EXPERIENTIAL SHAPING OF PUBLIC SPACE DURING PILGRIMAGE: THE ALANDI-PANDHARPUR PALKHI
PRAJAKTA SANE
A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture
Postgraduate Board University of New South Wales
March 2007
Abstract
Space perceived and experienced through movement presents an interesting array of imagery which blends together to form a comprehensive whole. My thesis explores this dimension of spatial complexity through the public ritual of pilgrimage. This profound and deeply significant human activity connects the individual places to form an integrated sacred network. The practice of pilgrimage has developed over centuries across the globe and continues to grow and influence a huge cross section of society to come together and move en-masse towards religious centres and personal enlightenment. Public spaces demand a simultaneous co-existence of people, activities and their setting. The phenomenon of pilgrimage is central to the public realm. Its study involves an intricate layering of beliefs, customs, traditions and religion which collectively govern the people-space relationship. The transformation of a space to a place, from static to dynamic, from passive to active occurs during this activity, maintaining the traditional usage while simultaneously evolving as a product of interaction between people, rituals and spaces. In this thesis, I examine the experiential shaping of space which occurs through pilgrims’ activities and their impacts on the given urban and architectural conditions. The research is based on my study of the Alandi-Pandharpur Pilgrimage in India. It is an outcome of my participation in the ritual as, both, an architect and a pilgrim. I focus on the existing public spaces and their spontaneous response to the unplanned activity of the Pilgrimage. The spatial experience transcends the criteria of aesthetics and functionality of a public space to a deeper exploration of human characteristics and convictions. From this perspective, the thesis considers the broader role of designed public spaces, the extent of inclusion of community rituals and their significance in the shaping of built environment.
i Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge all the people who have helped in the completion of this thesis. First and foremost, I thank my supervisor, Dr. Susan Thompson, Programme Head of Planning and Urban Development at FBE, UNSW. This study would not have been possible without her skilful supervision, constant encouragement and support, and kindness. I am highly indebted to my co-supervisor, Dr. Jon Lang for his valuable comments and positive suggestions on this study. My deep appreciation also goes to Dr. Michael Tawa for his guidance during the initial stages of my research. I would also like to thank the Faculty of Built Environment for awarding me with the David Wightman’s postgraduate scholarship for the second year of my study. I am grateful to Dr. Catherine de Lorenzo, Director of Post Graduate research for her help and support during my entire candidature. I also acknowledge my friend, Demis Bhargava, for his help in editing this thesis. At a personal level, I would like to express my gratitude to my parents and my brother who have graciously supported me in the entire course my study, as in all my other endeavours. Their encouragement and assistance during my fieldwork in India, along with all my other extended family members needs to be specially mentioned. Last, but not the least, I thank my husband, Yogesh, for his love, encouragement and understanding throughout the course. Without his help and unconditional support, my study and thesis would not have been possible. This study is about pilgrims’ journey. However, it has also been a fulfilling journey for me and a learning experience. I strongly believe that right from its origin to its completion; the sole driving force has been Lord Vithoba of Pandharpur. His blessings have manifested in the form of help and support from all the people mentioned above.
ii Dedication
I would like to dedicate this thesis to my newborn son, Krish, who waited long enough for its completion. He stepped into this world just a day after the thesis was ready for submission and has been a wonderful and a patient companion throughout its development.
iii Table of contents
ABSTRACT i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii
DEDICATION iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS iv
CHAPTER 1: ESTABLISHING A FRAMEWORK 1
Background 1 Key elements and theme of the research 3 Aim of the research 6 Structure of the thesis 7 Conclusion 8
CHAPTER 2: RESEARCH METHOD 9
Research approach 9 Participant observation method 11 Stage 1: Review of Literature 14 Stage 2: Designing fieldwork 14 Stage 3: Analysis and interpretation 25 Conclusion 27
iv CHAPTER 3: UNDERSTANDING A PILGRIMAGE 28
Pilgrimage: Meanings and Implications 29 Key elements of a pilgrimage 32 Pilgrimage concepts: An overview 36 Pilgrimage in Hindusim 41 Generic factors of pilgrimage 54 Conclusion 56
CHAPTER 4: UNDERSTANDING A PUBLIC SPACE 57
Background 58 Design determinants 63 Physical criteria 64 Experiential criteria 73 Environment and human behaviour 80 Architectural anthropology 84 Conclusion 85
CHAPTER 5: THE PALKHI OF ALANDI TO PANDHARPUR 86
My story 87 Review of literature 89 Regional settings 92 Pandharpur and Lord Vithoba 94 Alandi and Jnaneshwar 95 Elements and features of Palkhi 98 Conclusion 113
v CHAPTER 6: CONTEXTUAL SETTINGS OF LONAND 114
Background 116 Settings of Lonand 117 Palkhi in Lonand 129 Conclusion 134
CHAPTER 7: PALKHI IN LONAND: AN ANALYSIS 135
Selected public squares 136 Applying the physical criteria 140 Applying the experiential Criteria 153 Palkhi in the town: An activity mapping of the event 161 Interpretation and meanings 184 Conclusion 196
CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSIONS AND REFLECTIONS 197
Findings of the study 197 Summary of findings 205 Methodological reflections 208 Limitations of the present study 210 Implications for the design of the public spaces 212 Ideas for future research 214 Conclusion 215
BIBLIOGRAPHY 217
LIST OF FIGURES vii
vi
Chapter 1 Establishing a framework
Establishing a framework
Chapter one BACKGROUND
I come from a fairly conservative family in Pune, a rapidly developing city in India. Beliefs, traditions, religion and epics have always played a significant part of life. Today they continue as strong as ever, woven into the very fabric of everyday activities. The moral-based stories from the ancient epics which often depict good versus evil are passed from generations. They surface at different junctures of life as guiding values. Vivid childhood memories of welcoming Lord Ganesh home, worshipping his idol for seven days and immersing it in the local Mutha River; the Diwali celebration of lights and many such festivals bind us to our family, city and the country. Religion and its teachings are woven through the lifecycle as rituals associated with important stages in one’s life. These timely and significant rituals also manifest in daily worship, festivals and fasts, which over the years, form the rich traditions and culture of my family and fellow country folk. These happen at private, local and regional levels establishing a sense of identity and continuity. Thus, even while living far away, in Australia, the traditions and values connect me back to my roots, continuing to shape my life today. Pune, as well as the entire state of Maharashtra, is renowned for the ‘Palkhi’, a unique Hindu pilgrimage, which begins at a nearby town called Alandi. Alandi is famous for the legendary saint Jnaneshwar, who has enchanted and influenced masses with his teachings for over eight centuries. His followers have walked together in the holy pilgrimage of Alandi to Pandharpur, the temple town of Lord Vithoba. Today almost half a million devout pilgrims walk in their ancestors’ footsteps, following the ancient ritual of Palkhi. As a part of my school’s cultural education programme, I participated in this local Pilgrimage for three consecutive years. From that experience, I recall the enlivened atmosphere filled with the ‘varkaris’ (pilgrims), chanting of ‘bhajans’ (devotional songs) and their infectious devotional fervour. Leaving
1 Chapter 1 Establishing a framework aside their backgrounds, caste and creed, and amidst adverse climatic conditions, they journey together in joy and harmony to collectively experience elation and spiritual bliss at Pandharpur. The all encompassing nature of this public event of Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage is a significant memory of my childhood, which I carry with me today. Later, this memory developed a new awareness as I started studying architecture and humanities. Learning about various historical and sacred sites in different global religions showed me many other parallels in human beliefs, despite their varied architectural expressions. Pilgrimage as a meritorious religious activity to the holy sites has been happening in almost all of world religions for ages. Drawing on its common notion of journey, I started looking at it as a ‘mass movement through public space’. As the whole procession passes through several towns on its way, it affects their existing architectural and urban conditions. This is strongly experienced when the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage halts in Pune city for two days. The mobilisation of resources, people’s hospitality and service to the pilgrims, and the temporary activation of the whole place triggered my thought process. The genesis of my research lies in these ideas about the pilgrimage phenomenon and its effect on a public space1. In a broader sense, this thesis is an account of my journey as an architect and a pilgrim. I explore the multiple meanings embedded in the act of pilgrimage and link it to the concepts of architecture and design of a public space. The study is thus located at the intersection of anthropology and architecture. The component of human involvement as crucial to both aspects forms the pivotal point and the bridging factor.
1 The word ‘space’ is used specifically within the scope of this thesis. It comes closest to Zucker’s (1959, p.3) description: It means a structural organisation as a frame for human activities and is based on very definite factors: on the relation between the forms of the surrounding buildings; on their uniformity or their variety; on their absolute dimensions and their relative proportions in comparison with width and length of the open area; on the angle of the entering streets; and finally on the location of the monuments, fountains or other three- dimensional accents. Chapter four (Understanding a public space) elaborates on these aspects. 2 Chapter 1 Establishing a framework
KEY ELEMENTS AND THEME OF THE RESEARCH
Even in today’s fast paced, technologically advanced and consumerist society, the popularity of pilgrimages continues to grow. The quest to achieve spiritual enlightenment through journeying to sacred centres forms the basis of the global practice of pilgrimage. In its most common form, it triggers a huge cross-section of the society to come together and travel collectively towards a common goal. Reflecting on Morinis’s (1992, pp.21-28) ‘planes’ of pilgrimage, it is evident that the process is complex and requires a ‘multidisciplinary approach’ (Preston, 1992, p.41) to grasp its various dimensions. The act of pilgrimage essentially consists of movement. This movement happens in the public domain. Right from the origin and individual towns on the pilgrimage route, to the destination of the pilgrimage, the architecture and the public spaces serve as support systems. These settings2, by their mere presence on the pilgrimage route, have attained a special significance and have responded to the activity in their own way with their available resources. Their spatial configuration gives character to the pilgrimage and simultaneously is shaped due to the pilgrims’ behaviour in the ritual. This forms the central theme of my research. I examine this mutual responsiveness through the aspect of people-space relationships. Given this background, the thesis articulates the juxtaposition of anthropological and spatial concerns. These are examined through the specific study of the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage in India with which I have personal associations. The present day issues include overall planning and development of the entire Pilgrimage/Palkhi3 route (as taken up by the state government), designing of semi-permanent infrastructure and facilities and management of increasing mass movement.
2 I have used the word ‘settings’ in the broader sense to signify the built as well as unbuilt environment which consists of public space, people, nature and so on. It is derived from Rapoport (2001, p.33-34) explanation of the term. He comments on the systems of settings as parts of cultural landscapes which transcend the domain of architecture.
3 ‘Pilgrimage or Palkhi are used synonymously for the purpose of this thesis. Both the words start with a capital letter ‘P’ to signify the specific pilgrimage of Alandi to Pandharpur. 3 Chapter 1 Establishing a framework
The sensitivity required in developing the entire Pilgrimage route while still retaining the inherent quality and essence of the event is the major concern. While the tangible issues are dealt with through physical planning and designing of the infrastructure, there is a strong need to understand the intangible issues involved. My research attempts to address these issues by identifying them through the process of participation, observation and analysis.
Figure 1.1: Key elements of the research: people & public space (Source: Sane, 2005) 4 Chapter 1 Establishing a framework
Figure 1.2: Key theme of the research: people-space relationships (Source: Sane, 2005)
5 Chapter 1 Establishing a framework
AIMS OF THE RESEARCH
My research examines the spatial manifestation of the pilgrimage holistically and looks at its potential in the design of built environment. The main aim of my research is:
1. To study through the event of Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage, the ‘responsiveness’ of the architectural setting of selected public spaces in Lonand, a centrally located town along the Pilgrimage route.
On the one hand, the aim is very specific to the selected pilgrimage, hence, the results can be said to have limited applicability. However, on the other hand, they have wider implications. I unravel them by asking the following questions.
2. How are unplanned public activities accommodated in an existing setting that is not specifically designed for those activities to take place? 3. How do the relationships that people have with the spaces they inhabit, help in the shaping of space? 4. What role does architecture play in this ‘experiential’ shaping of space? 5. To what extent should public spaces be designed and are there guidelines which apply?
As these concerns shape my research, I realise that the pilgrimage in itself is the strong motivating factor for any action of the people involved. Compared to the informal day-to-day activities which may occur in a public space, its essential presence for the functioning of a pilgrimage underscores the need for my research. It thus leads to the underlying key question:
• Are spaces more flexible or are people more accommodative?
6 Chapter 1 Establishing a framework
STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS
This chapter has established the background, concerns and approach of the thesis. Chapter two (Research method) details the method adopted to carry out the research based on its aims and concerns. The focus is on the fieldwork method, its selection, development and theoretical underpinnings which validate its applicability to my study. It is followed by a description of the nature of the fieldwork, my involvement and the data collection techniques. The last part of the chapter outlines the method used for analysis and interpretation to arrive at the findings. Chapter three (Understanding a pilgrimage) presents the study of the notion of a pilgrimage. The initial part is structured to understand its generic qualities and characteristics. This is discussed through pilgrimages from different religions. In the next part, I focus on the pilgrimage concepts in Hindusim. This serves to contextualise the Hindu pilgrimage of Alandi- Pandharpur. Chapter four (Understanding a public space) examines the concepts of a public space in terms of architectural and urban design theories. The main purpose of this chapter is to arrive at a set of evaluative criteria to analyse the selected public spaces. These are divided into the physical and experiential components. The next section of the chapter elaborates the experiential characteristics which are particularly relevant to my enquiry. I focus on the human behaviour in the environment and the ways that these interact. This discussion is complemented by the relevant concepts in architectural anthropology which situate the analysis of the pilgrims’ activity in a public space. Chapter five (The Palkhi of Alandi to Pandharpur) presents the study of Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage. I articulate its background, form and process derived from relevant literature sources and my participation in the activity. This chapter is in the form of a descriptive account of the pilgrimage illustrated with photographs. I seek to draw out the essential qualities of the ritual and the resulting behaviour patterns of the pilgrims through this discussion.
7 Chapter 1 Establishing a framework
Chapter six (Contextual settings of Lonand), focuses on the town of Lonand and its spatial configuration. Through systematic documentation of its physical characteristics, I describe its existing setting and conditions. The discussion touches upon the public spaces and their significance in the day- to-day activities of the town. The last part of the chapter describes how Lonand prepares for the yearly event of Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage. The purpose of this chapter is to understand the existing spatial environment of Lonand and its use before the pilgrimage event. Chapter seven (Palkhi in Lonand: an analysis) builds on all previous chapters as it presents the analytical component of the research. It examines the public spaces through the evaluative criteria before and during the pilgrimage. The technique of time based activity mapping is used to derive the spatial manifestation of the pilgrimage. Simultaneously, I focus on the behaviour patterns of the pilgrims’ and the local residents of Lonand. Chapter eight (Conclusions and reflections) concludes the thesis answering the research questions. It begins by presenting the findings which are derived from the previous analysis of behaviour patterns and public spaces of Lonand. The extent to which the existing spaces get modified and the way in which they respond to the pilgrimage leads to an understanding of ‘spatial responsiveness’. The chapter also presents my reflections on the research and suggestions for further work. The chapter concludes with design guidelines for public spaces.
CONCLUSION
My intention through this research is neither to glorify Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage nor to question the theory of architecture and urban design. Rather, it is to illustrate the dialogue between both, the ritual and public space, within the framework of theoretical paradigms and personal experience. It is also an attempt to derive an approach for reading and creating a more expansive language of public space.
8 Chapter 2 Research Method
Research method
Chapter two
The previous chapter established the background for this research, which started with my personal involvement in the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage. It has evolved with my academic training as an architect. The chapter also outlined the structure of the thesis. In this chapter, I focus on the specifics of my method and its appropriateness for the study. The chapter begins with a brief overview of the method and the significance of fieldwork. I then present the theoretical underpinnings of the selected method thereby validating its applicability to the research. A detailed description of the fieldwork process follows. The last part of the chapter briefly explains the method used to analyse and interpret the fieldwork data.
RESEARCH APPROACH
THEORETICAL DIMENSIONS
As discussed in the preceding chapter, the aim of the research is twofold. It deals with the anthropological aspects of a pilgrimage and architectural aspects of a public space. The thesis addresses this dual focus through a particular methodical approach. Victor Turner, one of the pioneer and influential theorists in pilgrimage studies, has suggested this ‘two-pronged approach’ in understanding the process: the structure [of a pilgrimage] and the experience [of a pilgrim] (cited in Morinis, 1992, p.7). In addition, the research examines the pilgrimage activity and its relationship with the public space in which it happens. Thus, Turner’s approach is extended to include the spatial settings. At its core, the research is about the people’s experience of the public space during the Pilgrimage phenomenon. Due to the ‘experiential’ nature of the study it demands such an approach which is essentially qualitative in its orientation and activation. The following theoretical dimensions formed the basis for developing the research method.
9 Chapter 2 Research Method
Autoethnography My personal association and involvement with the Alandi-Pandharpur palkhi and my studies in architecture inspired me to take up this interdisciplinary research. Pilgrimage being a highly cultural activity, the research is placed in the broader field of ethnography1. But given the specific orientation of my enquiry, I needed a more focussed approach. The development of ethnography into the specialised field of autoethnography focuses on the study and self experience of one’s own culture. Patton’s (2002, pp. 85-86) foundational question defining the scope of this field is enlightening in this respect: ‘How does my own experience of this culture connect with and offer insights about this culture, situation, event, and/or way of life?’ This gave a direction to derive the appropriate method for my research. 2
Phenomenology The Alandi-Pandharpur palkhi is a collective socio-cultural and a religious phenomenon. Phenomenology provides an appropriate theoretical framework for its understanding. It deals with the study of people’s experience (individual and collective) of a phenomenon and their subsequent interpretation of the same. Reflecting on my past experience of the Palkhi, I realised that it was a complex process and a mere study of the existing literature would limit my understanding of its finer nuances. Thus the primary impetus in deriving the method was based on my personal experience of the phenomenon. For the purpose of my research, I decided to adopt the ‘ethnographer’s approach’ of intensive fieldwork through participant observation (Patton 2002, p.81; Luders, 2004, p.225). Unlike my previous involvement in the Pilgrimage in which I was naïve and unfocussed, this time I was equipped with the
1 The word ethnography literally means ‘writing about people’. In a broad sense, ethnography encompasses any study of a group of people for the purpose of describing their socio-cultural activities and patterns’ (Burns, 2000, p.393).
2 The basic ethnographic approach involves the observation, organisation and interpretation of the data. Data collection is done principally through participant observation, whereby the observer is part of the context being observed; being both modified and influenced by this context. The end result is an analytical description and interpretation of a highly complex system (Burns, 2000, p.404).
10 Chapter 2 Research Method background literature study. It gave me insight into the strong philosophical underpinnings which have shaped the palkhi ritual. To get a feel of the pilgrims’ experience, which is both, highly individual and communal, a personal involvement was required. This also enabled an in- depth understanding of the pilgrims’ spontaneous usage of the public space. Since the local people of the town (having selected the public space) are also involved during the pilgrimage event, which may influence the spatial usage; a detailed observation of the activity was essential. Thus, the method of participant observation became central to my fieldwork. The appropriateness of this method can be expressed through the following statement.
Observation techniques have been most productive in obtaining information as to how people behave in and experience their environment. The strength of observation techniques is that it is possible to record and measure the behavioural patterns in the actual setting in which they occur at the time of their occurrence (Lang et.al. 1974, p.226).
PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION METHOD
Within the framework of fieldwork data collection, observation is the first stage. It requires a careful preparation and understanding of the tasks to be performed and achieved. The values of direct and personal observations may be summarised as follows.
• It gives a holistic perspective to understand the context of the phenomenon. • The firsthand experience with the setting and the people in the setting, allows the researcher to be open and discovery oriented rather than relying on prior conceptualisations based on written documents and reports. • The researcher is able to see things which may escape other participants due to their routine involvement or limited awareness. This ‘taken for
11 Chapter 2 Research Method
granted’ attitude may influence the interview of the participants and may not reveal all the nuances of the phenomenon. • During interviews, people may be unwilling to discuss certain things with strangers and may also have strong perceptions about certain issues which may influence the research. However, when the researcher participates in the activity, he gets a clearer picture and can form his own views. • The element of reflection and introspection which represents the feelings of the researcher is highly useful in interpretation stage as it draws upon the entire body of knowledge adding substantially to the data (as summarised from Patton 2002, pp.262-64).
The above discussion expresses the salient features of being an observer in the settings. For a better understanding of the Pilgrimage phenomenon, the observations needed to be complemented with my participation. Thus it was essential to define my involvement and role in fieldwork which is discussed separately in the next section on ‘designing fieldwork’. Qualitative inquiry can be approached through various angles depending upon the emphasis of the research. Before committing myself to the selected method, I decided to weigh it against the alternative method of interviewing the pilgrims about their activities and spatial usage. This avoided the possibility of single track thinking and an inclination towards a particular approach. It also helped to re-clarify my intentions behind the research. After examining the interview method closely, I found out that it was inappropriate for the current focus of my research due to following reasons.
• The main intention of my research was to observe the ‘spontaneous’ use within the public space. The element of spontaneity can be better understood through observation rather than through interviews. People may not have thought consciously about the way they behave and may find it difficult to speak accurately about it.
12 Chapter 2 Research Method
• Given the highly devotional nature of the Pilgrimage, the interview process could have been obtrusive and appeared insensitive. Also, it could have disturbed the natural flow of the activities. • The majority of the pilgrims are from farming and peasant community (Karve, 1962, p.22; Neurgaokar, 2001, p.11) who generally have low levels of education. Thus, communication with them in terms of spatial usage and architectural settings would most likely have been very difficult and not very informative for my purpose. • Considering the time available for my master’s project, the interview process was not a feasible option. Participant observation and interviewing are two distinct processes. They cannot be interchanged and can neither be overlapped nor combined. Due to the annual occurrence of the Palkhi, the entire data collection would have taken two to three years, extending the current scope of the research to a Ph.D.
I finally concluded that, the method of participant observation was the most appropriate to study the people–space relationship and their mutual responsiveness during the Alandi-Pandharpur Pilgrimage. However, before detailing the fieldwork, I realised that a thorough background study was required to place the method in the context of entire research process. It had two advantages: to carry out the fieldwork as an informed participant-observer; and to be aware of the usefulness of the data during the course of its collection for further analysis and interpretation. This enabled me to crystallise the entire research process in three stages. Stage 1: Review of Literature Stage 2: Designing Fieldwork Part a. Formulating the Participant observation Method Part b. Data Collection techniques Stage 3: Analysis and Interpretation
I now discuss these three stages, focussing on the fieldwork which is central to the overall research process.
13 Chapter 2 Research Method
STAGE 1: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
In order to get an overview of the pilgrimage phenomenon and a public space the study of existing literature in both the aspects of this research was essential. To understand the concept, significance and structure of pilgrimage, I began with literature study of pilgrimages in several world religions and in Hindusim in particular. Then I studied the Hindu pilgrimage of Alandi to Pandharpur in detail from the available English literature. I realised through this study that there was a lot of material on the Pilgrimage in the local Marathi language. I decided to obtain this material during my fieldwork. The other important literature study carried out prior to the fieldwork included the understanding of the nature of public space. Based on this study, I formulated evaluative criteria of a public space. This formed the basis for selecting the public space on the pilgrimage route for my observations and its subsequent analysis.
STAGE 2: DESIGNING FIELDWORK
Taking into consideration the research focus, its concerns and the practical issues like logistics, time, resources and so on, I designed the fieldwork process. Based on the method of participant observation which best suited the focus of my research, I started organising the working details and strategies. After completing the groundwork in the initial part of my research tenure, I set out to undertake the fieldwork in India. Given the annual nature of Alandi Pandharpur palkhi which happens in June-July, I decided to participate in the year 2005. Setting the fieldwork agenda proved to be the first stage in its design process discussed as follows.
• To participate in the Palkhi or the Pilgrimage of Alandi to Pandharpur. • To collect data and information from the local newspapers which give a daily account of the pilgrimage as well as an overview of its philosophical
14 Chapter 2 Research Method
and other practical aspects like temporary planning of infrastructure and mobilisation of resources. • To select a town and its public spaces on the route of the Pilgrimage that would be suitable to carry out the observations. The main concern was to locate such a town which would provide the public settings3 for the event and sufficient time4 to observe the way in which the pilgrims interact with the public space. • To collect the base data of the selected town from local sources and authorities for recording my observations and for further spatial analysis. • To observe and document the public space in the selected town and its features before and during the Pilgrimage event. • To document the event of pilgrimage through the behaviour patterns of the pilgrims and the local residents in the selected settings.
Thus, I designed the overall framework in a non-rigid format, identifying the tasks broadly which would encourage my exploration of the phenomenon and would be flexible enough to incorporate the valuable insights gained in the process.
PART A: FORMULATING THE PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION METHOD
As mentioned above, the ‘degree of participation’ of the researcher may affect both, the researcher and the phenomenon. The following variables in the observation method as discussed by Patton (2002, pp. 265-79) served as guidelines to design my fieldwork strategy.
3 Some towns and villages on the route are small and underdeveloped as a result of which they cannot accommodate the Palkhi’s activities. Hence, the Palkhi takes its night halt on the village outskirts, in an open field. To select such a town which accommodates its night stay and provides a setting for its activities was crucial to my observations. 4 The Pilgrimage journey spans for about 18 days in which it takes a night halt at 15 villages or towns on the way. Most of the times, it reaches the place of halt in the evening and leaves it on the following morning. Hence, depending on the duration of its sojourn, I decided to select the town which would enable me to conduct my observations. 15 Chapter 2 Research Method
Balanced Role of participant and an observer Given the nature of simultaneity in the tasks to be achieved (as a participant in the Pilgrimage and as an observer in the public settings of the selected town), I decided to go in for an intermediate degree of participation which allowed for flexibility and adaptiveness to the changing scenario and needs. Accordingly, I participated in the pilgrimage in parts, changing my roles from a pilgrim to an architect. It was a balance between an onlooker and a pilgrim, in a somewhat natural and spontaneous manner responding to the event. My dual role, thus, provided a perspective of an insider as well as that of an outsider.
As a covert observer Before joining the pilgrimage, I enquired about registering for a particular pilgrims’ group5 so that accommodation and food would be provided. Later however, I realised that I would not be walking continuously with the group, which was against their rules set for the members. So, I decided to join the pilgrimage informally. However, based on the initial discussions with the head of that group, I followed their pattern of dress code and behaviour so as to be least conspicuous. This was also due to my sensitivity and respect towards the phenomenon. The ‘visual aspect’ (Rose, cited in Kearns, 2000, p.115) of field relations was followed meticulously. Being a local from the area, dressing like any other pilgrim and knowing their language, I readily blended with them. I walked in the Pilgrimage for long stretches without making myself conspicuous as I did not remain with one single group for a long time. Based on my understanding of the Pilgrimage from the literature, I also purchased local books of religious hymns which are sung throughout the journey. This was an important aspect of my being part of the pilgrimage. Some of the hymns were familiar to me as I had learnt them when I had participated as a school girl. Others were new and I tried to find the cassettes
5 The Alandi Pandharpur pilgrimage is highly organised as the pilgrims travel in pre-decided groups called dindi. The leader of the group manages the food, accommodation and the overall activities of the members, maintaining the discipline of the procession. (See chapter five, p.103, for details on dindi) 16 Chapter 2 Research Method or other recordings which gave an idea of their tunes and the way they were sung. With this base work, I joined the pilgrimage in sections, beginning from the outskirts of Pune. Thus I followed the ‘unobtrusive observation’ method or a ‘covert approach’ (Patton, 2002, p.291). This meant that those around me were not aware of my presence as a researcher.
