despite the sanctions and accusatory rhetoric from politicians on both sides, ‘niche cooperation’ between the two countries is still possible in areas of common interest. Cooperation on non-political issues and the use of instruments of alternative diplomacy – Track II diplomacy, para-diplomacy, business diplomacy, and parliamentary diplomacy – are all workable approaches, with the potential for positive interactions during the crisis. One very promising area of cooperation is interaction in the Arctic region through bilateral and multilateral frameworks. 1 Natalia Viakhireva is an expert and program manager at Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC). 31 Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies, 14(1) 2020: 30-54 ISSN 2562-8429 Introduction Political relations between Russia and Canada from 2014 to 2020 show that bilateral relations have been affected by the crisis in Russia-West relations and limited by a war of sanctions and accusatory rhetoric from both sides. In Canada, mainstream political discourse does not support dialogue with Russia, while in Russia, Canada itself and Russian-Canadian relations are not among central topics of political discourse and research. This makes the search for a common dialogue complicated.
    [Show full text]
  • The Youngest Conservative MP with the Most To
    EXCLUSIVE POLITICAL COVERAGE: NEWS, FEATURES, AND ANALYSIS INSIDE DISSECTING THE NEW OWN THE POWERS DUFFY TRIAL STAFFERS CLEAN-TECH ON POT Whittington P.P. 11 GALORE POLICY Hébert P. 10 PP. 20-21 PODIUM P. 15 P. 11 TWENTY-SEVENTH YEAR, NO. 1334 CANADA’S POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT NEWSWEEKLY WEDNESDAY, APRIL 27, 2016 $5.00 NEWS STAFFERS NEWS HILL LIFE & PEOPLE NEWS DUFFY TRIAL The people The youngest Conservative AG denies behind foreign Harper lawyer policy: A look MP with the most to say suggestion he inside the foreign will audit Duffy minister’s offi ce expenses with BY CHELSEA NASH trial over Political staffers, no matter their ambi- BY T IM NAUMETZ tion, don’t always get a chance to shape events outside the walls of Parliament. Auditor General Michael Ferguson does In the case of those hand-picked to work not intend to conduct an audit on Senator for Global Affairs Minister Stéphane Dion Mike Duffy’s travel, housing and contract ex- (Saint-Laurent, Que.) that’s exactly what penses following his acquittal on 31 charges they’ve been hired to do. A new government of fraud, breach of trust and bribery last invariably wants to project a new image of week—unless the Senate requests one, Mr. Canada to the world. Not just anyone can— Ferguson’s offi ce said Tuesday. or should—be trusted to paint that picture. A spokesperson for Mr. Ferguson was Colin Robertson, a former Canadian responding to an unexpected public state- diplomat, personally knows a few of the ment, from a lawyer representing former people working in Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Grogne Contre Le Dégel Des Frais De Scolarité
    _QLvol15no1.qxd 8/28/07 9:33 PM Page 1 CAMPUS Recherche fédérale Spécial sur les labos Page 7 SOCIÉTÉ Élections partielles dans Outremont Gros plan sur les candidats Pages 16 et 17 Grogne contre le dégel des frais de scolarité CULTURE - Vol. 15 • numéro 1 • 29 août 2007 • numéro 15 - Vol. BROUHAHA Osez ! La danse QUARTIER LIBRE IMPRODUCTIF contemporaine accoste au Pages 4 et 5 Vieux Port Page 17 www.quartierlibre.ca _QLvol15no1.qxd 8/28/07 9:33 PM Page 2 Page 2 QUARTIER LIBRE - Vol. 15 • numéro 1 • 29 août 2007 _QLvol15no1.qxd 8/28/07 9:33 PM Page 3 À LA UNE ÉDITO Pour son premier numéro de cette nouvelle année scolaire, Quartier Libre a inévitablement choisi de traiter de l'épineuse question des frais de scolarité. Non pas en réfléchissant si, oui ou non, le dégel annoncé par le gouvernement Charest était une bonne chose - nous l'avons suffisament fait lors AUX URNES de l'annonce de cette mesure-, mais en s'attardant sur les discussions qui ont actuellement lieu au sein du mouvement étudiant. Véritable cacophonie, ces discussions semblent stériles, tant les divergences de fond persistent: dire non au dégel, certes, mais pour proposer quoi ? Au terme de rencontres et ÉTUDIANTS ! de réunions qui se sont tenues à huis clos durant les trois mois d'été, nous en sommes toujours à ce stade. En attendant, les étudiants vont réintégrer leurs salles de cours, sans que leurs Rachelle Mc DUFF est libérale depuis sa création en 1930 à l’exception d’un associations respectives n'aient pu se coordonner pour produire un discours audible et crédible intermède conservateur entre 1988 et 1993.