As a solo researcher Since I was doing research for a master’s degree, I did most of the fieldwork by myself. In some instances, I was accompanied by either of my parents in the pilgrimage journeys and especially when I had to stay overnight in a couple of villages. They also organised my transport at times, when I needed to be dropped or picked up from villages along the Pilgrimage route. However, they did not participate actively in my endeavour, rather acted more like a support system. Accordingly, they did not influence any of my observations or findings.
Variations in duration of observations The duration of the participation and observation was decided by the duration of the Alandi-Pandharpur palkhi which takes about 18 days for the entire journey. But considering the task of selection of a town on the pilgrimage route and its background study, I took a leave of about two months which coincided with the University’s midterm break. The schedule was split in three parts: before the pilgrimage – three weeks, during the pilgrimage – three weeks and after the pilgrimage – approximately two weeks. The time other than the Pilgrimage duration was used extensively for data collection, but mainly for travelling between Alandi to Pandharpur and scanning the villages and towns on the route. Based on the overall character of the town which supported the Palkhi’s activities, the duration of the Palkhi’s sojourn (a two day halt) and its key location on the palkhi route, I selected the town called Lonand for my observations. The route taken by the pilgrimage within the town has been traditionally followed as the informal discussion with the residents of Lonand revealed. 17 Chapter 2 Research Method
These locals along with the pilgrims acted as informants6 (Ellis, 1994, p. 119) for general as well as specific information related to the town and the pilgrimage. Based on this information, I then selected the two public squares of Laxmi chowk and Tanaji chowk on the pilgrimage route within the town. They formed the focus of my study and observations. The detailed reasoning for selection of Lonand and its settings is explained in chapter six. The third important time based factor for my observation was documenting the Palkhi event during its sojourn in Lonand town. Since the duration of its halt is approximately for two days and two nights in the town, I divided this time into three major components based on the range of activities happening at different times. These included:
• Entry of the Palkhi in Lonand (evening time as per Palkhi schedule) • Day-time activities in the town during the two day stay. • Night-time activities during both the nights.
These components of activities encompassed the event of Pilgrimage during its entire sojourn in Lonand. The change in activities and behaviour patterns of the people (pilgrims as well as the locals) during these three times were overlaid on the existing public settings of the town to understand the mutual response and adaptability. In addition, I also decided to observe the preparations happening in Lonand town, before the Pilgrimage entered. This was done to get an idea of the response of the local residents to the repetitive event of Pilgrimage. For my observations in the static settings of Lonand, I followed the similar method of unobtrusive observations which I had established as an observer pilgrim. I realised that time management was critical throughout the whole process, as I had to position myself with respect to the pilgrimage activities and change my role accordingly.
6 Informants according to Ellis (1994, p.119) are individuals who intentionally provide data to the researcher other than by structured questionnaire or interview, thereby making them distinct from respondents. 18 Chapter 2 Research Method
Focus of Observations Kearns (2000, p.107) argues that all research involves observation or is made up of a series of observations. He comments on its unconstrained nature though it can be conditioned to suit the scope of the research. During my participation as a pilgrim, I realised that aspects like community hygiene, political issues, infrastructure management, and pollution also played an important role in the Palkhi’s functioning. However, within the broader framework of ethnographic fieldwork, the need to define the focus of observations becomes critical, especially when the research is directed towards specific aspects of the activity. In the case of my thesis, though the overall activity of the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage formed a broader context, the clear focus was on the relationship between the people and the public space. In addition, a very broad focus also hampers the specific aims to be completed within the timeframe. Hence, without restricting myself, I conditioned my observations towards the specific aims of my study. Accordingly, the following questions served as guidelines for my observations within the larger context on the event.
• What are the general activities of the pilgrim groups and their characteristics? • What is the overall mood of the pilgrims during the journey? • What is the pilgrims’ response to the changing climatic conditions? • What is the physical and social setting in which the activities occur? • What is the social behaviour pattern during the journey and during its intermediate halts? • Is there a mutual interaction between pilgrims themselves, and between the pilgrims and the local town people? If it occurs, then what qualities does this interaction have and how does it affect the spatial relationship. • What is the response of the locals of Lonand to the pilgrimage and how is it expressed?
These questions formed a guideline for my observations and also helped in formulating the appropriate data collection methods which I describe below.
19 Chapter 2 Research Method
PART B: DATA COLLECTION TECHNIQUES
I have used the following three methods for collection of data and for documenting my observations. These methods are used in combination depending upon the nature of task to be recorded.
Collection of existing data Before starting any ethnographic research, it is essential for the researcher to develop a background understanding of the setting, the phenomenon itself and the people who participate. This understanding can be achieved through ‘first level descriptions which place the researcher in the context’ (Morse and Richards, 2002, p.149). These data, according to Morse and Richards (2002, p.149), are usually a synthesis of public documents and other publicly available information along with the basic description of the setting through the use of mapping, photography or other suitable means to illustrate the setting and describe people through narrative form. Thus to orient myself to the Palkhi and its settings, I went through publicly available literature about both. The literature consisted of booklets, brochures and pamphlets which focussed on the journey details; books describing the saints’ life stories and their role in the Palkhi’s development the Palkhi’s philosophical background; newspapers from archives which gave a detailed account of the Palkhi’s activities and the journey, and so on. Some books also described the various towns on the routes of the Palkhi, the nature of halts and the special events associated with the places. The other major form of data collection included public documents on Lonand town, its land use plans and maps. I procured this information from the council office of Satara district’s Zilla Parishad which is affiliated to the Maharashtra State government. The access to this data was not a problem as it is publicly accessible, but I had to book in advance to photocopy the material. These plans were supplemented with the development plan and a report (DP Report, 1980) which consisted of other information such as existing land-use, demographic analysis, climatic data, road network etc. After selecting the town of Lonand for my observations, I collected all the existing data from the local authorities, before the event of Palkhi. It was used as 20 Chapter 2 Research Method background drawings to carry out the morphological analysis and to map the activities (discussed in the latter part of this chapter, p.24) before and during the event of pilgrimage.
Photography This was one of the major techniques of data collection and recording which I used during my fieldwork. A photographic image captures a particular moment and records it permanently. It is a visual record of the moment, and giving an overall idea of the event and the surroundings. Moreover, it can be used directly to complement the text in the thesis. The position of the photographer, his selective capturing of the event constitutes the ‘social construction’ of photographic techniques (Harper, 2004, p.233). It can manipulate the effect to a certain extent and can also have an impact on the subject who is being photographed. However, it can be used unobtrusively and is the ‘best tool to help recall the details of the activities’ which may slip the written records and observations (Patton, 2002, p.308). Secondly, the architectural angle of my thesis demanded an extensive visual documentation. Hence, I used photography for recording the existing built settings of the towns and the subsequent transformations which occurred during the Pilgrimage. The documentation of various architectural features, street elevations, and make-shift stalls (especially their scale) was otherwise very difficult to record on the spot given the time constraints. I have relied on photography to add details and have extracted the overall behaviour patterns and settings from it which forms a strong graphic base in this thesis. My research focussed on people’s activities in the public environment. Accordingly, my photographic records were limited to the public spaces only which did not require any prior permission. Similarly, no ethics approval was required from the University for the photographic recording as no person or personal property was targeted during the data collection. The focus was on recording the event comprehensively in the public settings. Though carrying the camera as an accessory during the Pilgrimage made me somewhat conspicuous as an observer, it is not an unusual sight for the pilgrims. Increasing numbers of TV and press reporters as well as other
21 Chapter 2 Research Method researchers have been taking photographs or video-recording of the event. However, photography as a tool to document the event is only useful when it is read together with the text. The fieldwork notes which I took throughout the Pilgrimage form the basis of this text.
Fieldwork Notes The written description of an event and of what has been observed during the fieldwork is one of the fundamental ways of data collection. As Scott et. al. (1997, cited in Kearns, 2000, p.117) state, ‘notes are invaluable sources of data, and [they] prompt further reflection.’ Patton (2002, pp.303-06) insists on writing in a specific descriptive manner rather than in a vague interpretative manner. According to him, if the fieldwork notes are clearly descriptive, concrete and detailed then only they can be used for later analysis and interpretation. Drawing on these thoughts, I followed a system of writing the notes every evening during my fieldwork, irrespective of the extent of my participation. I recorded the day’s events meticulously in three major sections.
• The basic information such the day and date, timings and location. • The physical setting where the event took place, its description in terms of architectural and natural features, supplemented with the photographs marked with appropriate numbers. • The description of the activities that took place in the physical settings, on an overall scale of the pilgrimage and to an individual scale of the pilgrims.
In addition, I also followed Patton’s (2002, pp.303-04) guidelines for the contents of fieldwork notes. My notes included the following:
• I noted what other people said during the fieldwork, their responses and reactions to the event though it was not necessarily in the form of structured interviews. When I was walking with the pilgrims, and especially when we waited for tea or lunch breaks, I chatted informally with the pilgrims or listened to their conversations which gave valuable
22 Chapter 2 Research Method
insights into their backgrounds and their ways of experiencing the whole Pilgrimage. • I documented my personal experiences through my feelings and responses during the Palkhi. I also wrote down the significance and meanings of those experiences which grasped my spontaneous reactions and reflected the intensity of my involvement. • Finally, I also made small notes and key sketches alongside the main text. These pointed out essence of the observations or served as highlights of the day’s experience. But their main purpose was to indicate the implications of the text for analysis. It helped me to maintain overall continuity and the direction of my observations. Though, it was difficult to distinguish between making early judgements and analysis, this kind of writing was very helpful in keeping a record of true reactions to the activities which was otherwise hard to conjure up later while formally analysing the process.
Thus, detailed notes became an important component of my fieldwork which complemented the photography. However, while writing up my reaction and interpretations, I did not follow a rigid structure but allowed it to flow spontaneously, as per my first impressions. In addition to text, I also added my sketches in some instances which recorded the striking visual aspects of the settings during the particular activity. This habit of quick sketching to understand the essence of the situation was developed as an architectural student. During my student days, I participated in several architectural study tours which trained us for making impression sketches while discouraging photography. On the whole, the notes proved to be very helpful in developing narratives of the palkhi’s activities which are interspersed within the text of this thesis. It has also led to the subsequent interpretation and analysis presented in chapter seven, particularly to understand the intangible elements like people’s behaviour, their motivations and their experience of the surroundings.
23 Chapter 2 Research Method
Activity Mapping In addition to the data collection techniques of photography and notes, the documentation of the people-space relationship required a technique which would combine the human behaviour patterns and the spatial settings. I derived it from fieldwork techniques for architectural anthropology by Pieper (1980, pp.5-6) in which he points out the method of activity mapping on existing physical configuration of the town. The different types of representation and analysis techniques for urban designers are discussed by Carmona et.al (2003, pp. 270-77) which comment on their advantages and appropriateness. The basic techniques range from two dimensional maps and diagrams to three dimensional perspective views, models or four dimensional animations and computer generated models. Though all these graphic representations are ‘abstractions of reality’ (Carmona et.al. 2003, p.271), they are the closest we can get to communicate the spatial ideas. Barker (1996, cited in Carmona et.al. 2003, p.271), while discussing the role of activity maps observe that such diagrams:
• are selective • are about clarity and communication • reveal the essence • are often simple • separate out issues • allow a degree of artistic licence • can have vitality • can explain form and space better than words or photographs
Thus, I incorporated the activity mapping technique as a form of data collection during my observations in Lonand. Using the base maps of the public spaces, I superimposed them with different layers of activities, people, architectural features (fixed and semi-fixed), new additions, movement patterns, climatic data and so on. These were prepared as ‘sieve maps’ (Moughtin, 1999, cited in Carmona et.al. 2003, p.274) by simple overlays of tracing paper on a base map; each one drawn to map different constraints.
24 Chapter 2 Research Method
Thus, this mapping undertaken during the fieldwork was the first step of analysis as it represented the spatial usage. I also supplemented these maps with schematic cross sections through the streets and the public squares to grasp the overall scale. Furthermore, this mapping technique proved to be a fast method to record onsite observations and added to the overall understanding of the behaviour patterns in the environment. I have developed and refined these diagrams based on the field notes and photographs to include them in the thesis (see chapter six and seven). Overall, my three data collection techniques during the fieldwork formed the basis for the analytical component and its subsequent interpretations for the study. They were used in a comprehensive way to arrive at the findings and the design guidelines. Using mixed methods to gather data also helped in cross-validating the information. I also realised that to comprehend the pilgrimage event in totality, I needed to experience it through all senses, especially the auditory and olfactory which add to the sense of a place. Though it was hard to record the experience in totality; I tried to capture it through my notes and photographs, lest I should forget. Thus, the experience of pelting rain, walking through mud, wafting aromas of tea and coffee, increasing pitch of drums and cymbals, sweating and panting during the uphill climb on a hot afternoon and many such other experiences remained etched in my mind and get refreshed when I look back at the whole event.,
STAGE 3: ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
Phenomenological analysis is a process of reading, reflection, writing and re-writing that enables the researcher to transform the lived experience into a textual expression of its essence (Van Manen, 1990, cited in Morse and Richards, 2002, p.147). Since the whole study was based on the Alandi- Pandharpur pilgrimage in the selected town and its settings, its highly contextual nature placed it in the category of a case-study approach for analysis. The transformation of the collected data into findings depends on the research orientation and focus. The approach derived for this transformation 25 Chapter 2 Research Method can itself become a part of the analytical process as there are no fixed rules. The findings are not only an outcome of the ‘making sense of the world but also in making sense of our relationship to the world and therefore discovering things about ourselves even as we discover things about the phenomenon itself’ (Richardson, 2000b, cited in Patton, 2002, p.432). As discussed above, the data which I collected during my fieldwork consisted mainly of my observations and my experience of the Pilgrimage phenomenon. The observations were recorded in the form of field notes and activity maps which were supplemented with the photographs. In order to answer the research questions, the analysis focussed on my observations and understanding of the ‘before and during’ the Palkhi scenarios in Lonand. The primary focus of observational analysis according to Patton (2002, p.23) is to take the reader into the setting that was observed. Particularly for my research, it was essential to be familiar with the settings to carry out any analysis. Hence, chapters five and six are predominantly descriptive of the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage and Lonand town respectively. The study was not only for the benefit of the reader but also for my own understanding of the event and surroundings. Both these chapters are structured around the existing literature and my own observations which in combination focus on the analysis and hence, the understanding. Based on the overall aim of the research, the following steps were undertaken after the completion of the fieldwork. It is derived from the steps suggested by Patton (2002, pp.484-87) to carry out phenomenological analysis. I have adapted them to suit the requirement and focus of my topic. The first step in analysis was the organisation of the data. The huge amount of data collected was organised and bracketed into different sections. I structured it into three categories: the public spaces of Lonand, the pilgrimage ritual and the resulting behaviour patterns. The aspect of balancing between ‘description and interpretation’ (Patton, 2002, p.503) was very crucial in development of the text and connecting it with the final analysis. Further, I revisited the evaluative criteria for public spaces developed before the fieldwork in view of the fieldwork observations. I realised that the physical criteria could be applied with some modifications. The theoretical 26 Chapter 2 Research Method framework was extended to incorporate the analysis of ‘organic’ towns (Lonand being an organically developed town) and their public spaces. However, the experiential criteria were not directly applicable; rather they were more useful in deriving the findings. The activity mapping done during the fieldwork was another major step in data analysis as certain things became evident during the process. The fluidity of the usage of spaces as against the physical rigidity of the selected public squares became one of the major eye- openers which I have elaborated in the analytical chapter (chapter seven). This step illustrates that the analytical method needs to be flexible in order to include unforeseen observations and to overcome the methodical constraints. Based on the analysis and descriptions, the next task was of interpretation. It was carried out by extracting the behaviour patterns observed during the pilgrimage and blending them with the experiential criteria of a public space. This was done by using theories from behavioural sciences as they give pointers towards understanding the human behaviour and their physical settings. Thus, the overall process followed a method of ‘creative synthesis’ which involves ‘bringing together of the pieces that have emerged into a total experience, showing patterns and relationships (Patton, 2002, p.487). The intangible nature of this type of qualitative analysis and interpretation was a highly illuminating aspect while crystallising and communicating the findings. These steps outline the overall process of analysis which has been explicitly addressed in the chapter seven (Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis).
CONCLUSION
Thus, in this chapter I have discussed the method which I adopted for my research focussing on its fieldwork component. Based on the findings, in the last chapter (chapter eight: Conclusions and reflections) I reflect on the method used and its credibility for this research. The outcome of this thesis is weighed in totality. Other than the actual findings which answer the aims, the research also attempts to derive a holistic approach which helps to understand relationship between people, public space and collective rituals.
27 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
Understanding a pilgrimage
Chapter three
Pilgrimage is a complex human activity and a widely practised phenomenon across the globe. The essential element of journeying with a quest is central to its meaning. Being one of the most significant aspects of many religions, pilgrimage has perpetuated through different eras of human evolution. In the first chapter, I outlined the structure of this thesis. It has explained the perspective of looking at a pilgrimage in an interdisciplinary context and its implications for the design of a public space. In this chapter, I focus on the feature of pilgrimage to develop a deeper understanding about the activity. Accordingly, the aim of this chapter is to provide an overview of the notion of pilgrimage. This study draws on the existing ethnographic research of different pilgrimages, to assist in explaining the fundamental qualities of the pilgrimage. The chapter explores the different meanings of pilgrimage and proposes a typology using the identified components. The underlying notions and their physical manifestations form the basis for understanding the key aspects of pilgrimage movement. The chapter then turns to appreciate the idea of pilgrimage in Hinduism. I examine the philosophical concepts and the structure of Hinduism which underpin its form of pilgrimage. This situates the Alandi-Pandharpur Pilgrimage in context, setting the scene for the research.
28 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
PILGRIMAGE: MEANINGS AND IMPLICATIONS
Pilgrimage is born of desire and belief. The desire is for solution to problems of all kind that arise within the human situation. The belief is that somewhere beyond the known world there exists a power that can make right the difficulties that appear so insoluble and intractable here and now. All one must do is journey. (Morinis, 1992, p.1)
The dictionary meaning of pilgrimage (Robinson, 1996, p.1050) is ‘a journey to a shrine or other holy place celebrated or made special by its associations, undertaken in order to gain a greater closeness to the religion, etc or as means of affirming one’s faith’. The wider application of the term goes beyond this aspect of sacred journeying. It is used to symbolise a journey with a particular purpose. But to narrow down the meaning to an anthropological context, Morinis (1992, p.4) defines it broadly as ‘a journey of an individual or a group towards a fixed goal (geographical or Figure 3.1: Key elements of metaphorical) or in search of a hidden goal pilgrimage they believe to embody a valued ideal’. (Source: Sane, 2006)
Figure 3.2: Pilgrimage as means to attain higher spiritual level (Source: Sane, 2006)
29 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
Conventionally and most typically, these ideals have been religious and the journey is assumed to transform oneself from a profane to a higher sacred plane. The underlying aspect is of movement from the ordinary realm of everyday living to a holy or a sacred centre. This form of a pilgrimage is central to this thesis. Commonly, this journey takes a physical form of travelling from one geographical point to another. But on a metaphorical or a spiritual level, the journey may signify a transformation of the mental state. The origin of the word pilgrim is from the Latin word ‘peregrinus’ or ‘peregrine’ which means ‘a person travelling from place to place; a person on a journey, a wayfarer, a traveller, a wanderer, a sojourner’ (Oxford Dictionary, 1989, p.829). Thus it signifies a foreigner’s or a stranger’s temporary nature of stay at a single place or travel from place to place to reach a final destination. In the prevailing sense of meaning, the Oxford Dictionary (1989, p.829) states that a pilgrim is ‘one who journeys (usually to a long distance) to some sacred1 place, as an act of devotion; one who makes a pilgrimage’.
Figure 3.3: A pilgrim as a traveller (Source: Sane, 2006)
1 Sacred according to the Oxford dictionary (1989, p.338) means ‘consecrated to; esteemed especially dear or acceptable to a deity, dedicated, set apart, exclusively appropriated to some person or some special purpose, made holy by association with god or other object of worship. 30 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
Extending Morinis’s (1992, p.1) dual idea of desire and belief, Davidson & Gitlitz (2002, p. xvii) identify three fundamental beliefs which have launched human beings onto the roads of pilgrimage.
• The conviction that there are forces infinitely larger than us - gods, superheroes, the tectonic plates of history–with the ability to influence our lives. • [The belief that] each of us has a potential to initiate a meaningful relationship with those forces. • [The knowledge that] there are certain places where the remote, transcendental power of those forces seems close enough for us to touch.
The modes of doing a pilgrimage vary with individuals, places and religions creating diverse types. Still, the two key elements which shape any pilgrimage are journey and destination. Both these factors have the power to transform the individual to a higher spiritual level which becomes the driving force behind the pilgrimage. (Turner, 1987), has classified the pilgrimage experience into a ‘three-stage form of rite of passage’.
• Separation (the start of journey) • The liminal stage (the journey itself, the sojourn at the shrine, and the encounter with the shrine itself) • Re-aggregation (the home coming)
In these three stages there is a marked difference in the mental state of the pilgrim which engenders the transformative nature of a pilgrimage. The first and the last stage may not always take a pronounced form, but the element of movement is embedded in all three stages. I now expand on the essential aspect of ‘journey’ to a ‘destination’ in the following discussion of pilgrimage.
31 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
KEY ELEMENTS OF PILGRIMAGE
THE JOURNEY
The passage of travel from a point to another point signifies a movement in space. This movement is a critical element of any journey. The act of journeying gives meaning to the pilgrimage. It is done with the central purpose to reach the destination, but there are several aspirations embedded in the act. At its simplest, the physical form of journey may be linear. This entails a journey from home to the shrine. It may also be circular or cyclic when the pilgrim returns to his starting point after reaching the goal. In this case, the starting point is also significant in completing the ritual. The other types of circular movement are observed when the pilgrims encircle a region, territory or circumambulate a shrine or group of shrines. The subtype of this movement is a spiral one when the pilgrim moves towards the centre, accentuating the path. This is commonly observed in case of pilgrimage centres which are located on mountaintops as the ‘ascent takes a spiral form’ (Morinis, 1992, p.16). The second classification of movement is based on the pilgrims’ behaviour pattern. Collective pilgrimages where the pilgrims move en masse towards the religious nodes are very common. ‘Massing pilgrimages often take the form of processions which transform the movement from a functional, physiological act Figure 3.4: Types of pilgrimage to a cultural performance’ (Morinis, 1992, p.15). journey (Source: Sane, 2006)
32 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
This mass movement with a public display affects the individuals as well as the surroundings through which they move. The collective rituals, their socio-economic impact, political aspects and infrastructural arrangements take up a pronounced magnitude during such events. The individual type of journey, on the other hand, can rarely be read as a pilgrimage and almost takes the form of a private travel. The two important stages in pilgrims’ behaviour are best explained by Turner (1987, p.328) in terms of ‘liminal’ phase and ‘communitas’. According to him, a liminal phase is a ‘temporary release from social ties during the journeying which affects the pilgrims in a personal way’. The sense of bonding and sharing developed with fellow pilgrims is explained by the term ‘communitas’. Turner argues that this feeling is ‘essential to the sense of flow and focused involvement’. Though the nature of communitas has been debated (Morinis: 1992; Bharadwaj, cited in Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, p.117), it is observed in the collective Alandi- Pandharpur pilgrimage and is thus relevant for my discussion here. The third classification is the mode of journeying. It can vary from walking, singing and dancing, rolling or in more recent times it can involve travelling by some means of transport. However, it was traditionally believed that the harder it was to get to the destination, the more meritorious the pilgrimage. The fourth crucial aspect of movement is that of time. Its importance has several layers. Eliade (1957, p.70) has commented on the intervals of sacred time experienced by a religious man. The pilgrimages are also timed to occur within these time zones depending on one’s culture and beliefs. They can re- occur at intervals on a monthly or an annual basis, and may also be linked to nature’s cycles. The journey can take the form of travelling to a static God (at the shrine) or travelling with God or saints (their metaphorical presence). The re- enactment of a myth or an act thus conveys symbolic meanings and shapes the movement pattern.
33 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
THE DESTINATION
As mentioned previously, the journey to a sacred place is the most typical form of pilgrimage. The special value or power of a place to attract devotees known as the ‘spiritual magnetism’ (Turner, 1987, p.329; Preston, 1992, p.33), is the quality which all pilgrimage centres share. It is ‘elevated above ordinary religious establishments’ (Morinis, 1992, p.17) and forms a sacred geography interlinked by flow of pilgrims. This underlying belief in the formation of sacred centres has been observed throughout the evolution of man irrespective of cultural or religious differences. Eliade (1957, p.20) calls this aspect ‘spatial nonhomogeneity’. The idea that some spaces are more significant and strong and they manifest the sacred as opposed to the formless, infinite space, explains this non homogeneity. It marks a fixed point of reference for orientation, a centre around which the world gets organised. The collective activity in a pilgrimage is intensified at the centre during certain sacred time zones. Preston (1992, pp.31-38) argues that the spiritual magnetism of a place and its power to draw pilgrims can form an organising principle which helps to understand the pilgrimage patterns. According to him, there are four variables, which may endow the pilgrimage centres with a spiritual magnetism discussed as follows.
• Miraculous cures: It is believed that some pilgrimage centres have the power of physical and psychological healing. It is at times attributed to natural elements like streams, or to the intervention of a deity or a saint. • Apparitions of supernatural beings: Some sites gain importance due to their hosting apparitions of divine forms or human encounters with them. Other instances like the visit or sojourn of a saint, prophet or deity also marks the place with a divine power. These events are re-enacted by pilgrims to continue the link. A rite of renewal can also be performed to enhance the spiritual magnetism of the place. • Sacred geography: Many pilgrimage sites are located at dramatic features of the landscape such as mountain peaks, river fords, outcrops, and valleys which represent a ‘threshold of the mundane and the 34 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
spiritual’ (Turner, 1987, p.329). Their significance can be reinforced by religious myths and associations. • Difficulty of access: The level of difficulty encountered to reach a sacred site tests the endurance and sacrifice of the pilgrim. This may be in the form of physical dangers or difficulties during the travel, or the rigorous rites that may have to be performed at the centre itself. This is believed to increase the level of the spiritual power present in the site. Further, the pilgrim also feels a sense of achievement and closeness to the divine power after its completion. Thus, in this case, it is the process of reaching the goal which endows it with a spiritual magnetism.
The shaping of the culture of a pilgrimage is thus a multilayered process. The pilgrims’ goal, the means of its achievement and the supporting factors are all interwoven. They work together to influence the participant pilgrims, as well as the surrounding spatial environment. They can create a sense of belonging and identity which goes beyond the physical boundaries. I now turn to consider the specific nature of different religious pilgrimages to get a broad overview of this behaviour pattern. Each pilgrimage is analysed through its key features of movement pattern and the significance of goal. Eliade (1987, pp.327-54), in his edited section on pilgrimages in Encyclopaedia of Religions, has examined pilgrimage patterns in major religions. Davidson and Gitlitz’s (2002) studies on ancient as well as contemporary pilgrimages are comprehensive. They have addressed a majority of the world’s pilgrimages in terms of rituals, activities, beliefs, and concepts of faith, charity, spirituality and historical significance. I have used both of these works as a base for my comparative analysis.
35 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
PILGRIMAGE CONCEPTS: AN OVERVIEW
PILGRIMAGE IN ISLAM
One of the largest and best known pilgrimages in the world is the Islamic pilgrimage of the Hajj to Mecca (Saudi Arabia). It symbolizes the centrality of oneness with ‘Allah’. All healthy Muslim men and women (either accompanied by their husband or a male relative) are required to do the Hajj at least once during their lifetime. This is a sign of obedience to the religion and to Allah. This ritual is of obligatory nature but only if it imposes no hardship for the family. The meaning of the word ‘hajj’ means ‘to take one to’ or ‘to go around in circle’ or ‘standing in the presence of a deity’ (Martin 1987, p. 338; Davidson & Gitlitz’s, 2002, p.220) which describes the journey pattern. The Kabah at Mecca represents the focal point of the pilgrimage as well as that of Islamic religion. It is the point of orientation for their prayers and other activities. The Muslim who has completed this pilgrimage applies the terms hajji (for a Figure 3.5: Centrality of Hajj male) and hajja (for a female) to their (Source: Sane, 2005) given names. The prophet Muhammad (570-632C.E.) decreed the Hajj one of the five important pillars, or tenets, of Islam. It occurs once a year in the second week of the last month of the Islamic lunar calendar (usually in April/May of the Western calendar). Once in Mecca, Muslims perform a series of activities sequentially over several days which symbolically replicate Muhammad’s last pilgrimage to Mecca. These rituals induce a movement of about 40km. Thus the pilgrimage to Mecca (as well as within and around it) constitutes the entire act. The other less important pilgrimage to Mecca, Umra, can be performed at any time during the year. Other pilgrimage sites include Medina (the Prophet’s tomb), tombs of holy people, saints, wise men, miracle workers and 36 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage martyrs. Most of these are small cult centres but nearly every Islamic country has at least one major holy shrine where annual pilgrimage celebrations take place. Jerusalem also acquired importance as a sacred place as Muhammad was believed to have been transported there by the angel Gabriel, from where he rose to heaven to meet Allah, before returning back to Mecca. The pilgrimage to Jerusalem is not mandatory, unlike the ‘Hajj’, but is considered as ‘Ziyara’, a visit to holy shrine which is an acceptable substitute to Hajj in terms of gaining forgiveness for one’s sins or appeal for a special help (Martin, 1987, pp.342-45; Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, p.284).
PILGRIMAGE IN CHRISTIANITY
The Christian tradition of pilgrimage evolved shortly after Jesus’ death. It was followed by Christianity’s split in the late fourth century into an Eastern (Orthodox) Church in Constantinople and Western Church centred in Rome (Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, p.528). Jerusalem, the Holy Land gained importance as a prime pilgrimage site, as many events of Jesus’ life and his crucifixion took place there. Rome established itself as the second most important pilgrimage site due to the activity of Saints Peter and Paul, the Church and the Pope; and more so as a place where early pilgrims came to do business, combining this with a visit to the holy sites. The apex of the Roman Catholic pilgrimage movement occurred between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries with a Figure 3.6: Christianity and Pilgrimage spectacular growth in the cult of (Source: Sane, 2005)
37 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
Virgin Mary at the beginning of the twelfth century. Apart from shrines, basilicas and churches directly related to Jesus’ life, the most prevalent are the sites of apparition of the apostles, and of Mary, which have attracted the largest and most fervent pilgrimages in the Catholic world in the last 150 years (Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, p.531). Santiago de Compostela in Spain is the third important Christian pilgrimage destination. During the twelfth century, St. James, one of Christ’s apostles, suddenly gained popularity due to the published works detailing legends about his life. His miraculous reappearances triggered a pilgrimage to his discovered tomb in Spain. It soon acquired a revered status and millions of pilgrims trekked the arduous way to Santiago de Compostela. The entire route rapidly developed with pilgrim services and infrastructure as well as churches, chapels and shrines springing up all over Europe, dedicated to St. James. The modern version of this pilgrimage was revived in the last third of twentieth century which follows the similar routine of walking to the destination. The pilgrim is awarded the Compostelana, a certificate that marks completion of the journey (Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, pp.272-78, pp.530-39). Christian pilgrimages are marked by finding salvation through ‘difficulties and dangers of temporary exile’ and means of coming in contact with the divine forces at the holy sites (Sigal, 1987, pp.330-01). Also common is the interchange between God and man through the medium of Saints who preach the merits of religion. Thus the Roman Catholics encouraged pilgrims by ‘acknowledging their multiple reasons for pilgrimage rather than making it a mandatory activity for the faithful’ (Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, p.532).
PILGRIMAGE IN JUDAISM
In the course of its long history, dating as early as 12-13th century B.C.E., Judaism has incorporated a number of pilgrimage traditions and a diverse range of holy sites, though the actual practice of pilgrimage is not so prominent today. The most significant pilgrimage sites are in Israel, where Judaism evolved initially from Solomon’s Temple and later the Second Temple.
38 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
Both were the seats of God and government. It was obligatory to visit these in Jerusalem, the holiest place for the Jews. Later followed a series of events where the Jews were denied access to Jerusalem for a time being due to Christian and Muslim influences which destroyed the Temple. In medieval times, Damascus & Aleppo flourished as pilgrimage centres. Though the pilgrims continued visiting Jerusalem, it no longer remained as the prominent Jewish pilgrimage centre as most of the holy places were covered by Islamic tombs. The modern day Israel serves a dual role with the emerging pilgrimage centres: firstly, it houses religious pilgrimage sites in Jerusalem and secondly, it serves as a’ secular ethnic or a cultural shrine preserving the Jewish identity’ (Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, p. 296). According to Shokeid (1987, p.347), the Jewish pilgrimage is characterised by the practice of calling on ancestors and saints as mediators for divine help. Similar to Christianity, the pilgrimages are ‘deemed to carry good luck and remedy for particular misfortunes’. Figure 3.7: Judaism and Pilgrimage (Shokeid, 1987, p.347) (Source: Sane, 2005)
PILGRIMAGE IN BUDDHISM
For Buddhists, the notion of pilgrimage is very different. ‘No single place is deemed important as a sacred centre; the emphasis is on the path, which reflects Buddhism’s stress on self-transformation’ (Bharadwaj, 2004, p-478). Contemplation and rejection of worldly distractions are central to achieving enlightenment.
39 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
The key events in Buddha’s life occurred in four places: Lumbini (Nepal, the birth place of Buddha: circa 566 B.C.E); Bodhgaya (India, Buddha attained enlightenment); Sarnath (India, Buddha preached his first sermon); and Kushinagar (India, Buddha’s death place). As told by the Buddha himself, the followers are supposed to visit these four sites (known as the Heart of Buddhism), thus determining the geography of the Buddhist pilgrimage (Davidson & Figure 3.8: Buddhism and Pilgrimage (Source: Sane, 2005) Gitlitz, 2002, p.71-73). The Buddhist pilgrimage is marked by an internal personal journey to find ‘Buddha nature within oneself through the external journey towards iconic presence of Buddha at the holy sites’ (Keyes, 1987, p.347). The other types of Buddhist pilgrimages are found in China and Japan which overlap with their religions (Tao, Shinto, and Confucianism) and pilgrimage sites, mainly to sacred mountains (Davidson & Gitlitz: 2002, p.71-73; Keyes, 1987, p.347-49). In the case of Tibetan pilgrimages, ‘circumambulation is a characteristic feature accompanied by recitation of mantras or sacred formulae. They circumambulate both, their destinations and the numerous shrines along the way - in a clockwise direction if they are Buddhists, and counter-clockwise if they are followers of Bon2, a religion indigenous to Tibet’ (Bernbaum, 1987, p.351).
2 The native Tibetan Bon religion, a combination of animism and nature worship was fused with Buddhism in the eight century. It absorbed the principal Bon deities into the Buddhist pantheon, adopted their holy places as pilgrimage sites and recognised the authority of lamas or monks. 40 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
PILGRIMAGE IN HINDUISM
Since the pilgrimage selected for this study is Hindu, this section focuses on an explanation of Hinduism in depth. The first part establishes the structure of Hindusim. I discuss its founding concepts to locate the significance of pilgrimage. It is followed by the origin of pilgrimage, its mode and characteristics as it pertains to Hinduism. This forms the theoretical base for understanding of the Alandi to Pandharpur Pilgrimage.
HINDU RELIGION: STRUCTURE AND CONCEPTS
Hindusim, followed by more than 80 percent of Indians, is one of the oldest and largest religions in the world. ‘The word Hindu has its origins in Persian and Arabic language (hind or al-hind) which defines the area of Indus valley’ (Flood, 2003, p.3).
Hindu was a term coined by Muslim invaders to indicate people who lived along and beyond Indus River and by extension was a term of convenience to describe the extraordinary and diverse native beliefs and practices of the subcontinent. Hinduism as a religion has no historical founder, no head, no codified set of beliefs, no stipulated dogma and no credo. It is rather an ensemble of traditions, practices, history, legends, modes of worship, codes of social and moral conduct and philosophies (Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, p.237).
Without touching upon the debatable issue of its origins and subsequent development, I examine the elements of its structure which are widely accepted.
Ancient Scriptures and religious texts The philosophical basis of the religion is grounded in the ancient Sanskrit scriptures which are highly revered and embedded even in modern Hindu life. These were refined from time-to-time by sages, priests, poets, saints and other learned persons. The texts comprise three main types.
41 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
• Vedas: These are the ancient hymns, which are known as shruti3 (revealed texts or that which is heard).These are considered fixed, unalterable and beyond translation (Rao, 2004); they rely on the meticulous memorization and subsequent transmission of the same from generation to generation. These consist of the four vedas and the upanishads. • Epics: These are the narrative poems of Ramayana and Mahabharata4 the latter containing the revered Bhagwad Gita. • Puranas: Known as the smriti5 (that which has been remembered). These are a large number of religious texts consisting of stories, legends that expand on Vedas and are adapted to changing times ‘These allowed Hinduism a flexibility, unavailable for the religions of the book, such as Christianity or Islam…..’(Rao, 2004, p. 98)
Divine forms Hindusim appears to be polytheistic with a profusion of gods, goddesses and other divine elements in nature having many forms and attributes. However, Hindus believe that these are expressions or emanations of a single, universal, absolute immutable force often termed as ‘Brahman’. The three major deities forming the triad of Hinduism symbolize the essential aspects of life or its cyclic nature. They are as follows.
3 Shruti: It literally means that which has been perceived through hearing; it is ‘revelation’ of God. It was received by ancient seers, was communicated to other men later and was compiled in its present form by sage Vyasa (Flood, 1996, p.35). It constitutes the scriptures with highest theological value, containing the supreme and undebatable authority, which cannot be altered or modified (Klostermaier, 1994, p.66) 4 Ramayana is the monumental epic poem attributed to the legendary poet Valmiki. It consists of the life story and adventures of Lord Rama. Mahabharata, a huge narrative of Sanskrit literature, is a classic text on religion, bravery and victory based on the story of a dynasty. The war between its heirs Kauravas and Pandavas and the revered character of Lord Krishna is a part of this tale. Bhagwad Gita, the guidance towards righteousness, duty and path of salvation was told by Krishna on the war field. Amongst many other epics, these two are the most popular and influential texts even today. 5 Smriti: It literally means ‘that which has been remembered’ and constitutes the second highest religious authority (Klostermaier, 1994, p.66).These are believed to be created by humans (hence designated as secondary) and were simplified versions of the Vedas into stories and teachings of rituals like pilgrimages (Rao, 2004, p.104) 42 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
• Brahma: the creator • Vishnu : the preserver • Shiva: the destroyer
Together, with their consorts and other goddesses, these deities are worshipped with varying intensities at different times and places. These variances have set up the ‘isms’ of faith and institutionalised traditions in the form of cults (eg. Vaishnavism, Shaivism and Shaktism).Their manifestations are formalised through holy places and sites consecrating their presence or their powers. This gave birth to pilgrimage centres like Varanasi, Pandharpur, which are dedicated to one or many gods.
Ways of Life The Hindu traditions and ways of life are derived mainly from the Sanskrit scriptures. The two doctrines of ‘dharma’ (righteousness, moral and social order, performance of duties according to beliefs) and ‘karma’ (the actual act of doing, cause and effect of the acts in the present and future lives, cause of destiny) govern the ethical, social and spiritual dimensions of human life (Davidson & Gitlitz: 2002, p.237; Flood, 1996; Noss, 2003). The concept of samskara (rites of passage) is interspersed through one’s life stages in the form of rituals, ceremonies and rites (McGee, 2004, p.333). These are undertaken in order to imbue the values of dharma and karma and to educate the human being to higher levels. The underpinning belief in Hinduism is that of ‘samsara’ which means ‘transmigration of the soul’ through the endless cycles of birth and death until the final liberation is achieved (Noss, 2003, p.100). This liberation, termed as ‘moksha’ or ‘salvation’ marks the communion with God. One of the most important ways of achieving ‘moksha’ is through the act of pilgrimage. The physical actions are supplemented by philosophical guidelines known as marga (path) or yoga (discipline) which work towards the ultimate goal through increasing merit. The three distinct types (sequence irrelevant) in Hinduism are:
43 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
• Karma-marga: Way of works or actions • Jnana-marga: Way of knowledge • Bhakti- marga: Way of devotion
Bhaktimarga The third path of bhakti or loving devotion towards a chosen God is one of the most common and popular modes of worship6. Bhakti movement and its ideas are explicitly seen in the Alandi-Pandharpur Palkhi; hence an understanding of the same is relevant to this thesis. The distinctive features of bhakti movement during the 8th to 12th century7 according to (Carman, 1987, Schwartzberg et al., 1992) are as follows.
• Insistence that devotionalism alone - rather than Vedic sacrifices and ritualism, asceticism, jnana (knowledge), or yoga (discipline) - leads to moksha (release). • Poetic compositions in regional languages as well as in Sanskrit. • General disdain for caste discrimination, and leadership roles by both men and women of all classes, castes and professions. • Rejection of the idea of a ritual intermediary (brahmin/priest).
6 Bhakti is commonly translated as ‘devotion’ and bhaktimarga as the ‘path of devotion Carman, J. B. (1987).Its wider meaning developed through ‘last two thousand years implies personal devotion to a god or a saintly person’ (Lorenzen, D. N. (2004).The word bhakti is a noun form derived from the Sanskrit root verb ‘bhaj’ which means to share, to distribute, to belong to or to worship (Lorenzen, 2004; Carman, 1987; Schwartzberg et.al,1992; Klostermaier, 1994). According to these scholars, the earliest references can be traced back to Vedic texts: the upanishads and notably the Bhagwad Gita. The origin of sectarian distinctions between the worship of Gods (eg. towards Vishnu, Shiva or goddesses) and their virtues are credited to bhakti doctrine. It was propagated by a lineage of teachers, saints and organisations. But its sure promise for salvation (moksha) regardless of ones’ caste and background formed a strong egalitarian base for its further popularity and development.
7 Revived as the bhakti movement in the medieval ages by the poet saints, it sought to overcome the widespread fears of heresy and to destroy the hold of Jainism and Buddhism recharge of Hinduism in the far South. It was popularized by the Shaivite (followers of Lord Shiva) Nayanars and Vaishnavaite (followers of Lord Vishnu) Alvars of the Tamil country (Schwartzberg, et.al., 1992). The form of bhakti transcended the devotee-God relationship and its transactional qualities so typical of Hindu worship. It was expressed through unconditional love as both ‘means and end to salvation’ (Schwartzberg, et.al., 1992). The relationship could take different forms of love and emotions with God on a personal level. It ranged from parent to child, servant to master, friend to friend and that of a lover to the beloved manifested through different shades of personal feelings. 44 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
• Singing of religious hymns and repetitive chanting of God’s name as an expression of worship, rather than extensive ritual practices. • Succession of saint-poets and their followers. • Regional popularity due to localised saints and their poetic compositions in local languages. • Communal worship.
Social Structure The evolution of Hindu social structure is debatable. Its rigid nature was reflected in the hierarchical caste system which perpetuated with varying distinctions and intensity. The samskaras and paths of life were embodied in the jati (caste) system. The duties, obligations and rights of a person depended upon the castes which were traditionally determined by birth. The basis of the castes lay in the ‘varna’ (skin colour) and the occupations8. It served as a model for the society working to reciprocal advantage through dutiful functioning. It demarcated a social ranking and engendered a wide disparity resulting in social unrest and uprise during the course of history. The intended equality of devotional rights amongst castes is seen in the formation of varkari sect of the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage. The upanishads through jnana marga set out an ideal life pattern which applied to the three upper castes. A human life was seen to develop through four main stages (ashramas) and each one was accompanied by a code of conduct and expectations. These stages consisted of a celibate student, a householder, a forest dweller and a hermit or an ascetic (renouncer)9. The last two stages were considered to be suitable for pilgrimage (Noss, 2003; Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002; see Kaelber, 2004) though I did observe people of almost all ages in the selected Pilgrimage.
8 The four basic varnas according to descending ranking are: ‘The Brahmins as custodians of ritual and sacred word were to be the teachers and advisors of the society. The Kshatriyas as defenders and warriors were to be the kings and administrators. The Vaishyas comprised of the farmers and merchants, the backbone of economy….The shudras were to be the large mass of virtually unpropertied labourers, a class of servants and menials. (Klostermaier, 1994, p.334) 9 The original and classical version of ashramas with their configuration, development and changing meaning up to modern times is examined in a scholarly essay by Kaelber (2004). 45 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
Relevance of Pilgrimage within the everyday life in Hinduism The structure of Hinduism (as seen in the above discussion) reflects a complex and interwoven matrix of human behaviour and aspirations. Its multilayered nature is echoed through diverse rituals and practices. Due to the absence of a supreme text or a prophet, the religion is more in the form of guidelines rather than rules, leaving scope for interpretation. As a result, the modern day version of Hinduism has undergone several changes, but has retained the essence strongly through continuing traditions. As a general overview, Davidson and Gitlitz (2002, p.239) discuss the following five duties (panchkriya) that Hindus may take up in their life time. Though the extent or rigour of these actions may vary as per the individual, they more or less reflect the Hindu way of life.
• Dharma: To live virtuously • Upasana: To worship appropriately • Utsava: To observe the holy days • Samskara: To honour the rites of passage in human life cycle • Tirthayatra: To go on a pilgrimage
These actions are expressed through a series of customs and rituals and are classified as follows (Kanitkar and Cole, 1995).
• Nitya: Essential rituals occurring everyday, eg. puja: daily worship of God. • Naimittika: Important rituals but which occur at certain times during the year or maybe reason based, eg. Festivals, marriage rituals • Kamya: Optional but highly recommended, eg. pilgrimage.
This discussion points out the relevance of pilgrimage in the life of a Hindu. I now examine the origin of pilgrimage with reference to its Sanskrit word ‘tirthayatra’.
46 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
TIRTHAYATRA IN HINDUISM
Tirtha and Tirthayatra The Sanskrit word tirtha broadly signifies a ‘sacred place’ endowed with special characteristics or spiritual magnetism. As in other religions, these places are associated with religious worship. However, the word tirtha has a deeper meaning and connotation. It is derived from the Sanskrit verbal root ‘tru/ tar’ which means ‘to cross over’ or ‘to swim across’ (Choudhary, 1994, p.68). Its noun form is tirtha and it ‘literally means a ford or a crossing place….from one side of a river to another’ (Bharadwaj, 2004, p.479). The word is connected to water, and so are many sacred places located adjacent to water bodies. The reverence for water is based on its powers of purification, remedial value, fertilisation, protection and flow. The particular meaning of crossing over is related to tirtha as the destination of a pilgrimage. ‘Metaphorically, tirthas are places where the boundaries between the everyday world and the sacred become permeable….’(Bharadwaj & Lochtefeld, 2004, p.479). It is thus a place where transcendence from the mundane to a higher spiritual realm is possible10. The word ‘yatra’ means tour or journey. ‘The combined word ‘tirthayatra’ thus signifies a journey to a sacred place or a pilgrimage. Symbolically, it also means one’s internal journey [of life] towards greater goal of moksha.
ORIGIN OF TIRTHAYATRA IN HINDUSIM
The powerful presence of natural elements led to their worship in the primordial practices. They were given a divine status, and its formalisation can been seen in the later Vedic literature. It gave birth to localised tirthas in the form of geographical features. The origin of tirthayatra can be traced back to the ‘ceremonial bathing practices of the pre-Aryan period of Indus Valley civilisation’ (Bharadwaj, 1987, p.353).
10 Interestingly, Bharadwaj (1987, cited in Eliade, p.353) also points out that ‘Hindu tradition recognises a holy man to be tirtha as well and not just the symbol thereof. Thus Hindu pilgrimage should not be thought of as a religious journey directed exclusively toward fixed sacred spots on earth’. 47 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
According to Bharadwaj, (1973, p.3) the explicit references to tirthayatra as a meritorious activity can be found in Vedas. The first reference is found in Rig Veda, Aitrareya Brahmana (7.15.2, cited in Bharadwaj, 1973, p.3) focusing on the hardships faced in journey [to a tirtha] as follows.
‘Flower-like the heels of the wanderer, His body growth and is sinful; All his sins disappear, Slain by the toil of his journeying’.
The next elaborate reference is found in the epic of Mahabharata which enlists many holy places throughout India with a ‘clockwise travel itinerary for a pilgrim’ (Bharadwaj, 1987, p.353). Several other subsequent texts enlisted tirthas which glorified numerous shrines and holy places and the merits gained from travelling towards them. Thus, it established the practice of tirthayatra with developing rituals and meanings. It was endorsed in different times by saints, sages, kings and divine incarnations (like Rama and Krishna) whose stories, experiences and patronages added to the value of tirthas. Though the pilgrimage was highly recommended to gain religious merit, it never became mandatory unlike Islam. The developing sects and theories within Hinduism contributed to the complex and diverse pattern of religion as well as pilgrimage. The recent intensification and popularity of tirthayatra is attributed to the development in transport systems (Bharadwaj, 1987, 2004) and is duly perceived as religious tourism in some instances.
48 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
CONCEPTS OF MOVEMENT, SPACE AND TIME IN TIRTHAYATRA
‘As the Supreme becomes concretised in space and time through images and festivals, so his grace becomes localised at the tirthas forever, intensified at certain times but always available to pilgrim’ (Klostermaier, 1994, p.328).
The concepts of movement, space and time are crucial to the tirthayatra and are inextricably linked to each other. Davidson and Gitlitz (2002, p.242), comment on ‘ritualised movement in space in a Hindu pilgrimage.’ They point out that it is ‘continuous rather than linear with its recurrent movement in space itself as an act of worship.’ The goal of reaching a tirtha subsumes the ‘darshan’11 of individual tirthas on the way. Also Figure 3.9: Hindusim and pilgrimage (Source: Sane, 2005) the act of pradakshina or parikrama12 that is the clockwise circumambulation of the shrine or the tirtha is an essential aspect of worship. Thus the Hindu pilgrims not only travel ‘to’ a tirtha but ‘through’ and ‘around’ it (see figure 3.10) defining a spatial linkage and network (Davidson and Gitlitz, 2002, p.242).
11 Darshan means viewing of the deity or its image which is considered extremely holy and auspicious. It is central to the act of worship. See Eck (1998). 12 Pradakshina: The prefix “pra” indicates a natural process (urge). Dakshina: lit. ‘south’ or ‘southern’, in this context denotes circumambulatory motion relative to the Sun, which is at noon due South, the object circumambulated being always on the right. The pradakshina of sacred trees, animals, shrines, etc is performed as an act of reverence, respect, submission or sacrifice. Further more, it is believed to bestow merit and prosperity; acts as a protective circle preventing harm coming to the circumambulator; it also delineates a sacred area (Stutley M. and Stutley J, 1977, p.228)
49 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
Figure 3.10: Movement to, through and around a tirtha in a Hindu pilgrimage (Source: Sane, 2006)
Similar to movement, the concept of eternal time plays an important role in Hindusim and its practices. The subdivision of time into structured intervals like yuga (eras), years, seasons, weeks and days to the smallest of a kshana (moment) coincides with different elements of nature and cosmos. From the ancient scriptures13, the notion of auspicious, ordinary and evil times for any deeds has continued till date. In case of a pilgrimage, the power of a tirtha is ‘multiplied when combined with ritually powerful times’ (Bharadwaj & Lochtefeld, 2004, p.480). The specific associations of the deities at the tirthas, their divine acts or myths combine with the cosmic times to mark the auspicious times for pilgrimage. Their re-occurrence gives it a cyclic character and is seen in the periodic repetition of festivals, celebrations and pilgrimage. The cyclic nature of human life and rebirth is also closely linked to the pilgrimage sites. Some sites like Varanasi and Prayag (modern day Allahabad) are specially associated with death rites and dying there is considered holy for future births.
13 The importance of time as stated in Maitri upanishad: “From time are all creatures produced. Through time they grow, through time they fade. There are indeed two kinds of brahman: time and timelessness. …He who knows in what time is cooked is the knower of Veda” (Klostermaier, 1994, p.325) 50 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
CLASSIFICATION OF TIRTHAS
Since the Hindu tradition’s hallmark is diversity and decentralisation, it is no surprise that the Hindu tirtha system contains multiple subsystems. These are not entwined into a single formal hierarchy but stand as independent systems with their own nodal points – some more popular than others, but none universally recognised as the holiest (Bharadwaj& Lochtefeld, 2004, p.481).
The entire Indian subcontinent is full of sacred places or tirthas and their classification can be done in several ways. Though all these places have a separate identity, at times, they are linked to form a group of tirthas. This ‘interwoven network’ (Feldhaus, 2003) can be a derived out of people’s sequential journey or may simply exist in their minds. Thus the sacred geography of the Hindu world is a mental as well as a physical construct and has no rigid grouping. Many of the tirthas can be classified according to their spiritual magnetism resulting out of their geographical settings, myths, symbols and other associations, power to satisfy human aspirations and needs proved through experiences, and so on. At times, one observes the ‘ranking of tirthas in hierarchies as purveyors of merit’ and their equivalence is set up accordingly (Davidson &Gitlitz, 2002, p.243). To cite a few examples14 of such highly revered groups of tirthas:
• Chardhams: The four (char) sacred abodes (dham) which are the cardinal points forming a pilgrimage circuit across India are Badrinath (north), Puri (east coast), Rameshwaram (south) & Dvarka (west coast). The other version of four sacred dhams in Himalayas comprises of Badrinath, Kedarnath, Gangotri and Yamunotri. • Tristhali: Considered to be superior due to the presence of the holy river Ganges, the three tirthas are Varanasi, Allahabad and Gaya.
14 These lists and groupings are found in many sources of Hindu pilgrimage literature hence no particular reference source is cited. One exception to the three sectarian tirthas is that of Pushkar tirtha dedicated to Lord Brahma (Bharadwaj, 1987, p.354) 51 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
• Sectarian tirthas: The three major sects in Hinduism (evolved out of bhakti doctrine) have distinct sacred places. These are focussed around a deity or its divine forms. eg. Pandharpur around Lord Krishna or his divine form of Vithoba. • Shaivite tirthas (Kshetras): Dedicated to Lord Shiva. Eg. Varanasi, Ujjain and twelve jyotirlingas all around India. • Vaishnavaite tirthas (Dham/ lila bhumi): Dedicated to Lord Vishnu and his reincarnations. Eg: Puri, Tirupathi, Dvarka etc. • Shakti tirthas (pithas: seats): Dedicated to goddesses. There are many identities of the supreme female divine energy. Eg. Vaishaodevi, Madurai etc.
ELEMENTS OF HINDU TIRTHAYATRA
Motives Though the supreme goal of any Hindu pilgrimage is moksha or salvation the more tangible goals can be described as follows.
• Obligations towards family or to perform rites of passage. • Seeking and completion of a vow: The ‘transactional nature’ (Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, p.240) is a very common feature of Hindu worship where the devotee offers something of him/her and expects something in return from Him15. • Purging of one’s sins and ill deeds and purifying oneself towards virtuous behaviour.