    [Show full text]
  • Bilateral Agendas: Canadian Foreign Policy on the Ground
    Bilateral Agendas: Canadian Foreign Policy on the Ground Bilateral Agendas: Canadian Foreign Policy on the Ground Louis A. Delvoie Centre for International and Defence Policy Queen’s University September 2017 Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Delvoie, Louis A., author Bilateral agendas : Canadian foreign policy on the ground / Louis A. Delvoie. (Martello papers, 1183-3661 ; 41) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1-55339-604-8 (PDF) 1. Canada--Foreign relations--21st century. I. Title. II. Series: Martello papers ; 41 FC242.D46 2017 327.71009’0512 C2017-906426-6 Martello Paper Series Queen’s University’s Centre for International and Defence Policy (CIDP) is pleased to present the latest in its series of monographs, the Martello Papers. Taking their name from the distinctive towers built during the nineteenth century to defend Kingston, Ontario, these papers cover a wide range of topics and issues in foreign and defence policy, and in the study of international peace and security. CIDP hosts a number of Fellows, whose extraordinary experience and expertise across a range of subject areas are invaluable in ensuring that the work of the Centre is and remains of interest and value in both academic and policy circles. We are extremely fortunate that we can count Louis A. Delvoie as one of their number. With a thirty-year career in the Canadian Foreign Service serving, amongst other roles, as the Canadian High Commissioner to Pakistan, the Ambassador to Algeria, the Deputy High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, the Director General of the Bureau of International Security and Arms Control in the Department of External Affairs, and Assistant Deputy Minister for Policy in the Department of National Defence, Ambassador Delvoie has been ‘front and centre’ of Canadian foreign policy through one of the most intriguing and formative periods in this country’s history.
    [Show full text]
  • Justin Trudeau : Bilan Et Examen De Quatre Années Au Pouvoir Justin Trudeau: a Review and Assessment of Four Years in Office
    Études canadiennes / Canadian Studies Revue interdisciplinaire des études canadiennes en France 89 | 2020 Justin Trudeau : bilan et examen de quatre années au pouvoir Justin Trudeau: A Review and Assessment of Four Years in Office Laurence Cros et Frédéric Boily (dir.) Édition électronique URL : https://journals.openedition.org/eccs/3820 DOI : 10.4000/eccs.3820 ISSN : 2429-4667 Éditeur Association française des études canadiennes (AFEC) Édition imprimée Date de publication : 1 décembre 2020 ISSN : 0153-1700 Référence électronique Laurence Cros et Frédéric Boily (dir.), Études canadiennes / Canadian Studies, 89 | 2020, « Justin Trudeau : bilan et examen de quatre années au pouvoir » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 01 juin 2021, consulté le 22 juin 2021. URL : https://journals.openedition.org/eccs/3820 ; DOI : https://doi.org/ 10.4000/eccs.3820 AFEC N°89 - Décembre 2020 Justin Trudeau : bilan et examen de quatre années au pouvoir Numéro dirigé par Laurence CROS (Université de Paris), rédactrice en chef, et Frédéric BOILY (Université de l’Alberta), rédacteur invité SOMMAIRE AVANT-PROPOS ........................................................................................................ 5 Andrew MCDOUGALL, University of Toronto Scarborough. Stuck in the Middle with You: Is the Trudeau Government Really Representative of a Central Canadian “Laurentian Elite?” ..................................................................................................... 11 Tamara A. SMALL, University of Guelph. Promises, Promises: Assessing the Liberals’
    [Show full text]