15 This can be in the form of good luck, success, fortune, materialistic objects, heir, good health, cure and somewhat abstract desires like guidance in righteous behaviour, peace and power of mind and so on. The pilgrim offers his arduous journeys combined with renunciation or sacrifices to achieve a benefit from the pilgrimage 52 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
• To attain a higher spiritual level and understanding through the company of saints, sages or holy people16. It is expressed through collective worship methods and sharing practices which are believed to enhance the divine presence and benefits. (Bharadwaj & Lochtefeld, 2004, p.490) • Serving the pilgrims and offering various types of services and supports to the pilgrimage centres is also believed to endow oneself with religious merit. On a smaller scale, individuals or small organisations offer their services in the form of preparing food, cleaning and upkeep of the temple precinct on a volunteer basis or through donations. On a larger scale, it is seen in patronages and political supports which promote and develop the tirthas. • Other secondary motives include commercial with the view of gaining capital, social, recreational and in come instances political.
Customs and features The visible features of Hindu worship and pilgrimage reflect the above goals. The central act of most of the pilgrimages is ‘darshan’ of the deity. As Hinduism is heavily dependant on icon worship, the devotee seeks to establish a ‘reciprocal spatial proximity’ (Bharadwaj, 1987, p.353) and visual relationship with the deity. Darshan is an act of seeing the deity and getting seen. This act is considered as fulfilment of the pilgrimage and the devotee believes that he is blessed since the deity has given him/her this chance of visual contact. The second important feature or custom of a pilgrimage is that of offering flowers and more commonly food along with puja (homage or prayer). It is done through the medium of priests who place it close to the sacred image. The food is believed to be eaten by the deity and is returned to the pilgrim as ‘prasad’. This is also considered as a form of blessing and by extension is
16 It can be achieved through participatory acts or events happening at pilgrimage centres (especially Krishna activity or lila which may be enacted or recited) in the divine vicinity.
53 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage applicable to ‘food touched by saints or holy persons’ (Davidson & Gitlitz, 2002, p.243). The other customs of Hindu tirthayatra include ritual bathing and purification (at river tirthas or artificially created water bodies near tirthas), fasting and other renunciatory practices during the act of pilgrimage, adorning symbols and marking forehead with the soil trod by other pilgrims etc. Thus, the nature of pilgrimage in Hindusim can be described as multilayered. The different ways of achieving spiritual enhancement and transformation is depicted trough the diversity observed in pilgrimages. The overlapping and intersecting sacred networks and tirthas are shaped as much by socio-cultural forces as by their religious underpinnings. These continue to change amidst the changing lifestyles and beliefs leaving scope for interpretations and modifications. Hindus from different castes, ethnic backgrounds, socio-economic strata, geographic regions participate in tirthayatra exhibiting varying intensities, motives and patterns. ‘Nevertheless, by generating an essentially continuous religious space, this circulation helps the Hindu pilgrims transcend the otherwise great linguistic and regional- cultural diversity of India’ (Bharadwaj, 1987, p.354).
GENERIC FACTORS OF PILGRIMAGE
From the above discussion, the ubiquitous nature of pilgrimage in the world is evident. The most common form of pilgrimages happens collectively and in the public realm. Though every individual’s pilgrimage can be considered unique and the motives and the mode of practice diverse, there are certain patterns which can be observed in most of the pilgrimages. Having looked at the different types of pilgrimages, I now assemble the data to point out the generic factors of the pilgrimage activity. The activities before, during and after a pilgrimage are based on written rules, texts or are mostly evolved out of customs and traditions. Davidson and Gitlitz (2002, p.5-8), have addressed the generic aspects in a well-crafted manner based on their exhaustive study of the world pilgrimages, which I paraphrase in the following discussion. 54 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
• Beginning of the pilgrimage: It involves mental and financial preparation for the journey, alternative arrangements for the family, rituals to mark the beginning and overall organisation of the journey • Though modern means of transport are used at times to complete or complement the travel, the element of hardships faced during the journey are also enhanced with a minimalist attitude towards belongings and comfort. • The pilgrims carry special signs like flags, banners or follow a dress code with markings on themselves as means of identification. • Collective pilgrimages foster community spirit as activities17 and experiences get shared along the course of the journey. • The arrival at the destination or the shrine marks the culmination of the pilgrimage18. It involves a feeling of elation and joy when the pilgrim completes the journey and meets the divine form. More often than not, the pilgrim acquires a status of holy person after returning home. The experience and virtues of doing the pilgrimage is spread amongst his/her friends and relatives. • The overall journey is marked by the transformation in one’s physical as well as mental state signifying a spiritual growth.
17 The religious activities involve singing of hymns songs, prayers; and attending religious discourses. These are combined with other mundane activities of sharing food, other facilities and helping each other in during the travel.
18 The activities normally include self purification before approaching the shrine, performance of some ritual like circumambulation to define the approach and meeting the God through various offerings. The whole event is full of celebrations and other communal events 55 Chapter 3 Understanding a pilgrimage
CONCLUSION
Thus, in this chapter, I discussed the idea of pilgrimage with respect to its motives and modes. The generic factors derived from its significance in various religions highlight its inherent nature. They reflect the blurring of the tangible and the intangible which happens during the pilgrimage process leading it to a swathe of interpretations and meanings. The complexities involved in its structure are revealed through layers of human beliefs and actions, which coincide with nature, space and time. From the overall discussion above, I have unfolded most of these layers to appreciate the multifarious nature of pilgrimage. At the same time, the study of pilgrimage in Hinduism has set up a background for my study of the Hindu pilgrimage of Alandi to Pandharpur. I examine its finer aspects in chapter five (The Palkhi of Alandi to Pandharpur) as an extension to the body of knowledge explored here. To summarise, this chapter established the anthropological angle of pilgrimage which forms the one end of enquiry in this thesis. The essential aspects of a collective journey and worship happen in the public settings. Their effective functioning thus depends on the spatial setup of the physical environment. This forms the other complementary end. The next chapter addresses this angle in which I examine the spatial theories of a public space.
56 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
Understanding a public space
Chapter four
Pilgrimage as a socio-cultural phenomenon is one of the most expressive features of many religions around the world. The last chapter outlined the concepts of pilgrimage and its significance, concluding with its specific dimensions in Hinduism. The entire journey and its experiences are embedded in the public realm which underscores its functioning. This chapter focuses on the public space as one of the essential components of the pilgrimage. It examines the various features which form the basis for reading the spatial manifestations of the pilgrimage. The design of public spaces which meet the needs of communities has been a matter of increasing awareness and debate among urban designers, planners and architects alike. In this chapter, I briefly examine different spatial theories and their implications which have evolved in this field. The intention is to understand the qualities of a public space. A set of criteria formulated from these theories assist in the analysis of the Alandi-Pandharpur Palkhi. They are supplemented with the social and anthropological considerations introduced at the end of this chapter. This chapter begins with a broad overview of a public space, its functions, elements and significance. It is then followed by a consideration of the various determinants which shape a public space and which can be used to analyse an existing space. These determinants are divided into physical configurations and experiential aspects. There is an extraordinarily large body of literature on the nature of public open spaces in human settlements. Some of these writings are based on systematic research while some are anecdotal. They are concerned primarily with the self-conscious analysis of the aesthetic values of European, often medieval cities, and are accordingly, of limited applicability to my study. Hence, in the latter part of the chapter I look at the features of human behaviour in the built environment. It links the initial generic criteria to contextual settings facilitating the analytical component of the thesis.
57 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
BACKGROUND
Camillo Sitte, one of the pivotal figures in the history of modern city planning, studied ‘in detail, magnificent civic design achievements of the past so that he could glean from them the principles that contributed to the quality of their composition’(cited in Moughtin, 1999, p.3). The study of existing models to arrive at design principles and values or as means to draw out the qualities to be implemented in future development has been the main purpose of many such studies. I have used the same approach to understand the public realm. I have limited the scope of this study to ‘principles’ which make an effective public space. The works referred to arrive at these criteria, have examined many historical examples in support for their arguments, the essence of which is discussed here.
WHAT IS A PUBLIC SPACE?
‘Public space’ can be simply defined as a space where all the people have a right of access. It is a space which is not ‘owned’ by anyone in particular but can be used or experienced by all those who desire to do so. In reality, though the space exists permanently, the use of it is temporary where the public or the common man spends some time of his day or life. In the human evolution from a cave age to space age, the entire development has revolved around the fact that man is a social animal and likes to live in a community where he can have social interaction. This resulted in settlements ranging from communities, villages, towns and later the cities and the development from an organic (need-based growth) to a planned one. During this entire evolution, the activities in a human life and the primary needs of the human being have remained almost constant. These needs of air, food, clothing and shelter were complemented by the secondary needs. Man’s instinct to beautify the environment and create spaces for recreation, leisure, art, and more importantly to congregate, started taking a definite shape. The design of a shelter was one of the most prominent expressions of human development. Known as architecture, it was then identified with the
58 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space social structure and culture prevalent of the times. Architecture is said to ‘create’ space. It has been defined in multiple ways: from ‘Space as a container’ as defined by Aristotle (cited in Von Miess, 1990, p.101) to space defined by objects (Von Miess, 1990, p.101) essentially dwells upon the concept of space ‘within’ or ‘bounded by’ limiting elements in a certain location. The creation of this ‘private domain’ (Moughtin, 1999, p.2) and man’s need to congregate and interact resulted into the formation of ‘public space’. Thus, the public space came into existence. From a space under a shady tree to a plaza these spaces took various forms depending on the activities and needs (see figure 4.1). Besides, it was based on the basic instinct of man establishing a relationship with his surrounding environment, both, with nature and with other people. The formation of settlements was at times an outcome of conscious design, but alternatively, it also evolved as a consequence of people’s use and their articulation.
Figure 4.1: Spatial evolution (Source: Simonds, 1961, p.89) 59 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
FUNCTIONS OF A PUBLIC SPACE
The need for public space emerged as a result of man’s social behaviour. The various functions associated with the public space which developed over time can be listed as follows.
• To meet people, interact and congregate. • To hold a meeting or a group activity of the community • To get refreshed in open environment through recreational activities like sports, exercise, hobby games etc. • To relax and enjoy the natural elements like air, breeze, sunshine, water, foliage and get stimulated. • To perform commercial activities like selling and buying. • To enjoy entertainment activities and share ceremonial occasions. • To exhibit political or religious power, culture and status either symbolically or literally. • To display public opinion, beliefs and perform rituals • To travel and transport humans and goods.
These functions may be performed at an individual or a collective level but they occur necessarily outside one’s private domain or ‘familiar territory of his own home’ (Krier, 1979, p.17). ‘Some spaces will take on heightened meaning as the centres or portals for place, while others may serve a number of overlapping functions’ (Moughtin, 1999, p.88). At the same time, the public space can be a representative of the private lifestyles or the social structure prevalent at the particular time. As a common denominator in all these above functions of a public space, one can identify the ‘people’s interaction with the environment’ put forth by Rapoport (1977, p.8). His broader definition of ‘urban design as organisation of space, time, meaning and communication’ extends the role of public spaces. It reflects on ‘patterns’ of relationships between urban elements, people and culture. Somewhat parallel is ‘Pattern Language’ (Alexander et.al. 1977) as way of ‘linking problem components with solutions’ for design of buildings and towns (Lang, 1987, p.41). 60 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
ELEMENTS OF A PUBLIC SPACE
The unique relationship between the open area of the square, the surrounding buildings, and the sky above creates a genuine emotional experience comparable to the impact of any other work of art. (Zucker, 1959, p.1)
What constitutes an urban space? At the very basic level there are only two elements of an urban space: the ‘centres and paths’ (Norberg-Schulz, 1980, p.59) which means a ‘square and a street’ (Krier, 1979, p.16) respectively. Both result out of man-made environment and depend on bounding elements for their existence.
Figure 4.2: Elements of a Public Square: The sky, ground and the vertical enclosing planes (Adapted from: Zucker, 1959, Plate 19)
A square is defined by Krier (1979, p.17) as the open space surrounded by a group of houses with a spatial pattern of central courtyard or an atrium as in a house. According to Zucker (1959, p.7), the three elements which define a square are the sky, the ground and the enclosing vertical planes (see figure 4.2). Thus it is an outcome of grouping the buildings with an open space 61 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space contained in between. The use of word ‘square’ denotes a particular geometrical shape. It was based on the original forms of town squares, which were more usually in the shape of a square or a rectangle. The terms used by Von Miess, (1990, p.73) an ’object’ for buildings and ‘fabric’ for their organisations takes the discussion one step further. He suggests that the squares have a special nature as opposed to the homogeneous fabric of ordinary buildings. The squares normally were reserved for civic monuments, sacred buildings or landmarks forming the ‘nodes’ (Lynch, 1960, p.47) or symbolic centres. Krier (1979, p.17) interestingly points out the evolution of ‘streets’ after the formation of squares, though it is debatable. The subsequent spread of settlement which demands connectivity results into a more ‘pronounced functional’ component of a street. The sub-types of these two elements can be listed as follows.
• Street: Road, lane, pathway • Corner, nook, junction • Promenade, boulevard • Gazebo, Pavilion, an ‘outdoor room’ (Alexander et.al. 1977, p.764), parks • Square: Plaza, Piazza
The edge condition (especially the nature of the ground floors of the enclosing buildings) of these spaces is of decisive importance. It can be ‘either defined by conspicuous edges of some kind or at least by a change in urban texture’ (Norberg-Schulz, 1980, p.59). Expanding on this aspect, the edges may themselves be ‘spaces’ which fall under the category of transition or semi-private/semi-public spaces. The presence and organisation of these types of spaces communicate a sense of continuity or territoriality depending on the culture (Rapoport, 1969, 1977). Thus in addition to the above sub- types we can add edges defined by:
• Buildings, sacred sites • Waterfront or other natural elements • Traffic network and roads 62 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
DESIGN DETERMINANTS
The morphology of public space can be described and experienced in several ways. But it is necessary to understand the elements and principles which form that space. The space gains a character and functions effectively due to these factors. Many theories of composition have been effectively used for and derived from architecture. Subsequently, they have been applied to a larger scale of public spaces or cities. The concern of this chapter is based on the concepts of a public space as evolved out of architectural elements. The urban space as defined by Rob Krier (1979, p.1) is most appropriate for my purpose.
If we wish to clarify the concept of urban space without imposing the aesthetic criteria, we are compelled to designate all types of space between buildings in towns and localities as urban space. This space is geometrically bounded by a variety of elevations. It is only the clear legibility of its geometrical characteristics and aesthetic qualities which allows us consciously to perceive external space as urban space.
The conceptual framework provided by the above quote makes way for the visual dimension or ‘visual-artistic tradition’ (Carmona et al., 2003, p.130) of urban design. I discuss it in the first group of my criteria. These criteria examine the urban morphology evolved out of architectural elements and their physical characteristics. Their contribution defines the inherent qualities of a public space which forms the first layer of my enquiry. Underlying the creation of architecture with aesthetical orientation the element of human experience and usage has established the polarity of function and form which has surfaced with different interpretations. As pointed out by (Carmona et al., 2003, p.106), ‘the social usage tradition of the built environment is primarily concerned with the social qualities of people, places and activities’. The function of built environment to ‘provide for some existing or potential set of human activities’ and its combination as ‘behaviour settings’ (Lang, 1987, p.113) is the basis for the second layer of my enquiry. I examine it under the ‘experiential criteria’.
63 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
The combination of both these traditions in urban design have synthesised into a third ‘making places tradition’. It ‘attempts to identify the desirable qualities of successful urban places and/or good form’(Carmona et al., 2003). Thus, the evaluative criteria which I develop from these theoretical contributions outline the framework for understanding a public space. Depending on the situation, they can co-exist or overlap, get prominence or recede in the background, but they essentially exist in essence.
PHYSICAL CRITERIA
SENSE OF ENCLOSURE
The essential thing of both room and square is the quality of enclosed space (Sitte, 1945, cited in Simonds, 1961, p.196)
The public space can be effectively used if a person feels comfortable and secure. This sense of psychological comfort or security is directly related to some form of enclosure. It gives a sense of location, position, or a certain ‘identity with the surroundings’ (Cullen, 1961, p.29). It differentiates a precinct with a character from vast, fluid unending space (see figure 4.3) or a ‘place’ as opposed to any space’ and contributes to a ‘sense of place’ (Relph, 1976).
Figure 4.3: Enclosure development (Source: Simonds, 1961, p. 96 & 110)
64 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
Enclosing Elements Alexander et.al. (1977, p.106) have strongly asserted that people feel more comfortable in a space which is at least partly enclosed. Considering the ground and sky as natural or fixed elements, the focus shifts to the vertical elements. Their functions range from providing privacy, security, division, screening, shading, filtering or directing. They can be natural like a rocky face or ground slope, shrubs or trees and manmade objects like walls, screens, trellises and arcades. Cullen (1962, p. 29) states that the quality of enclosure defines the ‘degree of enclosure’ and it can be as fragile as a wire stretched across poles or as solid as meticulously articulated walls. They set the ambience, mood, as well as the efficiency levels for the different activities to be performed. Apart from their aesthetic and functional purpose, the location and nature of openings or perforations on a building façade speak of the social qualities embedded in the culture. The treatment of corners and the continuity of the enclosing surfaces (Moughtin, 1992, p.99) are the two contributing elements in giving the degree of enclosure. The qualities of ‘looking out or into’ or ‘hereness and thereness’ (Cullen, 1961, p.33) are products of enclosures. Similarly, the ground plane’s modulation or treatment unifies or isolates the effect of vertical elements. The sky serves as visual boundary and is virtually defined by the heights and profiles of the framing elements.
Shape of the Square The positive space and the negative space in the context of an urban environment can be perceived and distinguished through ‘figure-ground reversal’ (Carmona et al., 2003, p.138). The positive space is definite, distinctive, measurable and bound almost to the extent of being closed. The negative space on the contrary is the shapeless, amorphous residue left over around buildings. For the purpose of classifying the form of square, the ‘positive’ space is considered. The shape of the square is defined by the surrounding buildings or enclosing elements. Sitte (cited in Moughtin, 1992, p.99) classified the square in two categories, ‘the deep type and the wide type….whether a plaza is deep
65 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space or wide usually become apparent when the observer stands opposite the major building that dominates the whole layout’. Paul Zucker’s (1959, p.2) theories on squares called as ‘artistically shaped void’ which is the ‘focal point in the organisation of the town’. The five archetypal forms according to Zucker are as follows (see figure 4.4).
• Closed square where the space is enclosed from all sides and is self- contained. • The dominated square where the space is directed towards the main building or a view. • The nuclear square where space is formed around a centre. • Grouped squares where spatial units are combined to form larger compositions. • The amorphous square where the space is unlimited (not illustrated). •
Dominated Square Closed Square
Nuclear Square Grouped Square Figure 4.4: Types of squares according to Zucker (1959, p.8) (Adapted and modified from: Carmona et.al. 2003, p.144) 66 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
These forms of squares may rarely exist in their purest form according to Zucker (1959, pp.7-9) and may overlap or merge, and hence should not be viewed as rigid. The number of streets intersecting a square and its relative position determines their openness or closeness. It was idealised in the form of turbine shaped squares by Sitte. Alexander et.al. (1977, p.311) strongly assert the ‘swelling of a public street at important nodes’ which are most active rather than commenting on a particular shape. • In the above discussion, the importance of all the three enclosing elements to create a public space as a volumetric configuration is evident. Their totality of the three dimensional effect depends on their sizes, heights and their correspondence to human scale. Thus the physical as well as psychological functions and effects or the sense of enclosure is tied to the second important factor of ‘scale and proportion’.
SCALE AND PROPORTION
The principal aim of architecture and urban design is to create effective spaces or environments for people. The experience of any space is an outcome of human involvement. Thus it is important to realise the aspect of scale which is embedded in the human existence. The human activities and the functions to be performed govern the sizes of the objects and the space and in turn are affected by it (see figure 4.5).
Figure 4.5: Scale of spaces relative to human activity (Source: Simonds, 1960, p.86, 107)
‘Scale’ is a relative measure of sizes. It depends on the comparison of one set of dimensions and proportions with another set (Moughtin, 1992, p.36). ‘The term proportion refers to the proper or harmonious relation of one part to another or to the whole. This relationship may not be of magnitude, but 67 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space also of ‘quantity and degree’ (Ching, 1996, p.278). The types and theories of proportions in architecture are complex and varied. Their determinants range from materials to structure to aesthetics.
The correlation of these principal elements that confine a square is based on the focal point of all architecture and city planning, the constant awareness of human scale. (Zucker, 1959, p.7)
Scale in urban design, on the one hand, speaks of the sizes of the public space and its proportions. On the other hand, these dimensions are compared with that of streets, squares and buildings creating a monumental or an intimate scale. However, it is important to realise a public space, is not for just a single human being but it is for a group of people. That leads to the concept of density of people in a public space. In the context of pilgrimage, the overall scale of the space and its capacity to accommodate large groups is highly significant than the visual sense of proportion.
Overall proportion
The relationship between the heights of the buildings to the width of the public spaces has been observed by many theorists (see figure 4.6). These observations are based on the design of European plazas from which the thumb rules have been derived. According to Hegeman and Peets (1922, cited in Simonds, 1961, p.189; Moughtin, 1992, p. 100), the distance of the viewer from the building ranges between 45 degrees (to see building details) to 18 degrees or thrice the height of the building (to grasp a group of buildings). Sitte’s (1945, cited in Simonds, 1961, pp.189-90) extensive observations are somewhat similar but more precise. He argues that the minimum dimension of the square or the plaza should be equal to the height of the principal building in it and should not exceed twice that of its height.
68 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
Figure 4.6: Schematic sections showing proportion (Source: Sane, 2006)
Alexander et.al. (1977, p.313) state the effectiveness of small public spaces in a town. According to him, the optimum width of a small public space should be 45-60 feet (approx. 14-18m) to a maximum of 70 feet (approx. 21m) in the shorter direction (see figure 4.7). He has based these observations on two pertinent factors, pedestrian density and human recognisability. The number of people in a given area gives the density. His studies also indicate that human recognisability and communications is easily possible up to 75 feet (approx. 23m). Figure 4.7: Width of a small square (Source: Sane, 2006)
69 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
ORGANISATION
In fact there is an art of relationship just as there is an art of architecture. Its purpose is to take all the elements that are required to create the environment: buildings, trees, nature, water, traffic, advertisements and so on, and to weave them together in such a way that the drama is released. (Cullen, 1961, p.10)
The design of individual spaces to form a building and group of buildings to form a settlement or a public space is an outcome of their arrangement. This arrangement is known as spatial organisation. In any organisation, the composition of spaces needs to be interrelated and coherent in terms of its function and form. This is a complex process as it relies on several ordering principles and elements simultaneously. The appreciation of ‘whole’ rather than the individual parts originated the concepts of order and unity in design. Order as the coherent, balanced and harmonious relationship between these parts and unity in diverse elements have been discussed and formulated into formal aesthetical theory (Moughtin, 1992, p.25; Von Miess 1990, p.31; Ching, 1996, p.285). However, due to its vast and somewhat subjective nature I look at organisation holistically and restrict the discussion as applicable to my thesis. Norberg-Schulz (1979, p.61) has commented on archetypal configurations of villages and towns. He argues that the ‘towns and villages in any part of the world either belong to the centralised, the longitudinal or the clustered type’ with a special mention of ‘grid’ or ‘labyrinth’ patterns. The elements of scale, enclosure, and their meanings are subset into the framework of spatial organisation (Rapoport, 1977, p.11). It governs the social structure and thus affects the human behaviour. Conversely, the human activities and their culture can also shape the organisation patterns.
70 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
View The proposition that people place themselves in a public space with reference to the vertical elements for a sense of enclosure has a limited significance. Alexander et.al. (1977, p.558) argue that people always prefer to sit facing to some sort of view into a larger place with their backs resting against a solid element. In case of a larger public square, he recommends that it should open up at one end towards a nearby view or a vista. Alternatively, people themselves can provide for the visual exploration. This is discussed by Rapoport (1987, p.215; 1990, p.265) saying that people act as both, the ‘scene and the audience’, where the space acts as a backdrop. In case of public events this can be applied directly as the participants and the spectators contribute to the liveliness of the space. However, the concept of changing views, through movement, shifting time, and variations in the usage leads to the experiential quality of space which I examine under the experiential criteria.
CLIMATIC EFFICIENCY
Any space can be said to be successful if it functions smoothly for the activities it is designed for; and if it provides comfort during their performance. The types of comfort for a public space to work include climatic or ‘environmental’, ‘physical’ and ‘psychological’ (Carmona et al., 2003). The focus here is on the more functional aspect of design -climate. Climate has traditionally determined the form and the materials used in buildings. However, the rapid methods of construction using modern materials have severed the traditional climate-responsive design. A public space even if well planned and composed (aesthetically), is only effective if it offers at least a minimum level of climatic comfort. The major elements of climatic environment which affect human beings are: air temperature, radiation, air movement and humidity (Olgay, 1963, p.15). The consideration for climate depends on its ‘severity and forcefulness’ (Rapoport, 1969, p.83). Comfort can be achieved through sheer open spaces where sunlight can be maximised (esp. in cold countries), or through ‘outdoor rooms’ 71 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
(Alexander et.al. 1977, p.163). These spaces can be partially enclosed with roof structures like pavilions or projection of roofs like colonnades, balconies etc. On the contrary, spaces like shady alcoves, trellis covered pergolas or even a shade of a tree are extremely sought after in hot and humid climates which maximise protection from harsh sunlight and let the breeze in. The spatial configuration of the environment affects the micro-climate, for eg. massing, orientation, openings, extent of covered or projecting surfaces etc. The climate, for major parts of India, alternates between hot-dry to warm- humid or in some cases to cold dry. For the purpose of this thesis’s context, I look at the alternating climatic pattern which is the predominant micro-climate in the state of Maharashtra. A study by Correa (2000, p.106) points out the use of open to sky spaces in India and similar hot regions and their extensive use. He states that ‘the usability of such open spaces in warm climate is considerable, since so many daily activities can take place outdoors. About 75% of these essential functions (eg. Cooking, sleeping, entertaining friends) can be accommodated in verandas, terraces and courtyards, for at least 70% of the year (see figure 4.8).
Figure 4.8: Use of open-to sky spaces in hot climate (Source: Correa, 2000, p.106)
The impact of climate thus, isn’t confined to the design of an individual house but affects the settlement form, and consequently the social culture. The settlement pattern is usually observed to be close knit or clustered, in hotter climates. Consequently, it weaves in a number of small courtyards and by-lanes with easy transitions to the exterior spaces. Thus the public and the private domain are not strictly separated.
72 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
EXPERIENTIAL CRITERIA
The physical criteria above are developed from the morphological, functional and the aesthetic aspects of public space design. The experience of the space is a combined result of all these factors. It primarily involves human engagement and response which can be subjective. These factors are directly applicable to my research as they address the people-space relationship. I now examine the experiential criteria of a public space.
MOVEMENT
Every object exists in time as well as in space and it cannot be comprehended in its entirety at any one instant or from any one point of observation. It is perceived, rather, through a flow of impressions. When in motion, one sees a series of images blending into one expanding visual realisation of an object, space or a scene (Simonds, 1965, p.145).
A vital characteristic of any pilgrimage as well as perception of space is ‘movement’. ‘Experiencing products of architecture or any space from a living room to a market square involves movement’ (Unwin, 1997, p.157). Though the spaces by themselves have a static quality the experience of passing from one space to another is dynamic. However, it is essential to note that movement considered for the purpose of this thesis focuses on pedestrian activity and not vehicular. Secondly, movement as behaviour cannot be restricted spatially to a square. It is fluid and continuous through streets, paths and nodes and thus has to be considered holistically. The spatial organisations have circulation patterns embedded in them, or conversely, circulation can evoke an organisation. Though the physical movement occurs in a linear manner, the experience is holistic. It is through all the senses that man experiences the multiple dimensions of the space. Rapoport (1977, pp. 186-87) argues that though vision is the most dominant of all senses, the olfactory, auditory and tactile senses play an important role to reinforce the experience of the environment. The element of noticeable differences and the complexity in the settings, to stimulate and retain interest has been extensively discussed by him (1977, 1990). These ideas however, 73 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space have a broader significance in the environmental behaviour analysis. They encompass both, the physical and experiential criteria with several variables, hence are considered separately later. Cullen’s (1961, p. 17) concept of ‘serial vision’ and Bacon’s (1978, p.53) ‘sequential progression’ are very definitive of the visual experience through movement. The ideas of ‘transition and hierarchy’, add to its finer aspects (Alexander et.al.1977, pp. 552 & 558).
Serial Vision The unfolding qualities of spatial progression and the revealing nature of objects in their suddenness form the basis of serial vision. Cullen (1961, p.5) points out the element of contrast which creates these revelations in jerks avoiding monotony. Bacon (1978, p.53) endorses the similar concept through a pictorial series on the Italian town of Panza. The role of changing colours in the settlement and the journey from suggestion to anticipation and finally fulfilment in arrival is vividly illustrated. In both the above examples, the configuration of path and approach to a space is the underlying theme. The end result of exciting sensations or heightened drama through spatial climaxes, however, has been achieved through different means. In the first example, Cullen (1961, p.17) argues that ‘slightest deviation in alignment and quite small variations in projections or setbacks in plan creates a powerful effect in the third dimension’. On the other hand, Bacon (1978, p.53) implies the use of colour in accentuating the movement experience. Cullen (1961, p.187) has also expanded on the suggestion of space through placement of a terminal building at an angle to the road approaching it (see figure 4.9). His concept of space beyond or a sense of ‘hereness and thereness’ can be Figure 4.9: Placement of Terminal building enhanced with such an alignment. (Adapted from: Cullen, 1961, p.187)
74 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
This visual dimension of experiencing a public space is thus based on the progressive approach through a sequence of events. While passing through a series of spaces, their sequence determines the effect. I discuss the element of sequence in relation to its latent counterpart of transition.
Sequence and Transition Sequence is a series of objects placed logically after each other signifying a change. Simonds (1965, p.155) examines sequence in terms of conditioned perception. They are in a series of time based experiences which are interlinked and interwoven.
Sequence in terms of planning may be defined as succession of perceptions or experiences having continuity. Sequences have no meaning except to man as he experiences them. Conversely, the most of man’s experiences are those of a planned or an unplanned sequence (Simonds 1965, p.155).
The design of a sequence for a predetermined response ranges from symmetrical to casual, meandering, intensifying and so on, which depends on the order of spatial configuration and its articulation. As people move from one space to another they experience a transition. Transition implies the change of ambience between two stages. The level of transition from subtle, gradual to a sudden one can create multiple effects, and can imbue a sense of continuity. In case of a public realm, the transition is from a private to a Figure 4.10: Unfolding of a sequence public space, from a lively to a (Adapted from: Cullen, 1961, p.45)
75 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space calm space, from a narrow street to a square. It can be defined physically by elements like change of light, sound, direction, surface, level or by gateways which generate a change in enclosure, and above all a change of view (Alexander et.al. 1977, p. 552). The edge treatment or the design boundaries are crucial to the level of transition. The permeability of building facades, their ‘osmotic’ qualities of percolating through and infusing the street life (Carmona et al., 2003) can generate liveliness or interactive spaces. The architectural elements like thresholds, steps, platforms, verandas, patios, courtyards and their juxtaposition with the streets and squares give a social and visual character to the scenario.
Hierarchy The transition through spaces is often marked by hierarchy or ranked stages during the flow of movement. It is one of the guiding principles in maintaining the continuity in spatial organisation. The change in values through emphasis and articulation in an increasing or a decreasing order denotes hierarchy (Ching, 1996, p.33). The ‘existing view’ and the ‘emerging view’ if linked with a certain hierarchy, heighten the experience of that space. However, this principle of design is a subset in transition and sequence and may not be always applicable. Overall the movement through space generates changing imagery and is responsible for richness of the spatial experience.
FLEXIBILITY
A good public space demands simultaneous coexistence of people, activities and the setting. The malleability or adaptive quality of a space is physical and social at the same time. The physical elements, their design and their location govern their adaptability towards different uses. But the actual multiplicity in use materialises if the social conditions are open and fluid. Von Miess, (1990, pp.162-64) comments on a ‘sense of identity’ and points out the importance of creating environments which can modify and
76 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space adapt. He adds that the ‘ability of architecture to lend itself to the places and symbols of identity’ through users’ participation and their interpretation of space is equally important. Alexander et.al. (1977, p. 394) speak about home as opposed to a house and the people’s role in converting it to suit their needs. Lang (1987, p.119) has examined this concept of flexibility to arrive at pointers towards quality of environment and the pattern of behaviour. He says:
…some milieus afford (Gibson, 1979), or fit (Alexander et.al., 1964), a specific pattern of behaviour better than others; there is a greater degree of synomorphy (Barker, 1968) or congruence (Michelson, 1976) between environment and behaviour in one instance than in another.
Lang (1987) has pointed out the differences between the words ‘adaptable’ and ‘flexible’ with reference to the three fundamental types of layout patterns as identified by Hall (cited in Lang, 1987, p.119). These are fixed-feature space (enclosed by elements which are not easily movable); semi-fixed feature space (furnishings can be moved around) and informal space (temporary space as a result of exchange between two or more people). With reference to a public space, these types imply its physical setting within which the framework of activity patterns co-exist and overlap. Although, the words adaptable and flexible are used almost synonymously, Lang (1987, p.119) has clearly differentiated between them based on the environmental design theory which I paraphrase as follows. A type of multipurpose fixed-feature space, adaptable layouts can afford different behaviour patterns without requiring any physical changes. Thus it depends on simultaneous co-existence based on adjacency or usage at different times. This kind of adaptability relies on the edges or boundaries of the fixed feature of enclosing elements. The flexible layout, on the other hand, entails a change in the structure and boundary due to semi-fixed features which can be rearranged. Thus a space can be said to be effective if it can adapt itself to the changing need of people from time to time. This can also be analysed with respect to how a space moulds itself to activities like processions, pilgrimages, street shows etc. which can be said to be malleable or flexible, thereby adding
77 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space a new dimension to the existing space. This challenges the ‘functional’ as well as the ‘aesthetic’ component in architectural design. The changes in circumstances, time, people’s activities and mindset are the key factors which inevitably shape the space and should be taken into consideration.
FROM A SPACE TO A PLACE
Because meanings in environments and landscapes are both interpreted and produced, there is debate about the extent to which meaning resides in the object or in the mind of the beholder. (Carmona et al., 2003, p.96)
The morphological and functional criteria of a public space constitute its character to a considerable extent. But the relationship between people’s behaviour and spatial elements is seldom restricted to this superficial imagery. The symbolic meanings and its associations of the space or the ‘cultural predisposition’ (Rapoport, 1990, p.250) of the people is one of the important factors. It transforms the space to a place, a distinction that occurs after the experience of that space.
Image and sense of place Focussing on the physical environment as an independent variable, Lynch’s (1960) work on urban imagery is very eloquent. Based on its identity, structure and meaning, the concept of ‘imageability’ of city is conceived by Lynch (1960, p.8-9). He derived the five key physical elements which would define the collective image as paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks, which are interrelated. The identity of a place or its distinction from any space is of particular relevance here. A person associates himself to the space surrounding him based on his conditioning and background. The images are also a mental construct of an individual, based on environmental stimuli. The new experiences are often compared with the existing ones. Through this comparison arises the sense of context or identity which grows into a ‘sense of a place’. This denotes the ‘attachment to a place’ or sense of belonging to place and can be clearly understood with its converse of ‘placelessness’
78 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
(Relph, 1976). The Latin concept of ‘genius loci or the spirit of the place’ (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p.18) enhances the idea of sense of place. On the whole, the stronger the character of the space and its relation to the context, the stronger is the people’s association with it. In instances like pilgrimage, this factor is pronounced. It relies on the 'unself-conscious’ (Relph, 1976, p.65) experience of the place as discussed in the analytical chapter. To conclude, places provide an anchor of shared experiences between people and continuity over time’ (Crang, 1998, cited in Carmona et.al. 2003, p.97).
SENSE OF DRAMA
What are the elements which heighten the quality of space or the drama of activities in a public space? The ability of space to act not only as a setting but as a catalyst for human behaviour depends on several variables. A sense of drama is basically a play of unrevealed or that which is partly revealed. It happens due to the changing configuration of the paths, the change in enclosure treatment or by dramatising the entry points to the square. As with the visual elements, the change in soundscape (Lang, 1994, cited in Carmona et al. 2003) and landscape treatment can also act like special features or as buffering elements. Amongst the fixed features of a public space, there are certain elements other than its enclosing elements which can accentuate the quality of space. An example of such element is a ‘focal point’. The focal points can be in the form of elements like columns, sculptures, statues, trees etc. These features act like landmarks or points of reference for the space and their placement affects the experience of the space. If the people’s activities are viewed as dramas and the spaces as the sets, the resulting activation can be examined. Their mutual interaction in day to day life and the time of festivals or events emphasises the dramatisation of the space.
79 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
ENVIRONMENT AND HUMAN BEHAVIOUR
The above discussion illustrates the role of public spaces, their nature and qualities which in totality create the ‘built environment’. However, it is evident that most of the theories on public space have evolved out of Western precedents and lifestyles. The Asian cities and towns (mostly the developing countries) exhibit informality, lack of structure, mixed land-use, problems of high population and poverty, insufficient infrastructure, rich history and global influences and so on, which is manifest in their heterogenous public spaces (Miao, 2001, pp.2-33). Though the study of these aspects is beyond the scope of this research, the human participation in a public environment is a universal phenomenon. This thesis examines these ‘constancies of human characteristics underlying the variability of culture’ (Rapoport, 1977, p.5). The forces which shape human behaviour and its effect on the environment, and its converse as the environment shaping human behaviour, have been a concern of many disciplines. The two most applicable fields are environment behaviour studies (EBS) for built environment and architectural anthropology. Without going deeper into their scope and limitations, I draw out the relevant concepts from both. At its core, this research is the analysis of people’s behaviour during the Pilgrimage and its interaction with the existing built environment. Hence the following discussion links the physical and experiential criteria through human consideration. I examine them in the form of ideas and themes. They establish the conceptual framework for analysing the contextual settings and behaviour patterns in the Palkhi.
THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT
The word ‘environment’ is used broadly to define the surroundings, settings, milieu and so on, but, it has many connotations depending on the purpose it serves (Porteous, 1977, cited in Lang, 1987, p.77). The multiplicity of environments is expressed through terms like personal and social environments, psychological, cultural and physical environments etc. Rapoport (1987, p.8) summarises that the physical environment provides a setting for
80 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space people and their psychological, social and cultural environments, thus implying their inherent link. The built environment (of concern for this thesis) encompasses the physical environment created by humans for their survival. In its broadest sense, it consists of the ‘physical alteration of natural environment from hearth to cities’ (Lawrence & Low, 1990, p.454). Along with built form, it includes the spaces within and bounded by them like the courtyards, streets and squares. Lang (1987, p.81) defines built environment as ‘the set of adaptations people have made to their terrestrial and cultural1 environments’. There adaptations vary even within similar groups of the culture and society in the same settings. The opportunities presented by the environment for the deviances in the human behaviour are termed as ‘affordances of the environment’ (Lang, 1987, p.81).
BEHAVIOUR PATTERNS
Rapoport’s seminal research on linking human behaviour to the built environment is interdisciplinary. It is based on human constancies as observed through cross-cultural studies (1969, 1977, and 1990). According to him (1977, p.9) the environment is a series of orderly relationships with people which have a pattern. These recurrent human activities are basically spatial and temporal. They are determined by needs, background and more importantly the level of affordance of the built environment. The four components of activities as distinguished by Rapport (1977, p.19) include: the actual activity (walking, eating), the specific way of doing it (walking in the street, eating with a group), adjacent or ancillary activities generated (exchanging gossip while eating or walking) and the symbolic (walking as a ritual, eating in a particular way). These latent aspects embedded in the activities require different forms of settings and different affordances.
1 Lang (1987, p.78, 80) defines the terrestrial environment as the nature of the earth and its processes at any point on it and the cultural environment broadly as human attitudes and beliefs towards other people. 81 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
AFFORDANCE
The term affordance stems from the ‘idea that built forms and collective human behaviour accommodate, express and reinforce each other’ (Lawrence & Low, 1990, p.456). It means the ‘material or nonmaterial properties of the environment which enable it to be used in a particular way by a particular species or an individual of the species’ (Lang, 1987, p.81). The nature of the environment governs the activity patterns of the human behaviour and it not only acts as a passive setting but as a catalyst for a potential interaction. These settings or configurations which afford human behaviour patterns are called as behaviour settings (Barker, 1960, cited in Lang, 1987, pp.113-14). People tend to personalise their environments instinctively. The sense of control and identity through such a manipulation expresses their involvement. The concept of territoriality through taking possession and personalisation (Rapoport, 1977, p.369) leaves a visible imprint on the built environment, the extent of which is decided by its level of affordance.
PERCEPTION
The way people perceive or see environments affects their behaviour patterns. Perception involves the gathering, organising and making sense of the information about the environment (Carmona et.al. 2002, p.87). The distinction between these three processes involves sensory experience, cognition and evaluation. Though these are interwoven, perception as defined by Rapoport (1977, p.33) is the direct sensory experience when the individual is involved in the environment. He rightly says that there is relative constancy across cultures in the sensory perception. However, cognition as organisation of information and its interpretation based on mental conditioning, meanings and memory is a highly variable but influential factor in the human experience. The evaluative dimension leads to imagery, sense of place and involvement as people tend to set their preferences based on the overall experience (Carmona et.al. 2002, p.87).
82 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
COMPLEXITY AND MOVEMENT
Movement as an essential component of environmental perception (Lang, 1987, p.93), helps to ‘integrate the various senses over time’ to organise the array of information (Rapoport, 1987, p.194). As mentioned previously, the visual sense of perception is dominant and the experience appears to be guided by it. However, the other senses work subconsciously in creating the total kinaesthetic experience. The element of complexity in the environment as perceived through motion is highly relevant in assessing the human behaviour. Rapoport’s (1977, 1990) subsequent works on complexity in environment behaviour studies is highly eloquent and well researched, the relevant aspects of which I paraphrase further. Human beings process the information and images from the environment at a certain perceptual rate through stimulation of senses. This stimulation is offered by a certain level of complexity in the surrounding features. The arousal of curiosity and interest in physical and social environment induces complexity. The optimum level of complexity preferred by different individuals varies but it is the ‘pacer level between chaos and monotony’ (Rapoport’s 1977, p.208; 1990, p.262). He states:
There are two ways of achieving complexity; through ambiguity (in the sense of multiplicity of meanings rather than uncertainty of meaning) and hence using allusive and open-ended design, or through use of varied and rich environments and environments which are not visible from one view, i.e. which unfold and reveal themselves and thus have an element of mystery (Rapoport’s 1977, p.208).
He comments on the over-simplified modern designs which create unsatisfactory environments as against the rich and complex nature of vernacular public spaces. This complexity in public environments is an outcome of mixed and overlapping uses, varied grain of articulation, contrasting forms, changes in socio-cultural patterns etc. Their positioning with respect to each other should be congruent and should reinforce the perceptual qualities which he terms as ‘potential noticeable differences’ (Rapoport, 1990, pp.272-76). 83 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
ARCHITECTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Thus, the above ideas create an overall framework for assessing the everyday human behaviour in the built environment. In addition, my thesis examines this interaction during the cultural scene of the Alandi Pandharpur pilgrimage. The behaviour of people during a specific ritual or a festival is based on their beliefs, customs and traditions. The framework established above needs to be extended to include the anthropological concerns which is an important dimension of this research. I now examine the key aspects of architectural anthropology which supplement the above set of criteria to assist the overall analysis accordingly. The theory and methodology developed by Jan Peiper (1980) in his introduction to the book, ‘Traditional Concepts of Ritual Space in India: Studies in architectural anthropology’ is well crafted. It bridges the gap between theory and fieldwork of architectural anthropology, setting out the parameters for both, which I discuss now. Architectural anthropology emerged as a fairly recent field of research in response to the ‘increasing harshness of the urban environment’ (Pieper, 1980, p.1) and the ‘so-called crisis of modern movement’ (Egenter, 1990, p.1). Anthropology, as the study of all cultures to gain an insight into human nature has been a basis for western anthropological studies. However their focus on its social angle has shown little consideration for the ‘physical and spatial aspects of cultural phenomenon, such as settlement patterns, urban ritualism, traditional modes of building and culture specific habits related to the built environment’ (Pieper, 1980, p.4). He argues that even though architectural history has looked at these aspects, the theory derived from it needs to be widened. He defines architectural anthropology as the science of potential dimensions of architecture which is based on case-studies contributing to the common framework. Peiper (1980, p.5) proposes two levels of fieldwork study:
84 Chapter 4 Understanding a public space
• Material structure of urban configuration: This involves the mapping of all essential urban features like settlement pattern, public and private buildings, urban open spaces, and the overall organisation which creates a backdrop for the activities to take place. • Collective behaviours, attitudes and ritual practices based on the above context: This entails the mapping of the characteristic social activities to define the overall cultural pattern.
This kind of a systematic documentation can help to draw a complete ‘picture of spatial manifestation of social events’ and can help to establish the ‘interrelation of social life and architectural space’. Thus this body of work and the theoretical basis developed by Pieper is of direct significance to my research in terms of its key ideas on architectural anthropology.
CONCLUSION
This chapter has examined the nature of public space and its formative elements. The specific study of a public square has been addressed through the evaluative criteria developed from primary literature on the subject. This literature is an outcome of European studies of public spaces and architectural norms. The focus of these studies is on the visual and the spatial dimension. But as seen from Rapoport’s and Pieper’s works, the potential of human behaviour to shape the space has been recently realised. Through the comprehensive body of knowledge that exists in the entire field, I have referred to the underlying concepts of both these approaches. The concepts are examined at their fundamental level to understand the essence of a good public space. This supports the argument of the thesis which assumes that both approaches are not mutually exclusive. In combination with the visual dimension, they are conducive to creating a good public environment. The nuances of culture specific responses and social behaviour patterns (in the Indian context of thesis) are dealt with in Chapter Seven (Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis) where I examine the applicability of the criteria developed here. They also serve as a basis to arrive at the findings of the research in the last chapter.
85 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Chapter five
As seen in the second chapter, pilgrimage is a significant ritual in almost all civilisations. It has a common underlying foundation of attaining a higher spiritual level through the act of journeying to holy sites. This discussion forms the background for my study of the Hindu pilgrimage of Alandi to Pandharpur which is the focus of this chapter. My associations with this Pilgrimage described in chapter one, form a crucial link to my explorations here. The Alandi to Pandharpur pilgrimage, colloquially known as the ‘Palkhi’ is one of the most important cultural events in the state of Maharashtra and is unique to the Marathi (local language) speaking people. This chapter examines the different philosophical and physical aspects of the Pilgrimage, mainly through my study of literature on the subject, and partly through my own experience as a pilgrim. This chapter appropriately uses colloquial Marathi words or terminology to describe the inherent qualities of the ‘Palkhi’ which would otherwise get lost in translation. Nevertheless, I have attempted to explain all language used either here or later, in the glossary. The visual component in this chapter complements the text, forming another layer of language to better convey the emotive and more intangible aspects of the Pilgrimage. The chapter begins with my story. It is followed by the literature overview which examines the existing research on the topic. I have used this as background data for my study and analysis. It serves to locate the Palkhi in space, time and culture. The next section examines its customs and rituals and its present form. The text oscillates between narrative accounts and factual explanations to provide a comprehensive picture of the event. On the whole, this chapter explores the nature of the Alandi-Pandharpur palkhi to understand its distinctive features and their implications to my enquiry.
86 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
MY STORY
I began my most awaited journey, a walk of 19 km to the town of
Saswad, where the palkhi or the palanquin took its night halt. I was walking along with thousands of pilgrims in the famous pilgrimage of Alandi to
Pandharpur, a 250 km walk which is covered in 20 days. The skies were clouded, a relief from the harsh tropical Sun; but in a little while I realised that the comfort was short lived. Soon, the uphill climb began, through the winding Dive ghats and I began sweating and panting with the saturation of humidity in the air. Miles and miles ahead, I could see the twisting road flooded with varkaris (the pilgrims of this pilgrimage), with their flapping orange flags. The men were clad mostly in white with bright turbans and women in all range of coloured saris (women’s traditional wear), with the sacred potted plants of Tulasi (basil) on their heads, a picture which appeared to be moving as a procession (see Figure 5.1). I could spot the main palanquin which carried the silver footwear of the Saint Jnaneshwar personifying his presence, which has been the driving force behind this 800 year old tradition of pilgrimage. I felt the enthusiasm in the air, with people singing abhang (the devotional songs) or just chanting the saint’s name “Jnanoba Mauli
Tukaram”, with smiling faces and purposeful strides.
What makes these ‘varkaris’ (the pilgrims of this pilgrimage) overcome their worries, forget their personal comfort, their set lives and even their existence to walk en-masse towards the religious centre of Pandharpur every year? I decided to be one of them and soon caught their rhythm and their infectious devotional fervour and started looking beyond. The rain started pelting down in sheets and I was momentarily shaken from my stance but soon regained my poise and continued the walk. The whole pilgrimage now seemed like a river of umbrellas and colourful plastics which supplemented the raincoats (See Figure 5.2). But there was no change whatsoever, in their pace and spirits and the organised demeanour. Soon after this short spell of rain, the landscape transformed into lush green rolling hills, clean roads, swaying trees and the cool breeze which refreshed my mind with a renewed enthusiasm. The journey continued amidst the changing nature towards the common goal at Pandharpur, the abode of Lord Vithoba. 87 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Figure 5.1: Palkhi procession in the Dive ghats (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 5.2: Rain during the Palkhi’s journey to Saswad (Source: Sane, 2005) 88 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
This is the unique Pilgrimage of Alandi to Pandharpur. It is popularly known as ‘Palkhi’ or ‘vari’ in the state of Maharashtra. The destination of this pilgrimage is the ‘tirtha’ of Pandharpur. It is believed to be the abode of Lord Vithoba. The popularity of this pilgrimage is attributed to the various saint-poets of Maharashtra who, through their poems and songs, have recorded the importance of devotion towards Lord Vithoba and the significance of doing this pilgrimage. ‘The Pandharpur tradition of Varkari Sampradaya1, it is first of all found in the abhangs or the hymns of the so-called “poet-saints of Maharashtra”, i.e. Jnaneshwar, Namdev, Eknath and Tukaram, and a number of lesser known and less important saints’(Sand, 1990, p.33). In addition, there are pilgrimages (varis/palkhis) associated with these saints which begin from several locations in Maharashtra and head to Pandharpur (see p.105). Though there are historical references and personal accounts of this pilgrimage through the poems of the successive saint-poets of Maharashtra, the detailed history was first studied and recorded in Marathi by a Maharashtrian scholar, S.V. Dandekar (1927). It was based on his experiences of participating in the pilgrimage. This study also dwells upon the spiritual and philosophical aspects of this pilgrimage which is extensively referred to by many scholars later. Rev. Dr. Murray Mitchell (1882, cited in Zelliot, 1987, p.33) is the earliest writer in English who described this pilgrimage event and atmosphere through his observations. But a very exhaustive study done by a French scholar, Father G.A. Deleury is one of its kind, as it has taken into account all the aspects of this pilgrimage. It examines various aspects like its historical origin, the temple of Vithoba at Pandharpur, the present form of the pilgrimage to its other aspects like etymology, iconography and epigraphy which are compiled in his book called ‘The cult of Vithoba’ (1960). I have used his work extensively to
1 Sampradaya or Panth mean a ‘religious sect’, a ‘road’ or ‘a way’, ‘a way to salvation’, a group of followers of a school of spirituality. (Deleury, 1960, p.3) 89 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur understand the process and terminologies attached with this pilgrimage but it is more of a documentary nature. Hence, I have also referred to the works of eminent Marathi authors like Karve (1962), Bhagwat (1974) and Mokashi (1990), and intellectuals like Stanley (1992); who have expressed their personal experiences of the Palkhi through lucid descriptions. They give an insight on the personal lives of the Varkari, their faith and motivation, and illustrate the contemporary form of Palkhi. Mokashi (1964) has written his book based on his diary, interviews and his own experiences on a day to day basis, and it gives a very realistic account of the Palkhi. His main intention while participating in the Palkhi was to write a novel rather than participate as a devotee. His urban, educated background is reflected in his honest, ‘matter of fact’ writing as he describes his personal discomforts and questions the relevance of some customs. Rather than glorifying the pilgrims or the pilgrimage, he gives a different insight which I could relate to during my participation. Its translation into English by Engblom (1990) along with an introduction, and a historical introduction by Zelliot (1990), is brief but informative. More recently, this pilgrimage has been a topic of interest for many Marathi researchers like Sahasrabuddhe (1988), Nerkar (1998) and Nalavde (2000). A few other publications by the Saint Jnaneshwar Trust and Varkari organisation at Alandi (Jadhav, 2003) have also documented the various songs, poems and literature along the pilgrimage serving as guides to new participants. Up to date accounts of the palkhi can also be obtained from all the prominent local news papers (eg. Sakal, Loksatta, The Times of India and Indian Express, 2004 -2006), which give detailed description of the ‘Palkhi’ every year. They cover its practical aspects like traffic diversions, temporary facilities, and new developments like special roads, pavilions etc. by the local government2 for its smooth functioning.
2 Mr. Vilasrao Deshmukh (2005, Sakal), the chief minister of the State announced the government plans to complete the following public works at Pandharpur within next 5 years: a bridge for pilgrims, water supply and sewage disposal unit, underground drainage system. The development of entire road stretch with tree plantation was announced by the forest minister, Pachpute (2006, Sakal) 90 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Figure 5.3: Vithoba at Pandharpur (Source: Joshi, 2006)
One of the recent sketches (see Figure 5.3) in Sakal newspaper illustrates the adoration and love of all the varkaris for Lord Vithoba. He is depicted as a larger-than-life figure to which all the varkaris have physically clung, worshipping him in all the possible ways. Thus, from the existing body of literature, it is evident that the research on the Palkhi is predominantly of an anthropological nature. Some works have focussed upon Alandi or Pandharpur towns, giving descriptions of their historical origin, their associations with the pilgrimage or saints and their current structure (Sand, 1990; Vaudeville, 1996; Nalavde, 2000). None of the literature however, examines the nature of physical settings or public spaces of the intermediate towns.
91 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
REGIONAL SETTINGS
To understand this pilgrimage and its distinctive nature, it is necessary to establish its historical, socio-cultural and religious foundations. I now place it into its geographical context through its regional3 settings. The Palkhi is the most prominent religious expression of the State of Maharashtra (See Figure 5.4). There are several groups of pilgrimages which occur simultaneously to Pandharpur, but I focus on Saint Jnaneshwar’s palkhi which begins from the town of Alandi. The pilgrims begin their walk of 18 days to reach the holy town of Pandharpur, about 250 km towards South-east. Figures 5.4 to 5.6 zoom from the national to a local level to illustrate pilgrimage location, route and the town of Lonand selected for observations.
Figure 5.4: Location of Maharashtra in India (Source: Compare Info Base) (Note: The boundaries depicted may not be authentic)
3 The word ‘region’ here refers to the broader meaning as explored and demonstrated by Feldhaus (2003) which denotes a ‘sense of place’ or belonging, ‘an area with a distinct identity for the people who live in it’ inclining towards its cognitive aspects. She has illustrated the ‘regional consciousness’ arising out of religious connotations that may overlap or co-exist or contradict due to its subjective nature. However, she states that the sacred network or the ‘connected places’ emerge out of people’s activities and their ‘imaginations’. Her whole study is based in Maharashtra and is thus of more relevance to my understanding about this uniquely local pilgrimage 92 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Figure 5.5: Three districts through which the palkhi passes during its course. (Source: Compare InfoBase)
Figure 5.6: The Alandi- Pandharpur Pilgrimage route (Adapted from: Map Quest)
93 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
As in case of any pilgrimage, the starting point and the destination are inextricably linked to its overall formation and development. Consequently, I need to explain the significance of both, the destination of Pandharpur and the starting point of Alandi, and their connection with the Lord Vithoba and Saint Jnaneshwar respectively. Many scholars have questioned their existence, but are not conclusive; hence, the thesis builds up on the popular belief.
PANDHARPUR AND LORD VITHOBA
Pandharpur tirtha, today known as the spiritual capital of Maharashtra is a popular tirtha and is located on the western banks of Bhima, a prominent tributary of the river Krishna (see figure 5.7). The Vithoba of Pandharpur and its origin as a God and an avtara (divine form) of Lord Vishnu, is found in inscriptions as studied by Khare (1938, cited Deleury,1960) and is believed to have stayed there due to the saint Pundarika’s devotion, though there have been subsequent debates about this legend.
Figure 5.7: Pandharpur during Pilgrimage (Adapted from: Pandharpur, 2005)
The river Bhima takes a gradual turn towards the South-east from Pandharpur forming a crescent moon like shape due to which it is popularly known as Chandrabhaga. The varkaris reach Pandharpur on the eve of Ashadhi Ekadshi (the 11th day of waxing moon in the lunar month of Ashadh 94 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur as per the Hindu calendar), which is normally in June-July. There are a number of temples in Pandharpur which an ardent Varkari visits during his stay. They are mainly divided according to their setting: those lying on the banks of Bhima, those lying on the way of the pradakshina (circumambulatory path around the temple precinct), and those of the nagarpradakshina (around the city).
ALANDI AND JNANESHWAR
Though the exact year when this pilgrimage began is unknown, Saint Jnaneshwar (see figure 5.8) is credited to formation of the Varkari Sect towards the end of 13th century (Deleury, 1960, p.37). He integrated the pilgrims, laying down the norms about the duties of a ‘varkari’ in his sacred text of ‘Jnaneshwari’ (Dandekar, 1927, p.6). Dandekar also asserts that the varkaris (the devotees of Lord Vithoba) did exist prior to Jnaneshwar and were also doing the pilgrimage to Pandharpur but they lacked any formal Figure 5.8: Saint Jnaneshwar (Source: Alandi Ashram, 2006) organisation. Deleury (1960, p.1-21) has delved deep into the various facets associated with the history of the Varkari Sect. He asserts the relation of ‘Marathi’ language and the varkari poets which began at around 1200 A.D. and that the language itself owes a lot to these poets for its literary development and subsequent establishment in Maharashtra. Till then, Sanskrit was the sole language of cultural expression. Saint Jnaneshwar, as one of the more well-known of these poets, attached himself to the bhakti movement (see chapter three, pp.44.45) and changed the picture by translating the old 95 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Sanskrit heritage into Marathi, in his ‘Jnaneshwari,’ thus reaching out to the common people. Saint Jnaneshwar’s life story (though debatable) contains various accounts of hardships that he and his siblings faced as a result of caste discrimination, and how they overcame these due to the miraculous powers displayed by him from time to time. So, at a very young age, their fame spread rapidly and they were considered to be blessed by God. His entire family (outcast Brahmins), were the first varkari missionaries and due to their spiritual statures along with sound knowledge of traditional Sanskrit texts; they started spreading the Varkari Sect all over Maharashtra as they travelled. They settled for some time in Nevasa, where Jnaneshwar, at the age of 15 (Dandekar, 1927, p.18), wrote his immortal book, the Jnaneshwari. It was written with the intention of setting up a philosophical base for the Varkari Sect and has become ‘the book’ of the varkaris or their Bible, and remains a source of inspiration even today. Later on, he also travelled to many other parts in India and got acquainted with various religious schools of thought. The bhakti movement was in a state of revival, as a reaction to the esoterism of Sanskrit culture4.So Jnaneshwar, with his sound spiritual as well as intellectual background ‘attached himself to the bhakti movement’ (Deleury, 1960, p.10). He continued his mission of writing in Marathi language and also started spreading it amongst all the people in Maharashtra soon becoming their spiritual leader at a very young age. Jnaneshwar and his siblings from their family house in Alandi often took pilgrimages to various places but predominantly to Pandharpur, thereby reinforcing the Varkari tradition. As mentioned in ‘Shri Jnaneshwar Charitra’ (Gosavi and Gosavi, 2005, p.91), this era of pilgrimages undertaken by Jnaneshwar marks a very important phase in his life. It was also an influential
4 Jnaneshwar realised that majority of the masses who were not educated and were predominantly from lower castes were drifting away from Vedic religion precisely due to the reason of its inaccessibility and its mere emphasis on superficial practices. This was resulting into people getting converted to other religions, such as Jainism which was surfacing at that time. 96 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur activity as it went on to become a tradition that is still followed today. The main purpose of these pilgrimages was to spread the concepts of Bhakti (devotion) and to unite the society by eradicating the differences due to the caste system. Saint Jnaneshwar brought together all the saints from various castes and under his spiritual leadership they all began their great pilgrimage to Pandharpur5. Jnaneshwar entered ‘Samadhi’ (voluntary death) at the age of 22 at Alandi (see figure 5.9), earlier known as Alankapur (Jadhav, 2003). Thus it gained spiritual importance as one of the prime locations from where his Palkhi begins. Alandi lies about 28 km North-West of Pune city and is situated on the banks of the river Indrayani. Its present form as a temple town was developed by the subsequent Maratha rulers and has kept growing due to its increasing popularity and its closeness to Pune city.
Figure 5.9: Alandi on the banks of Indrayani River (Source: Despande, 2005) 5 One of the important saints and Jnaneshwar’s disciple (a follower of Vithoba), Namdev was an active participant in this pilgrimage and he was one of the important saints in continuing the Varkari traditions after Jnaneshwar. He lived almost half a century more after Jnaneshwar, and he strongly advocated the pilgrimage to Pandharpur in the company of saints and thus set up Pandharpur as a centre of faith. ‘Namdev is credited with the creation of kirtan, a performance of song, story, text, even dance, which carries the bhakti message’. (Zelliot, cited Mokashi, 1990)
97 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
The starting point of Saint Jnaneshwar’s pilgrimage is Alandi. The Palkhi along with his silver footwear, leaves for Pandharpur amidst a huge celebration on the predefined date and all the dindis (groups) of varkaris organise themselves in their set positions from here on. The shaping of the pilgrimage in terms of its organisation and the present paraphernalia of horses and a chariot is a recent development of about 200 years back, conceived and realised by a follower of Jnaneshwar called Haibatbaba Arphalkar (Dandekar, 1927, p.41). Thus, the Pilgrimage is characterised not only by the journey and the destination, but also with the starting point of Alandi. It serves to ‘re-enact’ or ‘re-actualise’ the saint’s actions (Eliade, 1957, p.68-99) of leaving for pilgrimage and thus underscores ‘polyvalence of meanings’ (Dube, 2001, p.14).
ELEMENTS AND FEATURES OF THE PALKHI
Given this background of the Palkhi, I now discuss its structure and the features that make it unique. This discussion is important for my later analysis of the pilgrims’ behaviour patterns and their usage of the space. I focus on their experiences that occur as a result of traditions and rituals.
VARKARI
As seen in chapter three (p.46), pilgrimage in Hinduism is highly recommended but optional6. On the contrary, the Pilgrimage to Pandharpur, though voluntarily undertaken by the varkaris (pilgrims), it is essential to do it regularly every year. It forms a part of the “sadhana” (spiritual discipline or means) of the particular devotional path they have chosen (Engblom, 1990, pp.24-25). The pilgrims of this particular Pilgrimage are known as ‘varkari’.
6 The Marathi word for a pilgrim as derived from Sanskrit tirthayatra is yatrekaru (one who performs a yatra or a journey to the holy Tirthas). But this term is commonly used to describe the pilgrimage in a ‘great tradition sense’, to the well known Hindu tirthas of Benares, Rameswaram, Nasik, Haridwar (Engblom, 1990, p.24), as highly recommended in Hinduism. This tirthayatra can be done once in a lifetime to achieve a spiritual merit and is of a voluntary nature (one can go alone or with his family and it has no set rules). 98 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
The term developed during the time of Saint Jnaneshwar which went on to become the main characteristic of the Pilgrimage (Dandekar, 1927, p.1). Varkari as ‘Vari+Kari’ was defined by Dandekar (1927, p.1-2; Deleury 1960, p.2), vari derives from ‘var’ the ‘regular occurrence’ or ‘coming and going’ (Engblom P.C, 1990, p.23) of pilgrimage to Pandharpur; kari: is one who does this pilgrimage. Since varkari7 is the term applied specifically to the pilgrims of Pandharpur tirtha, the study by Deleury G.A (1960, p.3) states the meaning and the duties associated with the term Varkari as:
• A person who although living in the midst of his family and carrying on his profession or trade has pledged himself to reach moksha (salvation). • He does it through a way of bhakti’ (see chapter three, pp. 44 & 45), by devotion and love to Lord Krishna in the form of Vithoba of Pandharpur. • He does the Vari or Pilgrimage to Pandharpur every year at the fixed time, guided on the road by the society of saints • He is also a strict vegetarian.
Figure 5.10: The Varkaris (Source: Sane, 2005)
7 One of the other terms which is used for a varkari is ‘malkari’ which means’ the one with the ‘garland’ as they wear a rosary of Tulasi (local plant) beads which is almost like their insignia or identification. It signifies their love for Lord Krishna, who is considered to be one of the forms of Lord Vishnu or Lord Vithoba (Dandekar, 1927, p.2). Eck (1998c, pp.59-75) defined ‘varkari as a name of sectarian devotional movement in Maharashtra which honours the deity Vithoba (a form of Vishnu or Krishna) in Pandharpur.’ 99 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
As discussed by Deleury (1960, pp.2-6), the two main salient features of this particular pilgrimage as compared to the other tirthayatra in India are:
• Varkari Sect: This school of spiritual thought emerged and was later organised by Saint Jnaneshwar in a very strong movement in the 12th and the 13th centuries C.E., with the base of ‘bhakti movement’ which reinstated the pilgrimage to Pandharpur. It is also known as Varkari Panth/Sampradaya which signifies a broader meaning than sect. It means ‘a way’ or ‘a road or path to salvation’. • Democratic outlook: Anybody could become a ‘varkari’, regardless of any caste, creed or social hierarchy, especially evident in the Indian society at large. In spite of being great devotees of Lord Krishna, the varkaris were different as they did not show any contempt or hostility towards the devotees of other Gods; there seems to be an eclectic attitude which does not allow esoterism, fanaticism or any indulgence in exaggerations in asceticism but only a personal devotion to Vithoba.
Figure 5.11: Varkaris during the journey (Source: Sane, 2005) Now I turn to the actual act of pilgrimage and the elements which shape the event. I divide this structure into four parts namely: organisation, varkaris’ experience and movement the time frame. In addition, I begin the discussion with the description and significance of the word Palkhi. 100 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
PALKHI
The Marathi word ‘palkhi’ literally translated means ‘a palanquin’. Palanquin has not only been associated with pilgrimages, but to carry people as well. It has always represented a royal mode of transport. In this case, it is the palanquin in which the paduka (silver footwear) of Saint Jnaneshwar are carried with honour from Alandi to Pandharpur. It signifies his spiritual presence in the journey8. The present day palanquin of Saint Jnaneshwar is ‘quite elaborate: the pole is covered with silver plating, the seat is inlaid with precious metals and the framework is finely carved (see figure 5.12). Its weight is considerable and eight to ten men are required to carry it on their shoulders. During the journey, it is placed on a four wheeled bullock cart dragged by two strong bullocks’ (Deleury, 1960, p.82) and is also adorned like a chariot (see figure 5.13). Whenever the Palkhi reaches the town, or near its rest location, it is taken down from the chariot and carried on shoulders. This bullock cart with the palanquin is the centre of attraction of the entire pilgrimage and has a magnetic presence pulling visitors, tourists, local village people to ‘see’ and ‘touch’ any part of the assembly as a way of taking darshan and getting blessed. Apart from its physical description, the word ‘Palkhi’ has ‘certain connotations that are both specific and more general than the literal meaning of a palanquin’. It is now identified with Saint Jnaneshwar’s entire pilgrimage procession, especially in Maharashtra, and more generally with the entire Varkari movement thus embodying a socially and religiously ‘integrated emblem’ for the state (Engblom, 1990, p.17)
8 Historically, the paduka were taken along by tying them around the neck of one of the saints or devotees. In the nineteenth century (Neurgaokar, 1936, cited in Stanley, 1992, p.84) Haibatbaba Arphalkar decided to give the journey a character of a procession. He organised a palanquin to carry life size silver paduka or footwear and also asked for royal backing from the local rulers called Shitole Sardar who added the paraphernalia of horses, tents, palkhi servants and other decorations. (Neurgaokar, 1972, p.19) Till today, the same tradition is continued and followed and has attained a festive nature. 101 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Figure 5.12: The Palanquin of Saint Jnaneshwar with his silver paduka (footwear) (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 5.13: The decorated chariot carrying the palanquin (Source: Sane, 2005)
102 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Dindi Though the processions appears to be a sea of people following each other and the Palkhi, it is not an ‘indiscriminate mass’ but has a set pattern or organisation called as a ‘dindi’ (Deleury, 1960, p.83). This arrangement is in the form of groups of pilgrims known as dindis9, which may be formed according to professions like tailors, merchants or belonging to a particular village or caste10 or family ties but may also be a group of disciples following the same guru or spiritual teacher (Deleury, 1960, p.83). Some dindis may be further subdivided into smaller units, at least in their pattern of march (Stanley, 1992, p.72). The number of varkaris in a dindi may vary from 100 to 1000 per dindi, (Neurgaokar, 2001) and the overall organisation is such that the oldest dindi is closest to the Palkhi. The Palkhi is normally between the various dindis and the two horses lead the whole procession. As told by Dhavlikar (2005), there were 26 dindis in front of the palkhi and 250 behind it 2005. The management, coordination and space allocation is currently under the Palkhi committee which is responsible for the entire pilgrimage. The respective positions are maintained right from the start and the varkaris coordinate the arrangements after every halt in an orderly manner. A dindi normally comprises of lines with 7-8 varkaris (men usually walk ahead of the women folk) and some space is left on both sides of the road so as not to block the other traffic. Many dindis (observed in many dindis but not all) have a head who is responsible for all the pilgrims in his group, their food and stay arrangements. He manages the transportation of their luggage and the belongings including food materials for the 18 day stay. Trucks are commonly used for this purpose, which is the modern day adaptation of buffalo carts. Each member of the dindi
9 The organisation of the procession which is a characteristic especially of the Jnaneshwar Palkhi is credited to Haibatbaba who formulated a definite arrangement of pilgrims so as to give a form to the procession 10 Though the Varkari Panth sought to eradicate the caste system, Karve’s vivid descriptions (1962) point out that the discrimination still exists, in the form of dindi in which people guard their food habits and carry out certain activities as per their castes exhibiting their superiority or importance in subtle ways. However, I experienced that the procession had discipline and organised behaviour which can be attributed to the dindi organisation. 103 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur pays for these support services11. But along with these dindis several people who are very poor and cannot afford the contributions, travel separately, alongside or behind the procession. The intermediate towns and other voluntary organisations arrange for their food and accommodation. The head of the dindi carries the vina or a lute and selects the abhang (devotional song) and their particular order, thereby maintaining the zeal and enthusiasm of the pilgrims. Structurally, pilgrims with orange flags (see figure 5.14) are at the front to represent the beginning of a dindi, followed by the talkari who are pilgrims with cymbals tied to strings and some with a mridang (drum) (Karve, 1962, p.15). They provide the musical accompaniments to the abhang (devotional songs) which are sung by all the members of the dindi along the journey.
Figure 5.14: The flag bearers of a dindi (Source: Sane, 2005)
11 The trucks leave ahead of the palkhis and some of the lady pilgrims take turns to prepare food for the varkaris after the walk. The richer dindis of varkaris, depending on their affordability even keep cooks, which is sometimes considered as comfort oriented by others. 104 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
SISTER PALKHIS
Though I have focussed on the Saint Jnaneshwar’s Palkhi, which is the oldest and most attended Palkhi, there are several other palkhis which originate from different places in Maharashtra following the Varkari cult. They carry the padukas of influential saints from the respective areas towards Pandharpur, following the models of the earliest Jnaneshwar Palkhi and the equally popular Tukaram Palkhi which began in the nineteenth century (Engblom, 1990, p.19). The study done by Deleury (1960) is extensive in this regard. He recorded 28 palkhis in 1951 and mapped them so as to study the geographical influence of the Varkari movement which nearly included the whole of the Marathi speaking population. All of these palkhi processions meet at Wakhari, a small town about 7km from Pandharpur. From there, they merge to form a single pilgrimage procession and march to Pandharpur on the eve of Ashadhi Ekadashi. Thus, the Pilgrimage has often been described metaphorically as various rivers and its tributaries joining to form a large river before meeting the sea. This intensifying nature of the Pilgrimage is one of the characteristics that sets it apart from the other pilgrimages. In addition, people from surrounding villages come and join the Palkhi constantly at almost all the halts along the way. This intensification not only occurs in terms of the overflowing numbers of the pilgrims, but also in their enthusiasm, joy and devotion which attains a forceful nature as the pilgrims advance towards Pandharpur. This growing force was experienced by Mokashi (1990, p.263) he describes the scene at Wakhari saying, ‘the thronging tide of people surged in’. Interestingly, Feldhaus (2003, p.220-21) comments on the religious geography defined by the Varkari sect as all the sister palkhis originate from different points to converge at Pandharpur. According to her, the present day Maharashtra State that was defined in 1960, corresponds closely to the extent of Varkari pilgrimage and the Marathi linguistic region.
105 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
MOVEMENT TO PANDHARPUR
Daily routine The walk to Pandharpur is characterised by the activities carried out by the pilgrims. Within the structured dindis around the Palkhi, the daily routine of the pilgrimage is traditionally preset and followed meticulously. The daily routine of the Palkhi is more or less fixed like a timetable. It can be briefly described as follows.
• Early morning there is an elaborate puja (worship event) of the silver paduka (footwear) of Jnaneshwar and a collective prayer. This is followed by the departure from the place of halt, normally as early as 6.00am. It begins with a loud signal when the pilgrims assemble in their dindis. The twin horses12 begin the journey and lead the procession. The trucks carrying the food and belongings of the varkari normally leave ahead of the Palkhi in order to prepare for the midday meals. • After the palanquin is placed in the bullock cart, the varkaris start singing the abhang (devotional songs). • After every three to four miles of walk, the procession halts for rest. The main halt during the day occurs at noon. It is normally near a river or a water source as cooking, cleaning etc. activities take place. After a collective lunch and a brief rest, the pilgrims are refreshed and begin their onward journey. • The afternoon journey is normally arduous due to scorching heat but may sometimes be relieved with the onset of rains. The collective singing is continued throughout the journey. After one or two intermediate halts, depending on the distance to be covered, the Palkhi reaches the town in the evening where it halts for the night.
12 Traditionally, two horses lead the Jnaneshwar’s Palkhi. A horseman dressed in red, carrying a long pennon rides first horse. It is followed by a white horse which has never been saddled and is believed to be mounted by Saint Jnaneshwar. Both these horses are considered sacred and people continually come to have a darshan of them along with actual Palkhi (Deleury, 1960, p.83). Both, the Palkhi chariot and the horses thus mark the principal points of reference in the procession (Stanley, 1992, p.77). 106 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
• The place of halt is normally on a large open ground on the outskirts known as Palkhi tal. The main tent is already set up for the Palkhi and the town welcomes it with decorations and banners. • The dindis stand in a circular form and the central pathway leading to the tent is carpeted. As the Palkhi enters the Palkhi tal, the rhythmic singing picks up amidst the sound of cymbals and drums. • ‘The mace-bearer then asks for silence, and a short arati (worship song) is performed in front of the silver padukas (footwear) which are taken inside the tent. He then announces the time of departure for the following morning, and a list of lost properties for that day and then the pilgrims go to their night quarters (Neurgaokar, 2001, p.28-35; Deleury, 1960, p.86)
Singing of abhangs This is very prominent trait of Varkari Sect though it has evolved from bhakti movement. The varkaris walk the whole of the journey singing religious hymns and poems composed by the various varkari saints thus personifying their presence and a link to them. In fact, it is one of the things expected of a varkari and is central to the whole pilgrimage. Karve (1962, p.22) has noted:
‘I witnessed how the language and culture of Maharashtra has spread among all its social layers. The fine poetry of five centuries was recited daily. The poetry embodied a religion and a philosophy. People speaking many dialects sang the same verses and thus learned a standard language’.
Though each dindi sings separately, the sequence of abhangs is more or less common set by Haibatbaba and according to the time of the day13 and location and mood, the head of the dindi selects it (Neurgaokar, 2001, p.30). The oral tradition of abhangs is set up through the repetitive singing of these hymns which get automatically memorised.
13 Towards the beginning of the day or between two abhangs, or during the halts there is a continuous chanting of God’s name which is said to be meritorious as it helps in diverting the mind’s wanderings to God. It is normally ‘Jnandev Tukaram’ or ‘Jnanoba Mauli Tukaram’ which reaches an intense pitch at intervals to mark the increasing closeness of the approaching Pandharpur and Lord Vithoba along with the collective enthusiasm to achieve the same.
107 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Purpose of abhangs The collective singing of abhangs is not a mere traditional feature of the palkhi. Deleury 1960, p.88) has analysed the several reasons behind this tradition discussed as follows.
• It keeps up the spirit of journey as hardships of the travel such as the discomforts due to rain or heat are temporarily forgotten due to the collective singing, as it ‘helps in keeping with the walking pace, in maintaining the enthusiasm when one feels the fatigue of walking’. • It serves as a unifying factor for the dindi, as everyone has a part to play giving rise to group spirit or a sense of ‘communitas’ (Turner, 1969). • Karve (1962, p.23) similarly points out that the songs served the purpose of education with its three characteristics namely ‘preservation of traditional knowledge, its cultivation and its transmission to next generation.’
The songs are commonly an expression of bhakti or devotion towards Lord Vithoba which intensifies the devotional mood in the journey and strengthens the purpose behind the pilgrimage. However, one of the pilgrims put it simply as, ‘We make our pilgrimage as we sing our songs-for the love of Vithoba. There is no other reason…We sing all the way to Pandharpur because of our love of Vithoba’ (cited in Stanley, 1992, p.78). Thus, the journey is characterised by the collective singing. As Saint Jnaneshwar has expressed through the devotional lyrics of one of his abhang:
We are pilgrims. As a result of our pilgrimage, sins that beset us are taking to their heels in all directions….. There is no need to mortify our bodies for attaining spiritual knowledge. Nor there is any necessity to shave our heads. The utterance of God’s name will enable us to escape the contamination of our worldly actions. (Jnaneshwar, cited in Bobde, 1987, p.50)
108 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Kirtans The chief disciple of Saint Jnaneshwar, ‘Saint Namdev, is credited with the creation of kirtan, a performance of song, story, text and even dance, which carries the bhakti message’ (Zelliot, 1987, p.39). Kirtans are the religious discourses that happen mostly at the Pilgrimage sojourns in the villages along the way. They are conducted by the learned amongst the pilgrims or by the specially invited speakers (kirtankars). The style of kirtans developed by the Varkari Sect was novel as it evolved a new kind of platform for its religious instruction, training the preachers from among the people. This was encouraged to create a feeling of confidence among them and to make them feel completely at home (Sardar, 1969, pp.70-71). The residents of the village also get to participate along with the pilgrims, and thus everyone is drawn towards devotional values and guidance on the virtues of living. The kirtans are performed every night in front of the Palkhi tent and every night a different dindi is in charge of that function (Deleury, 1960, p.86). Saint Tukaram, one of most famous saints of Varkari Panth strengthened this tradition of kirtan performance by writing over four thousand poems and hymns which are very popular14. The activity of kirtans, bhajans, and the abhangs have been the most important feature of this pilgrimage as, combined with the spiritual teachings they provide the necessary recreational mood and encourage participation from pilgrims as well as the locals, who await the activity eagerly. Thus it not only serves in spreading the religious values but also acts as a reinforcing socio-cultural event. I will be dealing with this aspect in detail in Chapter Seven (Palkhi in Lonand: an Analysis). The other activities which engage the pilgrims are small dramas, folk performances, group games and one of the more famous and sought after is that of ringan15
14 Tukaram spread the teachings of the sect making it largely popular beyond the confinements of caste and creed. His palanquin is also a part of Varkari tradition and is taken from Dehu (near Pune) to Pandharpur, similar to the Palkhi, but from a different route. Today many of his abhangs and bhajans have become an inseparable part of the Varkari Sect. 15 A ringan (or rangan) is a mass ritual performance during which the twin horses that lead the Palkhi are made to gallop [in a particular way] before the assembled devotees (Mokashi, 1987, p.207) 109 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
EXPERIENCE DURING THE JOURNEY
When I walked with the varkaris, from Natepute to Malshiras, it was early morning. The skies had cleared up and the air was cool, refreshing the varkaris from their fatigue of previous 12 days. We reach the stream of Mandavi river after a walk of about four miles, which is the resting point for the Palkhi. There are expansive fields all around, stretching till the horizon, with no hint of hills. Many varkaris are bathing or washing their clothes and utensils in the smaller part of the stream. The fields are a riot of colours as the saris and dhotis (the traditional clothes worn by the women and men varkaris) are held flapping in the winds and turbans flow around bushes and branches. They are helping each other to hold the clothes in the wind to dry, or wringing them out. They are also helping each other with bathing, carrying the water around or scrubbing each other’s backs. (see figures 5.15 and 5.16). Some varkaris are busy discussing about the programmes and activities which are going to happen in the remaining days. Others are having some food, chatting about their lives, telling stories about their home and village, or simply sprawling around and taking rest.
I realise that a sense of community or a large group builds up during the journey. It may be a temporary feeling, experienced while walking and singing the same songs which enhance the spirit of journey. Sometimes it may be experienced through participation in the kirtans, games and other common activities. It may also be a result of sharing personal experiences and spending time together while heading for the same goal.
110 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
Figure 5.15: Varkaris washing clothes and utensils along the route (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 5.16: Morning halt on the way to Malshiras town
(Source: Sane, 2005) 111 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur
TIME FRAME
The Varkaris undertake this ‘spectacular activity’ (Deleury, 1960, p.73) every year and though they are expected to go to Pandharpur on four major ekadashis (eleventh day of waxing moon) as per the Lunar calendar, the most organised and attended is the pilgrimage in June-July which reaches Pandharpur on Ashadhi Ekadashi. Apart from the religious significance of Ashadhi Ekadashi day, the more practical side of it is argued by Karve (1962, p.22). She states that the participation of varkaris (who are mainly the farmers) from all over Maharashtra plateau just at the onset of rainy season (Ashadh month) was obvious, as they had just ploughed their fields and had spare time till they could start the sowing. Further, she says that the absence of coastal people from ‘Konkan’ area was equally justified as they had to work in their fields due to which they attended the pilgrimage in Kartik (November) month. ‘All areas were devoted to Pandharpur but neither the coastal people nor the plateau people neglected their fields to show devotion to Vithoba’ (Karve, 1962, p.22). This reasoning also throws more light on the flexibility of the Varkari sect and its teachings. It doesn’t encourage devotees to avoid their daily duties for God which may also be one of the reasons for its popularity and wide acceptance. One of the crucial aspects related to the Pilgrimage is of time management as the Palkhi is supposed to reach on time, a day prior to Ashadhi Ekadashi in Pandharpur. It is crucial as there are many hurdles all along the way, ranging from harsh rain, heat, calamities like floods and the capacity of individual pilgrims to keep up with the pace of the Palkhi, which also at times slows down the procession. But from experience of previous years, all the palkhis start accordingly, considering possible delays and make it to Pandharpur well within time. The culmination of the Pilgrimage occurs when it reaches Pandharpur tirtha. All the palkhis enter the town in a sequence with the Jnaneshwar palkhi arriving last in the position of greatest honour. The varkaris rejoice and celebrate as they reach the temple of Vithoba. The main focus is then shifted to Lord Vithoba as everybody yearns for His ‘darshan’ (sight) after which the
112 Chapter 5 The ‘Palkhi’ of Alandi to Pandharpur pilgrimage is felt to be complete. After all the pomp and ceremonial rituals, the palkhis are taken back to their origins, without much splendour and the zeal of the onward journey.
CONCLUSION
This is a glimpse of the Palkhi of Alandi to Pandharpur. The above description highlights it as a multifaceted and complex process. It is defined by the two tirthas of Alandi and Pandharpur. The ‘spiritual magnetism’ (Turner, 1987, p.329; Preston, 1992, p.33) of Pandharpur is complemented with the metaphorical presence of Saint Jnaneshwar along the movement. As conclusively stated by Engblom (1987, p.28), this pilgrimage does not fall under the ‘typical’ category of Indian pilgrimages or ‘tirtha yatra’, but more under the specific act of following ‘bhaktimarga’ or the ‘path of devotion’. Karve (1962) also interestingly arrived at a new definition of Maharashtra: ’the land whose people go to Pandharpur for pilgrimage’. Though it fulfils the broader criteria of journeying towards a holy place transforming the individuals to a higher spiritual plane, there are certain nuances which are very specific to the process of achieving the goal. The characteristics of ‘collective devotion’ and ‘walking with fellow brothers and saints’ in a ‘repetitive’ manner renders it a distinct quality which prompts enquiries at multiple levels. Through this chapter, I have addressed elements of the Palkhi and its activities which emphasise its unique character. It has set a background for the analysis. My experiences and the other features of the Palkhi will be articulated and perceived holistically in terms of its spatial manifestation which is complemented by other activities surrounding the pilgrimage. The next chapter focuses on my fieldwork which intersects the zone of public realm with the Pilgrimage activity in the selected town of Lonand.
113 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
Contextual settings of Lonand
Chapter six
The last chapter examined the manifold layers of Alandi to Pandharpur Palkhi and established the context and background for my work. It illustrated the ‘spirit of the Palkhi’ which continues to perpetuate through centuries of change. In the current chapter, I provide the framework for addressing the issues of spatial manifestations pertaining to the Pilgrimage. The study of the existing town settings, as a prelude to analysis of the people-space relationship, is the basis of this discussion. I have derived this approach from Pieper’s (1980) architectural anthropology as discussed in chapter four (pp.84-85), which forms the theoretical underpinnings of the study. In this chapter, I focus on Lonand, one of the selected towns along the Pilgrimage. The work compiled and presented is an outcome of my fieldwork. It is based on my experience of the Palkhi and a close examination of its physical settings. Lonand, due to its pivotal location on the route has been an active element in the Palkhi’s effective periodical functioning. My objective is to analyse the town’s response to the pilgrimage, especially the role of its public spaces. The chapter constitutes, but is not limited to, the documentation of the town’s physical and spatial configuration, weaving in the human element of hospitality and participation of the locals in the activity as a starting point of analysis. The chapter begins with the contextual mapping of Lonand and its significance in the Palkhi. I then articulate the characteristics of the town by using schematic maps, graphics and photographs, thereby providing an overview of the overall town settings. The chapter ends at a specific ‘time’ when the Palkhi enters Lonand, in a narrative exposition of events. Through the sense of an ‘incomplete’ story, it leads to the following chapter seven (Palkhi in Lonand: An Analysis) to carry out the detailed analysis of the research.
114 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand route showing its 15 night -halts i Palkh (Adapted from: Deleury, 1960, plate 6) (Adapted from: Deleury, 1960, plate Figure 6.1:
115 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
BACKGROUND
As noted previously, the Alandi-Pandharpur palkhi travels a distance of about 250 km in 18 days and it takes night halts at 15 towns which are traditionally decided (see figure 6.1). This sacred network woven out of the Palkhi gives a character to the entire activity and to the towns, as they immerse themselves fully in the event. They act like the milestones which mark the progress of the journey, as a varkari experiences increasing elation with every stop that takes him closer to Pandharpur. Amongst these halts, that dot the route, I have selected Lonand town for my observations.
Figure 6.2: Key location of Lonand on the Palkhi route (Source: Sane, 2005) Lonand lies to the south-east of Alandi and is close to half the distance covered from Alandi to Pandharpur. One of the reasons for selecting this town is due to its key location on the pilgrimage route. It is placed at the point where the route turns direction from southwards to south-east. Thus, people from the surrounding areas of Satara district come to Lonand to join the pilgrimage or to take ‘darshan’ of the Palkhi forming an important node at this point (see figure 6.2). It is also the next major town after Pune city along the route for the commercial activities to take place. The second important reason for selecting Lonand is the extended stay of Palkhi for two days. This is its longest stay at one place with the exception of Pune city, and hence makes Lonand a good place for observing the various activities associated with the event. Lonand does not have much historical significance and is not a place of tourist attraction. It is small town that has gained importance by the virtue of its location on the Palkhi route. 116 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
SETTINGS OF LONAND
Lonand is an agricultural and a market town located on the northern border of Satara district in Maharashtra state. Its development plan and report was done by the Zilla Parishad (district council), Satara district under Maharashtra state government in 1978, which was subsequently modified in1980. It is the only document which has recorded all its aspects from physical characteristics to demographic ones. I have used the same as base data, along with the other current information, for my understanding about the town. Since 1978, Lonand has grown from a small village to a town of about 20,000 people (DP Report, 1980) but is still under the jurisdiction of a village panchayat (council).
CONNECTIVITY
The town is located on the junction of two major district roads (MDR) namely the north- south Pune-Satara Road and west-east Khandala-Lonand Road which continues in the same direction to nearby major town of Phaltan and further south-east towards Pandharpur (see figure 6.3). The Miraj- Mumbai broad gauge railway line also passes through the town, thus providing a good connectivity with other Figure 6.3: Major road and rail connections important towns in the state. (Adapted from: DP Report 1980)
117 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
ACCESSIBILITY, ROAD NETWORK
Other than the main link of the Satara-Pune road the overall traffic pattern observed in the town is of a slow-moving nature and hence there were no provisions made for road widening in the development plan. The two major roads within the gaothan (town core) area are Bazaar Peth road and Laxmi road which branch off from the main Satara-Pune road (see figure 6.4). They are internally linked by small roads and lanes giving the town a very human scale. An overlap of pedestrian and vehicular pattern is observed throughout the day and the same space is also used for playing, group interactions, shopping and other religious activities thereby rendering the place a very lively quality. The commercial activities are concentrated along these two roads and Satara-Pune.
Figure 6.4: Road Network in Lonand showing two main roads 1: Bazaar Peth road; 2: Laxmi Road (Adapted from: DP Report, 1980)
118 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
CLIMATE AND RAINFALL
As noted from the climatological data of Lonand (DP Report 1980, p.10) the maximum temperature recorded in summer (April) rose up to 38.7degrees celsius and dropped to a minimum of 7.4 degrees celcius in winter (December). Rainfall occurs mainly during the monsoon months of May to October with an annual average of 390.4mm. The maximum rainfall ever recorded was in the month of August which was 108.6mm. The prevalent wind direction is from the south-west. The climatic pattern can be said to be of an alternating type which is common for most western parts of India. As seen from the climatic data and prevalent patterns in the region, the climate alternates between hot dry and warm humid for the majority of the year. Overall, the town has a warm climate throughout the year, with the exception of the monsoon months which tend to be relatively pleasant due to the rains.
DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS
From the population projection chart (DP Report, 1980, pp.11-12), the present day residing population of the town is about 20,000 people. From its occupational structure, the town has been classified as an ‘agricultural and a commercial’ town with its onion trade ranked second in the state (see figures 6.5 & 6.6). Also from the study, it was found out that Lonand does not boast a high opportunity for jobs due to limited growth and therefore does not attract people from the surrounding villages for work. The younger population was observed to emigrate to major cities like Pune or Mumbai for better opportunities in education and work.
119 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
Figure 6.5: Agricultural surrounds (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 6.6: Weekly bazaar or market (Source: Sane, 2005)
120 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
LAND USE AND GROWTH TRENDS
The development is mainly observed in the core town area known as ‘gaothan’, which spans between a small stream at the north-west and the railway line at the east (see figure 6.7). The total area under village limits measures 2526.6 hectares out of which 150.3 hectares constitutes the developed area of the town. It is predominantly of a residential nature with a supplementary commercial and public use. The remaining area is used for agricultural and marginally for agro-industrial purposes. The railway line passing through the town divides the major developed area into two distinct parts. The market yard, police headquarters and the high school are situated on the eastern side of railway line, and the residential area, shopping, weekly bazaar and government offices on the western side (D.P. report, 1980). The land for bazaar happening on Thursday is allocated on the western side near the stream. This land is alternatively used as the Palkhi base during its stay.
Figure 6.7: Land use pattern (Adapted from: DP Report, 1980)
121 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
HISTORY AND CULTURE
The Bhairavnath temple is the oldest temple in the town (see Figure 6.8). It is also quite famous locally. Many other small temples are located in the gaothan area but are of less historical importance. The Shelke and Kshirsagar families are the founding residents of Lonand and their ancestry dates back to the rule of King Shivaji in the sixteenth century. (DP report, 1980) The town celebrates all the local festivals throughout the year and the Palkhi sojourn is one of its major celebrations. 35 years ago, the Palkhi’s base was shifted from the outskirts of Lonand (on the banks of river Nira) to its present day location, within the town due to the growing number of pilgrims. (Dhavlikar, 2005). The Palkhi route within the town is such that it passes along most of the temples or religious nodes, thereby honouring their presence. Figure 6.9 indicates the Palkhi route towards its base (Palkhi tal: shown yellow)) traversing various temples along the way (shown red).
ARCHITECTURAL PATTE Figure 6.8: Bhairavnath Temple Figure 6.9: Palkhi route in Lonand (Source: Sane, 2005) (Adapted from: DP Report, 1980)
122 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
ARCHITECTURAL PATTERN AND SETTINGS
The gaothan area or the core of the town, is a dense settlement (see figure 6.10), consisting of mainly residential development mixed with commercial use. The majority of the cultural activities occur in this western part which is not a planned area. It has evolved over a period of time in an ‘organic’ manner like most of the surrounding villages. This organic pattern is evident through a lack of repetitive and regular plots or blocks of buildings. There is no formal street grid and land use pattern. The overall housing development is a result of an incremental process in which the residents construct, expand or improve their houses depending on their economic situations. Commonly observed is the conversion of ground floor or the street facing rooms of the houses to shops, thus combining the two activities. The architectural character of this town can be said to be in a state of rapid change. The older buildings have tiled sloping roofs and verandas. Load-bearing construction with local materials like stone, brick; or timber construction is commonly observed here as in the surrounding region. The new buildings have framed reinforced cement concrete (RCC) construction with a modern look of rendered concrete and paint. Thus, there is no uniformity in the visual character of the town. The entire gaothan is linked by several narrow lanes which remain in shade throughout the day (see figure 6.11). This is a typical response of vernacular architecture to the warm climate prevailing for the most part of the year. It is also an outcome of the organic development as lanes, by-lanes, offshoots and niches have emerged out of the in-between spaces of the buildings creating a complex spatial network.
123 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
Figure 6.10: Dense gaothan with mixed architectural character (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 6.11: Narrow Lanes (Source: Sane, 2005) 124 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
The most important architectural feature binding the urban fabric is the treatment of the edge condition. As figures 6.12 and 6.13 show, in Lonand this consists of 1200 -1800mm wide verandas, connected to the road by steps and covered by the projection of the building above. This feature has also affected the use of public spaces as it articulates the edges by softening it so as to blur the boundaries between the private and the public.
Figure 6.12: Typical street section (Source: Sane, 2006)
Figure 6.13: Balconies and verandas overlooking Laxmi road in Lonand Source: (Sane, 2006) 125 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
PUBLIC SPACES IN LONAND
The streets and the public spaces mirror the lifestyle of the town. The public spaces in Lonand have emerged as a consequence of usage as well as time. The existing land-use and the development plan do not mention anything about the character of these spaces or their use, generally showing apathy towards them. Consequently, there is no provision for such spaces in the new development plan. The only mention is of allocating land zones for public gardens and playgrounds which fall under the category of ‘recreation’. The traditionally developed village squares based on community patterns have somewhat managed to retain their character, probably as a result of non- development of public spaces. The growing impact of modernisation, on the one hand, is taking its toll in the form of ‘socio-culturally unrelated patterns of buildings and city planning’ (Doshi, 1997, p.16) whereas the ritual practices and festivals, on the other hand, still hold on to traditional ways of life and usage of spaces. What we see today in Lonand is an amalgamated whole. When I walked through the town for the first time, I was surprised to observe the widening of roads at certain junctions or near the temples; and increase in the building setbacks in some locations to form a sort of a square. These spaces seemed to surface at intervals without any planned interventions or design elements. The overall character of the streets is of heterogeneous nature. Various shops spill onto the road, furniture and ad-hoc advertisement signs are placed differently everyday, vegetable and fruit vendors occupy the available street space for their businesses in a haphazard way or without much apparent order (see figure 6.14). Public spaces are not confined to the squares but encompass the streets, lanes, nooks, corners, verandas and steps. They almost form a ‘labyrinth within a cellular structure with numerous openings, passages’ and fragmented architectural fabric (Edensor, 1998, p.206). I noted that the streets as well as these spaces responded to the activities around (or were a part of them), such as temple visits, daily shopping, interaction and business. The mixed land use allows for the
126 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand extension of both, residential and commercial activities into the street space, rendering the spaces a quality of liveliness and informality. As against the ‘increasingly regulated qualities of Western street life ’, we see a ‘rich diversity of social activity’ (Edensor, 1998, p.205), which gets intensified when the streets turn into sites for various types of movement and events that inscribe themselves onto the spatial scene. Lonand, like many other Indian towns and cities has multiple types of street movement ranging from two-wheelers, bicycles, pedestrians, hawkers, stray animals, auto-rickshaws, bullock-carts, trucks and cars (though to a lesser extent), adding to the liveliness of the public realm.
Figure 6.14: Vegetable market on the street (Source: Sane, 2006)
127 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
Figure 6.15 & 6.16: Streetscapes in Lonand (Source: Sane, 2005)
128 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
PALKHI IN LONAND
Each year, the town people await the Palkhi with enthusiasm as it heralds the festive mood of celebrations. Preparations start about a couple of months in advance, involving infrastructure planning, provision of facilities, security measures which are a done by the local village council. Tradespersons and merchants from the town and surrounding villages step up their goods manufacture for the upcoming event which takes on the form of a fair. During my fieldwork, I went to Lonand on the afternoon just before the Palkhi arrived. I begin the description of the pilgrimage travel during that day, paraphrasing and translating (from Marathi) the excerpts from the local newspaper:
‘The Palkhi left Walhe village after a night halt and started early in the morning for Lonand. After the ten day incessant rainfall it was a relief to see the Sun finally make its way through the clouded sky. The Palkhi travelled amidst abhang and ‘Harinam’ (the chanting of God’s name “Hari” a synonym for Lord Vitthal or Vithoba) and intermittent soothing breeze to reach the river Nira at about noon. There was a grand welcome organised by the political officials and the localites. The villagers from all the nearby areas had come together to take darshan of the palkhi and view the ritual bathing (in river Nira) of the silver paduka (footwear) of Saint Jnaneshwar. This bathing is considered a very auspicious occasion and is the only one which precedes the mega event of ritual bathing in Chandrabhaga river at Pandharpur. After lunch and rest, the Palkhi and the varkaris resumed their journey towards Lonand entering the Satara district at 2.30pm’ (Sakal, 2005, 5th July 2005; Aikya, 5th July 2005).
I watched the town as it readied itself for the event. It was getting decorated with welcome gateways (see figure 6.17), banners, flowers, garlands and firework arrangements. Temporary welcome sheds were erected that had loudspeakers blaring out announcements about the current location of the
Palkhi and its estimated arrival time. It was interspersed with bhajans and quotations from saintly literature. The mood of celebrations and a sense of importance and pride displayed by the town residents were obvious. They felt 129 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand blessed that Saint Jnaneshwar was arriving at their doorstep, and that they were getting a chance to serve him and the varkaris.
Figure 6.17: Welcome gateway for the varkaris (Source: Sane, 2005) The element of mere hospitality towards the guests transcended into something more powerful; into a feeling of hope, satisfaction and overflowing happiness. I could almost believe that this was the first time that this event was happening. I then started to see a trickle of varkaris arrive. They were the ones who had walked ahead of the Palkhi carrying their orange flags and banners. I began to feel a childlike curiosity to see the Palkhi’s entry.
Then I went to the Palkhi Tal, the open space where the Palkhi was supposed to rest. The space had lost its vacant character. It was rapidly getting filled up with trucks, tents, sheds and pilgrims in their colourful clothes (see figure 6.18). The main tent of Saint Jnaneshwar (see Figure 6.19) was set up towards the farthest end, and was quite large and heavily decorated. It was supposed to serve almost as his temple during the next two days, when the people came to worship him or take his darshan.
130 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
Figure 6.18: Temporary shed stretched from a truck on Palkhi tal. (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 6.19: Saint Jnaneshwar’s tent on Palkhi tal. (Source: Sane, 2005) 131 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
The infectious enthusiasm engulfed me. I walked back near the entry point, looked around at the environment with its diverse range of embellishments. I tried to locate a vantage point, just like every other onlooker and local resident so that I could get the best possible view of the
Palkhi chariot. I finally decided upon a second floor terrace and went inside to ask for the resident’s permission to enter their premises. He posed no issue and was quite happy to offer access for the Palkhi’s darshan. Similarly, others seemed happy to offer their verandas, steps, balconies and terraces to their friends and onlookers who wanted to see the Palkhi arrival. They were trying to be of assistance in any possible way, as they believed they were finally doing it for Saint Jnaneshwar.
It was a moment of revelation for me. The individual mattered the least.
Who was doing what and for whom was of little consequence as the higher goal was to honour God by serving the Palkhi. This set me into the perspective for my future observations, and for my research as a whole. I realized that I had to step out of my usual self, the ‘me’ with my sense of modernity and beliefs, if I had to truly understand the whole process. I completely forgot that
I had walked with the Palkhi, had witnessed its arrival in Pune city, and that I have been seeing it since my childhood. I found myself sitting on the rooftop, waiting in eager anticipation for the drama to unfold.
At around quarter past five, it started drizzling and I felt disappointment rise within myself. I was worried about my being able to take photographs as my main intention was to observe and document the moments. Fortunately, the rain stopped and I suddenly heard the bang of fireworks followed by the familiar shouts of people “Jnanoba Mauli
Tukaram”, “the Palkhi’s here”, the uproar of loudspeakers, drums and cymbals as everyone rose to the occasion (see figure 6.20).
132 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
Figure 6.20: Glimpse of Palkhi arrival in Lonand (Source: Sane, 2005)
133 Chapter 6 Contextual settings of Lonand
CONCLUSION
This chapter has set out the various dimensions of Lonand town. It is examined through Rapoport’s (1977) viewpoint - the physical environment as a setting for psychological, social and cultural activities. The town’s organic nature of growth, mixed land-use and social structure is characteristic of a typical Indian town. The nature of architectural settings and development is observed to be heterogeneous with the unifying elements of the transition spaces. These spaces foster day to day interaction as do the streets and public spaces alike. The selection of public spaces on the Palkhi’ route is addressed in the next chapter. Thus, rather than rigid spaces with distinct boundaries, the overall town exhibits a fluid and open character. Its responsiveness to the temporal activity of Pilgrimage is analysed with this background. The last part of the chapter is illustrative of the human element of participation. It is a mutual experience for both, the pilgrims as well as the local people. The role of the existing physical and social environment and its degree of affordability is the next level of enquiry. The following chapter continues the detailed description of the Palkhi stay in Lonand through time based activity mapping in the selected public spaces. It leads to the analysis of the people–space relationship.
134 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Palkhi in Lonand: An Analysis
Chapter seven
In the previous chapters, I established the specific characteristics of the Alandi-Pandharpur Palkhi and the settings of Lonand through which it traverses. The last chapter outlined the morphological structure of Lonand giving a brief account of the Palkhi’s entry. The current chapter forms the pivotal element of my thesis. Here, I demonstrate how the public spaces of Lonand respond to the Palkhi’s activities. The understanding developed from the generic factors of the pilgrimage phenomenon and the public spaces (see chapters three and four respectively) is applied to the specific context. The phenomenological analysis method (discussed in chapter two) integrates the comprehensive data, structural descriptions of the Palkhi and my personal experiences in order to address the research questions. The chapter begins with an introduction to the two selected public spaces on the Palkhi’s route in Lonand. Applying the physical criteria developed in chapter four, I examine their existing spatial and architectural characteristics. It provides a day-to-day picture of the town’s settings. Then I apply the experiential criteria focussing on the aspect of movement. The next part continues the story of the Palkhi in Lonand from the point where it stopped in the preceding chapter. It is given in the form of a detailed description and is an outcome of my observations of the event. I have used the method of activity mapping in the selected public squares at three different times during the Palkhi’s stay. It represents the Palkhi’s activities in the town. The factual description is interspersed with narratives which reflect my experience of the phenomenon. Then, I focus on the interpretation of the overall data drawing on the behaviour settings and patterns. Thus, this chapter primarily demonstrates the outcomes of the participant observation method through the qualitative analysis of the Palkhi phenomenon. It focuses on the spatial responsiveness of Lonand’s selected public squares. This chapter
135 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis provides a framework for further synthesis and findings addressed in the next chapter.
SELECTED PUBLIC SQUARES
The selection of the public spaces in Lonand is based on the settings of Lonand discussed in previous chapter. However, a preliminary analysis was involved in their selection which I discuss as follows. Among the various events and festivals in Lonand town, the Palkhi’s arrival and stay is much awaited and publicly celebrated. The Jnaneshwar Palkhi follows the route which passes many temples including the Bhairavnath temple, to reach its tent located in the market area or the palkhi tal (see chapter six, p.122). This route passes through the dense gaothan (town core) area. There are two main squares at the junctions of Laxmi road. These squares are the ‘Laxmi chowk’ and the ‘Tanaji chowk’ (see figure 7.1) and they define the extent of public space on the Palkhi route. Hence, due to their key location, they were selected for my observations.
Figure 7.1: Part plan of Lonand showing the selected public spaces on the Palkhi route (Adapted from: DP Report, 1980) 136 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Chowk is the local word for a square or junction of four roads. It is perhaps more appropriate to call it a public space than a square. Normally, these chowks are named after some famous personality or a god or goddess whose temple is located nearby. Laxmi chowk has the temple of goddess Laxmi at its heart (see figure 7.2) and hence its name. The other chowk is more centrally located and is named after the famous historic figure of Tanaji, a brave warrior from the 16th century. I now examine both the chowks (squares) closely to analyse their morphological character.
LAXMI CHOWK
Laxmi chowk is the first public square on the arrival route of the Palkhi. It is formed by a meeting of three roads but is spatially and visually divided by the Laxmi temple (see figures 7.2 & 7.3). The temple is virtually on the edges of the three roads though it is not centrally placed in the chowk. Thus, the square falls under the category of religious ‘node’ (Lynch, 1960, p.9). The prominent street leading to the square is Laxmi road, which is lined by public and commercial buildings. The same road turns towards Tanaji chowk and continues further as a major shopping street.
Figure 7.2: Laxmi chowk showing Laxmi temple (Source: Sane, 2005)
137 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.3: Laxmi road leading to Laxmi chowk (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 7.4: View from Laxmi chowk (Source: Sane, 2005) 138 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
TANAJI CHOWK
Tanaji chowk is the next square on the Palkhi route and is located almost centrally in the gaothan (town core) area of Lonand. Like Laxmi chowk, it is also formed by the meeting of three roads, one of which is Laxmi road. There are no significant buildings within the square, but it has three large banyan trees. The two trees abutting the Laxmi road have masonry platforms around them (see figure 7.5). However, the edges of this chowk are not well defined on all sides. The southern side has plinth remains of a demolished structure (see figure 7.9) which does not have a particular use. On the south-western corner, there is a half complete building in concrete frame construction which is proposed for a mosque (DP Report, 1980), but is currently devoid of any architectural character.
Figure 7.5: Tanaji Chowk showing the banyan trees with masonry platforms around (Source: Sane, 2005)
139 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Being in the dense gaothan, both the chowks are mainly enclosed by residential structures, although their ground floors have commercial use. The typical section combining the house and shop which face the street is a common feature along both the squares. The architectural character (see chapter six, p.123-24) is assorted, as old and new buildings abut each other forming a composite fabric. Given this background, I apply the physical criteria to both the chowks as developed in chapter four. This assists to analyse the existing architectural settings and establish the background data for the activity mapping.
APPLYING THE PHYSICAL CRITERIA
SENSE OF ENCLOSURE
Both chowks are enclosed from all sides by buildings which are mainly residential and commercial and to a lesser extent, public or religious. The enclosing elements, in the case of Laxmi chowk (see figure 7.6) are discontinuous as some intermediate plots are vacant or in a state of new construction. A triangular open plot marks one edge and is fenced up to demarcate the road area. It is not an accessible space and appears to be left- over from an adjoining plot. There is a large Neem (Azadiracta indica) tree within this plot which acts as a visual buffer between the adjoining building facade and the chowk. Laxmi temple is the focus of the chowk due to its religious nature and siting. Hence, it can be classified under Zucker’s (1959, p.8) ‘dominated square’ type (see chapter four, p.66). But, the temple does not have any specialised architectural character; on the contrary, due to its sloping roof and the veranda, it visually merges with the surrounding residential buildings.
140 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.6: Laxmi Chowk: Existing land-use plan (Adapted from: DP Report, 1980)
141 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Tanaji chowk (see figure 7.7) is surrounded by interconnected buildings which are visually screened by tree foliage. The tree platforms (See figure 8) are the feature elements of the chowk as they create an inviting atmosphere, bringing people to the square and encouraging them to stay. Commonly observed is the scene, where the older male members of the town sit along these platforms, interacting with each other as well as with passers-by. This adds an element of liveliness or a ‘lived-in’ quality to the chowk.
Figure 7.7: Tanaji Chowk: Existing land-use plan (Adapted from: DP Report, 1980)
142 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.8: Tanaji chowk as a public interaction space (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 7.9: Tanaji chowk showing the plinth remains and the building under construction (Source: Sane, 2005) 143 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
SCALE AND PROPORTION
The size of the square is experienced relative to the height of the enclosing elements. Referring to the thumb rules developed by urban theorists (see chapter four, p.67-69), for proportions of a small public square, I have analysed both the chowks.
Laxmi Chowk The size of Laxmi chowk is approximately 27 m by 32m (see figure 7.10). Though the minimum dimension1 exceeds 21 m, it is important to note that these dimensions are discontinuous due to the presence of Laxmi Temple in
Figure 7.10: Laxmi Chowk, Plan, showing the square dimensions (Adapted from: DP Report, 1980)
1 Alexander et.al. (1977, p.313) based on pedestrian density and human recognisability within a small public space has stated the optimum width of 45-60 feet (approx. 14 -21m) (see chapter four, p. 69) 144 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis the chowk, which divides the square into fragments. The area in front of the temple veranda is the effective space used whereas the peripheral areas lie within the street zones. This effective space is about 14m in width and thus falls within the acceptable range for small public squares (see footnote 2). After looking at the horizontal dimensions of the chowk, it is essential to examine its overall proportions with respect to the enclosing elements. The proportions of public space play an important role in determining its experiential qualities. I analyse it through the transverse and longitudinal sections as follows.
Figure 7.11: Laxmi chowk, transverse section (Source: Sane, 2006)
Figure 7.12: Laxmi chowk, longitudinal section (Source: Sane, 2006)
145 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
The transverse section of Laxmi chowk (see figure 7.11) shows about 8m to 11m on either side of the temple with the total dimension (including the temple being of 27.7m approximately. The buildings on both sides range up to a maximum height of 8.15m. The building on the corner of Laxmi road is ground plus two storeys high. It is in a stepped receding profile from 8.15 to 11.35m high. Thus the width to height ratio varies between 45 to 18 degrees respectively. These fall within the range of optimum angles2 to view the surrounding buildings without getting overpowered by their height. The longitudinal section (see figure 7.12) shows that the buildings which enclose the Laxmi chowk range from approximately 11.35 to 14.55m in height (maximum of ground plus three storeys high). Though the physical (usable) width of the chowk is 30m (including the temple) the adjoining open plot (fenced up) has an additional 24m width abutting the tallest (14.55m high) hospital building. Hence, visually the space extends beyond 30m giving the square a more spacious feel. The stark mass of the hospital building is softened by this open plot with the large (Neem) tree which acts like a visual buffer. Now similarly I examine the proportions for Tanaji chowk.
2 As stated in chapter four (p.68), According to Hegeman and Peets (1922, cited in Simonds, 1961, p.189; Moughtin, 1992, p. 100), the distance of the viewer from the building ranges between 45 degrees (to see building details) to 18 degrees or thrice the height of the building (to grasp a group of buildings).
146 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Tanaji Chowk The edge of Tanaji chowk is not easily seen as the main shopping street (Laxmi road) passes through the chowk. As seen in figure 7.13, the effective clear space is approximately 17m by 18m which is nearly squarish in shape. In addition, the plinth remains of the demolished structure extend the space visually by approximately 5m (see figure 7.9), providing a total width of 22 m. The clear space between the pars (tree platforms) is about 11 m which links the Laxmi road to the chowk. Overall, the width range of Tanaji chowk is effective as a small square.
Figure 7.13: Tanaji chowk plan, showing the square dimensions (Source: Sane, 2006) 147 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Following the same theoretical framework for analysis, as applied to Laxmi chowk, I now examine Tanaji chowk through transverse and longitudinal sections as follows.
Figure 7.14: Tanaji Chowk: Transverse Section (Source: Sane, 2006)
The transverse section of Tanaji chowk shows (see figure 7.14), that the buildings which enclose the Chowk are ground plus two storeys high (11.35m) on the northern and western sides, and ground plus three storeys high (14.55m) on the southern side. The resultant angles of vision range between 27 to 33 degrees. However, due to the dense tree cover on either side, the volume of the square is considerably reduced and the vision is blocked.
Figure 7.15: Tanaji Chowk, Longitudinal Section (Source: Sane, 2006)
148 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
The longitudinal section (see figure 7.15) shows the two and three storey buildings enclosing the square. The smaller building (ground plus one storey high) abutting the Laxmi road opens up the chowk visually. The visual angles fall between 16 to 22 degrees. These angles are not measured from the centre of the space but from the extreme edge to consider the worst possible location. They are quite close to the acceptable range of 18 to 45 degrees. Overall, as compared to the Laxmi chowk, Tanaji chowk has a greater close knit quality, mainly due to lesser horizontal dimensions and taller enclosing buildings. But on a broader level, both, Laxmi chowk and Tanaji chowk fall within the workable limits in terms of their spatial proportions. It also signifies their higher usability as one may not feel claustrophobic or too exposed within the given proportions. The fenestration of the enclosing buildings in both squares is characterised by projecting balconies and stepped profiles. The edge condition of these buildings exhibits a transitional character with steps and verandas which lead to shops. As observed in Lonand, the permeability (see chapter six, p.125) between the built environment and the street life is enhanced due to these transition spaces. They encourage interaction with passers-by (see figure 7.16) who come to the shop, not only to buy goods but for a casual exchange of news and local gossip. In some instances, the veranda was also observed to be used for goods storage or for setting out the hoardings and sometimes by children for playing games. The social life of the town is thus reflected through these spaces. Though the angles of vision of the building façade are mentioned, they are not directly relevant for both the squares, as neither the squares nor the enclosing buildings are specially designed. They have evolved organically like the rest of the town. The enclosing buildings do not have a particularly rich architectural character. Rather, they act as a backdrop and contribute to a sense of enclosure. The criteria derived from European precedents (which are essentially designed plazas) thus have a limited applicability here. Hence, I have used them at a broader level to evaluate the physical configuration and sense of enclosure.
149 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.16: Edge condition of a shop on Laxmi road encouraging interaction (Source: Sane, 2005)
SPATIAL ORGANISATION
The spatial organisation of Lonand town is of a clustered or an additive type (see chapter four, p.70). Since the town has evolved over a period of time the intermediate spaces between the buildings do not seem to have a planned character. They are more like left-over spaces. Both chowks can be said to be formed out of the ‘swelling of streets’ (Alexander et.al., 1977, p. 311) or widening of streets at important nodes or junctions. The surrounding buildings have a fragmented character with small lanes, open plots and nooks. Since the town has developed on an ‘ad-hoc’ basis (DP Report, 1980, p.15), there is no formal organisation of the chowks either. The aspects of view and enframement are not directly applicable to either of the squares. There is no particular view towards which the spaces are directed. However, in Laxmi chowk, the temple is spatially dominant and 150 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis acts as a point of reference or landmark. In Tanaji chowk, though subtly, the two trees with their platforms form the key elements in the square as they become the focus of activity.
CLIMATIC EFFICIENCY
As seen in chapter four, a public space, however well proportioned and well designed needs to offer a minimum level of climatic comfort for its efficient functioning. The degree of this comfort depends on the harshness of climate or on its ‘severity and [the] forcefulness’ (Rapoport, 1969, p.83).The criterion of climatic efficiency is analysed here for the purpose of understanding its impact on the built form which affects the spatial usage. It is examined at two levels: macroclimate of Lonand and microclimate of both chowks. The town and the surrounding region have an ‘alternating type’ of climatic pattern (see chapter six, p.119) summarised as follows. The three distinct seasons of the Indian subcontinent are also observed here: summer, monsoon and winter. But overall, for almost eight months of the year, the climate is of warm type alternating between hot-dry and warm-humid. As Lonand is an agricultural town, rainfall is of crucial importance. Rainfall is moderate and occurs in the monsoon months of June to September, as commonly observed throughout the country (DP Report, 1980, p.10). Lonand has developed without any planned intervention, till the development plan of 1980 was proposed by the Maharashtra state government. The vernacular architectural style which developed over a period of time is reflected in the usage of local materials such as brick, stone and timber; and construction techniques such as load bearing or timber-frame construction. The clustered configuration of the town, narrow lanes, projecting balconies and roof overhangs are a response to the warm climate. The clustering helps to create shaded areas which can be used during the day- time. Similarly, projections in the form of balconies, roof and window overhangs cast shadows, thereby creating cooler areas and interesting visual patterns. Local materials like stone and bricks add to the thermal insulation keeping the interiors cool. Thus, the built form has evolved as a response to the local climate. Outdoor areas such as lanes and semi open areas play an 151 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis important role climatically. Verandas act like buffer spaces to keep the external walls in shade. These semi-covered areas provide more comfort as they do not trap the heat and allow the breeze to flow through. Hence, they are used throughout the day for multiple activities3. At a micro-climatic scale, Laxmi chowk has an open character and is in partial shade during the day due to the surrounding buildings. The only tree in the vicinity is in the adjoining open plot which does not cast any substantial shadow on the square. Hence, during the day, its use is quite restricted to movement of people and vehicles and for short-term activities like shopping, transactions, visiting the temple etc. I observed that the chowk was being used by the kids for playing games (like cricket) and by elders for a range of recreational activities in the evenings when the harshness of sunlight started to diminish, thus rendering the space a lively quality. In comparison, Tanaji chowk has a close-knit and enclosed character due to the surrounding relatively high buildings. The presence of trees, in addition, keeps most of the square in shade, for a major part of the year. Hence, it is used during the day as a meeting and interaction place by the senior male populace. In the evenings, the tree platforms are occupied by the younger generation (mostly males) to hang out, loiter around, watch the passers-by and exchange local gossip. In both chowks and connecting streets the verandas in front of the shops are used extensively. Overall, Lonand does not have harsh climatic conditions, and it is reflected in the built environment and the lifestyles of the local people. The Alandi-Pandharpur Pilgrimage occurs at the onset of monsoon, in June-July. It is the time when the harsh summer is nearly over. The climate tends to be cooler and pleasant with cloudy skies and intermittent breezes and rain. The climatic demands are minimised to temporary structures for the pilgrims to
3 As discussed in chapter four (p.72), Correa (2000, p.106) asserts the use of open to sky spaces in India and similar hot regions. Based on his study of vernacular architecture, he argues that almost 75% of the daily activities can be carried out in spaces such as terraces, courtyards, verandas for at least 70% of the year.
152 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis protect them from the rains. Thus, the criterion of climatic efficiency has fewer implications in analysing the spatial responsiveness to the people’s activities during the Pilgrimage. This fact supports Rapoport’s (1969, p.83) findings that climatic determinism in shaping the built form comes into play only if the conditions are severe.
APPLYING THE EXPERIENTIAL CRITERIA
Though the experiential criteria developed in chapter four form the basis of this discussion, I have not applied them directly or sequentially. Except for the criterion of movement, which forms the link between the physical criteria and activity mapping, the rest are used as guidelines to extract the behaviour patterns and spatial responses to them discussed later in the chapter.
MOVEMENT
In this part of the chapter, I now examine the key aspect of movement, which is central to both, pilgrimage and public space. The aim is to understand movement patterns engendered within the existing spatial settings of Lonand’s chowks. It presents an insight into the day to day experience of public space (see chapter four, pp. 73-76 & 83). The discussion draws on the spatial analysis of the chowks to link it to the activity mapping of the Palkhi carried out in the latter part of this chapter. The purpose of this discussion is to assist understanding of spatial responsiveness through the experience of movement in the public space. The concept of movement to and through a public square involves body movement and perception of surroundings. Both squares discussed above are unplanned having evolved organically and the movement pattern observed is also somewhat spontaneous and informal. For the purpose of this analysis, I have considered the pedestrian movement. As discussed by Hiller and Hanson (1984, cited in Corbett, 2004, p.49), the urban structure, essentially the streets and the blocks between them, has a fundamental influence upon patterns of movement. 153 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
On the basis of the physical configuration of both chowks, I now analyse them in terms of the movement patterns generated through their spatial layout. However, movement cannot be restricted only to the chowks. It is fluid and continuous through streets, paths and nodes. The analysis is also extended to include the adjoining streets which connect to the chowks. The experience during movement is a result of multi-sensory perception, though the visual sense is dominant. As discussed in chapter four (pp.73-76), the visual experience of movement can be analysed through the concepts of serial vision (Cullen, 1961, p.17) and sequential progression (Bacon, 1978, p.53) and its finer nuances through transition and hierarchy (Alexander et.al.,1977, pp.552 & 558). The element of ‘complexity’ (Rapoport, 1987, p.194.) in the visual imagery and its potential in stimulating mutual interaction (between the users and settings) also adds to the overall spatial analysis (see chapter four, p.83). Given this background, I now present the analysis of the movement pattern in and around both chowks. It is examined through the following diagrams (see figures 7.17 to 7.20), which illustrate the movement through plan and the photographs. While walking, I have taken the photographs at about an equal interval of 15-20 m depending upon the road length and the change of scene. I refer to these stages with serial numbers accordingly. For the purpose of this analysis, I have considered two major roads linked to the chowks which are used during the Pilgrimage event.
154 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.17: From Laxmi road towards Laxmi chowk. (Source: Sane, 2005)
From Laxmi road towards Laxmi chowk Figure 7.17 shows the pedestrian movement on Laxmi road. The spatial experience of walking from the highway junction towards Laxmi chowk is illustrated graphically in four stages. Up to stage two (nearly 40m from the chowk), the edge character is dominated by public buildings such as the municipal council building and the hospital. These are three to four storeys high and hence constrain the vision. Being recently constructed they have a rendered concrete finish. The lower floors have shops or other commercial uses like small offices. As one proceeds towards Laxmi chowk, the character of the surroundings buildings changes to a more residential one. The fenestration of stepped verandas, balconies and window projections is 155 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis commonly seen along the edge of the road. Due to the open triangular plot on the corner, one starts seeing the glimpse of Laxmi temple (stage three). The road also narrows towards the point where it meets Laxmi chowk (near stage four), setting up a sense of progression. The arrival in the chowk is marked by a sudden open space with the Laxmi temple in it. As the architecture of the temple is subtle, it does not heighten the drama of arrival in the chowk. Rather, it acts as a point of visual repose with its traditional character. As seen from the photographs, one also experiences the transition from the busy and chaotic environment of Laxmi road to the more restful and relaxed one in the chowk.
Towards Laxmi Chowk from Shri Sitaladevi road Figure 7.18 illustrates the movement from the adjoining road (Shri Sitaladevi road) to Laxmi road. This road is relatively quiet without any commercial activity. Most of the buildings in this area are residential with the exception of Sri Sitaladevi temple located towards the other end (near stage one). The buildings along the road side are up to double storey high, mostly with a local architectural character. There are a lot of setbacks and open spaces4 with a few trees along the road edge. This road also narrows down as it meets Laxmi chowk (see stage three). Until one enters the chowk, it is difficult to see the temple, as it is blocked by the double storey house on the corner (stage four). However, the effect of arrival into the chowk is less pronounced as there is no sequential progression in the visual or spatial qualities during the movement. Stage five illustrates the view of the street from the chowk. It appears to be more interesting as one does not see the entire streetscape due to its winding nature leaving scope for anticipation.
4 As observed during the palkhi’s sojourn in Lonand, this road and the setbacks were being used for parking of trucks which carried the food and belongings of the varkaris. Some pilgrims had also set out their tents in these spaces. 156 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis d Shri Sitaladevi roa ) from 2005 , k chow Source: Sane ( Figure 7.18: Towards Laxmi
157 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis k chow ) from Laxmi k 2005 , chow Source: Sane ( Figure 7.19: Towards Tanaji
Towards Tanaji chowk from Laxmi chowk Figure 7.19 illustrates the continuation of Laxmi road towards Tanaji chowk. It is the main shopping street and is lined with shops. The street edge is defined by the verandas and steps without much deviation in their alignment. The trees in Tanaji chowk serve as landmarks during this movement. The visual character of this street is lively due to the hoardings and advertisement signs, which jut out of balconies or onto the verandas. The 158 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis arrival in Tanaji chowk is a gradual transition from shopping street to a place for interaction, rest and pause. Spatially, the experience of arrival in the chowk is accentuated due to its niche like placement and enclosed character. One has to turn in the square purposely, as the road continues seamlessly past it. The tree platforms encourage the passers-by to wait, chat, interact or have a cup of tea at the small shops within the chowk. The shade provided by the two trees also has a welcoming effect on the people who are exposed to the harsh sunlight while walking on Laxmi road. Thus, the experience of movement towards the chowk is affected by visual as well as ambient factors.
Figure 7.20: Tanaji chowk to Bhairavnath temple on Palkhi route (Source: Sane, 2005)
159 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.20 illustrates the route of the Palkhi from Tanaji chowk towards Bhairavnath temple. This is a good example of sequential progression which has an unfolding quality. It is experienced when one proceeds along the street, with the buildings of varying architectural character emerging around the corner. It is an outcome of variations in the layout, size, and alignment. This area of gaothan (core of the town) has many old buildings and houses which are closely clustered. The street is configured around the buildings which results in a complex movement pattern (see stage 4). It is enhanced by the projecting and receding building masses, interplay of shade and light and changing street widths. The peak of Bhairavnath temple acts as an important visual landmark during this movement. For the above analysis, though the pedestrian movement is considered, the movement patterns in Lonand are an outcome of the variety of vehicles - two-wheelers, auto-rickshaws, bicycles, pedestrians, animals, bullock carts and hand-carts which move at different speeds as they manoeuvre for space. ‘Walking down the street cannot be a seamless, uninterrupted journey but is rather a sequence of interruptions and encounters that disrupt a smooth passage’ (Edensor, 1998, p.209). This lack of a relative smoothness and predictability observed is more obvious as there is no defined path, speed and direction. The element of mutual understanding is heavily relied upon to manage the traffic. The annual event of Jnaneshwar’s Palkhi happens in this setting. The Pilgrimage or Palkhi comes to Lonand for an intermediate halt in its movement, mobilising and triggering a number of activities around it. It becomes a stable point in a field5 which generates a dynamic zone around itself.
5 Turner (1973, p.228) has commented on the pilgrimage centres which generate a ‘field’ and speculates on their potential in growth of cities, markets, and roads as economic and political factors. It is not only observed at the centres but also at intermediate towns which serve as temporary centres or foci.
160 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
PALKHI IN THE TOWN: AN ACTIVITY MAPPING OF THE EVENT
The physical criteria discussed above have set out the morphological dimension of public squares in Lonand. The aspect of movement points out the experiential qualities of space before the event of Palkhi. The main focus here is to analyse the experience during the Palkhi. This section continues the discussion as it addresses the temporal and social dimensions (Carmona et al., 2003), through the event of Palkhi. These dimensions are not mutually exclusive but are important to understand the various overlapping layers of space, architecture, and people. The analysis of the behaviour patterns observed during the Palkhi, and their relationship to the existing spatial settings is used for the interpretations in the later part of this chapter. The Palkhi takes a halt of two nights and approximately two days in Lonand during its journey. As discussed in chapter two (p.18), I have divided my observations into three components based on three different times which cover the range of activities (Palkhi’s arrival, day time activities and night-time activities). It is presented through detailed description aided with activity mapping technique. The focus of my observations was the two chowks. Using the base plans, I have mapped the movement of the Pilgrimage during its entry and the subsequent variations which occur during its stay. It is done by superimposing the layers of movement and activities on the physical configuration of the chowk settings.
ARRIVAL OF THE PALKHI INTO THE TOWN: AT AROUND 5 PM
The arrival of the Palkhi and its movement till it reaches the Palkhi Tal (see chapter six, p.122) is a process which goes on for almost an hour after it first enters the town at the junction of the highway. The two horses which lead the procession are believed to be holy and are welcomed with great honour. Their arrival marks the official entry of the Palkhi. The pace of the entire procession is reduced as it enters the town, to respond to the change of scene. The residents of Lonand welcome the Jnaneshwar’s pilgrimage amidst music, fireworks, drums and cymbals, and flower decorations. Political officials and other distinguished people officially welcome the Palkhi chariot by
161 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis giving offerings (like fruits and flower garlands) and taking darshan. The Palkhi then proceeds as all the onlookers try to touch Jnaneshwar’s silver paduka (footwear) kept in the palanquin, a way of worshipping the saint or taking his blessings, considered as an act of darshan. Figure 7.21 shows the Palkhi chariot when it arrives in Laxmi chowk and the onlookers gathered around it for darshan.
Figure 7.21: Glimpses showing arrival of the Palkhi chariot in Laxmi chowk (Source: Sane, 2005)
162 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
The zones of pilgrims and the onlookers are indicated in two colours which get overlapped at certain nodes after particular intervals. This is observed in places where there is more space to expand, or where there are verandas and steps for the onlookers to gather. The entire route is enlivened with onlookers who are local residents, as well as people from nearby villages. They occupy the best available space so as to get a good view of the Palkhi’s arrival. The edge between the public and the private is extensively used during this activity.
Figure 7.22: Map showing Palkhi arrival in Laxmi chowk (Source: Sane, 2005) 163 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
The maximum pause in the Palkhi movement occurs at Laxmi Chowk, where people almost form a circle (See figure 7.23) to take darshan. The chowk’s existing settings, due to its spatial affordance, provide the opportunity for this pause reflected through the ballooning effect (see figure 22) in the procession. The prime motive of the onlookers is religious as they want to take darshan (view the palanquin). Their behaviour pattern is that of gathering together along side the Palkhi route. It is a spontaneous reaction to spatial availability of transition spaces and not to their aesthetic characteristics.
Figure 7.23: Onlookers gathered in Laxmi chowk to see the Palkhi procession (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 7.24: Palkhi procession on Laxmi road (Source: Sane, 2005) 164 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
The Palkhi then moves further and reaches Tanaji chowk on the way. At this point, the mode of the Palkhi movement undergoes a change. The actual palanquin is taken off the chariot in this chowk and carried by the pilgrims on their shoulders. They take the palanquin along its traditional route passing the religious nodes, such as Bhairavnath temple and other ancillary temples (see chapter six, p122). This route has narrow lanes which can only accommodate pedestrian movement. Hence, the chariot is taken separately to the weekly bazaar area, the temporary base of the Palkhi. The Palkhi’s custom of honouring the religious sites in Lonand during its arrival is considered an important ritual. But the physical configuration of this traditional route consists of narrow lanes (approx. 4.5m wide) which wind through the gaothan area of the town. The present day paraphernalia of the chariot used for the palanquin, cannot pass through these lanes easily. Hence, the palanquin is taken off from the chariot and carried by the pilgrims along the route (see figure 7.26). The chariot goes separately from the main Laxmi road and Bazaar peth road to the palkhi tal. Thus, Tanaji chowk is used changing the mode of the Palkhi movement. Its location is critical as the route bifurcates into the two ways from this chowk. Its physical settings enable this transition due to the spatial widening which is required for taking out the palanquin from the chariot. The pilgrims stand in a circle to witness this transition (see figure 7.25). Thus, the traditions and customs are retained but modified to suit the spatial affordance of the urban configuration.
165 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.25: Palanquin taken off the chariot in Tanaji chowk (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 7.26: Palanquin carried by the pilgrims from Tanaji chowk onwards (Source: Sane, 2005)
166 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.27: Map of Tanaji chowk showing the change in Palkhi mode (Source: Sane, 2006)
Figure 7.27 illustrates the activity mapping for Tanaji chowk. The blue circle in the chowk indicates the change in the mode of the Palkhi. Since, almost all the varkaris follow the palanquin to the Palkhi-tal; I have shown the procession taking the traditional route which is similarly filled up with onlookers all along the road edge wherever possible. However, the narrow streets along this route have buildings which directly abut the edge without any transition
167 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis spaces. So this route could not provide the required space for the onlookers to view the palanquin. I struggled but failed to get a photograph of the palanquin in this lane as I was unable to keep with the procession which was almost bottled up or appeared to be congested within the space. Having focussed on the two chowks for observations expressed through activity mapping, I now continue the analysis through my detailed description of the palanquin’s arrival in Palkhi-tal. This description is an outcome of my participation in the event. The event of arrival of the Palkhi in any town along the route (for its night stay) follows the similar protocol. Hence, its personal experience proved to be helpful for a comprehensive understanding of the pilgrims’ behaviour. I tried to follow the Palkhi through the narrow lanes to its destination place, the Palkhi tal. Amidst the jostling crowd and varkaris, I finally managed to reach the base just before the Palkhi arrived, where all dindis
(pilgrim groups) had reached by then. The varkaris were standing around in circles and singing the abhangs. The whole area was filled with excitement as everyone eagerly awaited the culmination of the Palkhi’s arrival process. The scene was a riot of bright colours of the saris and the headgears interspersed with the white sea of people.
The space was organised with the help of barricades which demarcated the Palkhi path. The police were trying their best to control the crowd mainly the onlookers who had assembled for the event. I tried to climb up the barricade so as to get a better viewing angle for my photographs. One of the policemen asked me to get down saying, “You are blocking the view of the people behind….and if educated people like you start climbing up, everyone will do so…. and soon the place will be beyond anyone’s control”. Though what he was saying was correct, I continued to find a vantage position for taking photographs which would help my documentation. My mother, who was accompanying me that day, came to my rescue. She told the policeman that I had come all the way from Australia for my research on the Palkhi and somehow convinced him that I deserved to get the best spot for my photographs. By that time, the surrounding people also joined the conversation asking me several questions at a time and temporarily the
168 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis policeman was ignored. Just when he started protesting, there was uproar and the people began shouting ‘Jnanoba Tukaram’. I saw the palanquin in the distance which was approaching the centre of the ground. Surprisingly, by then, the whole of the crowd was seated on the ground in an organised manner (see figure 7.28).
The Palkhi arrived in its full splendour, gracefully carried by the honoured pilgrims and was set down in the centre beneath the set of decorated lighting and flowers. I felt that this was the best welcome that any town could extend given the existing physical constraints. Then the routine evening activity started to take place. The lost and found items were declared and announcements for the next two days were made by the mace-bearer.
Then everyone started singing the Jnaneshwar’s worship song (arati) following which the pilgrims dispersed to their accommodation. Thus the
Palkhi arrival event came to an end. Despite the presence of thousands of people their organised demeanour greatly impressed me. This whole event occurring at the end of the day’s journey in the Palkhi is described by
Deleury (1960) and by Mokashi (1987). I could relate my experience to their descriptions. Indeed, it had not changed at all, even after 45 years.
Figure 7.28: Palkhi arrival at the palkhi tal (temporary base) Lonand 169 (Source: Sane, 2005) Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
NEXT DAY IN LONAND
At 10 am, on the next day, I walk to Laxmi Chowk and witness its total transformation. The whole place has come alive (see figures 7.29, 7.30 & 7.31). Plastics, canvasses and jute cloths are stretched across the balconies and in some situations from the temporary poles to the streets. The make-shift stalls are thus formed and laid in the chowk which are vibrantly flapping in the breeze. Items ranging from jewellery, utensils to clothes are on sale and the voices of the vendors and the buyers mix with the wafting aromas of food delicacies and beverages being prepared in the stalls. For the village folk from the surrounding areas, this is the time to spend and enjoy, combined with darshan of the Palkhi. For the pilgrims, it is the time to rest, meet different people and share their experiences. It happens in the temple veranda and along the verandas and steps of other shops around. The whole place is transformed into a fair or a carnival: a place for recreation combined with the religious purpose of Palkhi.
Figure 7.29: Laxmi chowk transformed during the Palkhi stay (Source: Sane, 2005)
170 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.30: Top view of Laxmi chowk showing layout of make-shift stalls (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 7.31: Laxmi road adorned with make-shift stalls (Source: Sane, 2005)
171 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Next, I walk from Laxmi chowk to Tanaji chowk. In Tanaji chowk (see figures 7.29 & 7.32), the picture is somewhat similar. The chowk is filled with make-shift stalls all around, which make the place very lively. I noted that this chowk had a lot of mobile vendors with umbrellas. There were only a few fixed stalls laid out under the trees abutting the built platforms. Since this chowk has less defined edges, it probably provided a limited opportunity for constructing the stalls. It seemed like a loose or a more flexible arrangement as the hawkers kept moving around. This was especially evident when I went there later in the afternoon. There were different mobile stalls of beverages and balloons in the place where I had previously noted jewellery, utensils and toy stalls. These mobile vendors kept moving about in the town (see figure 7.36). Their products were displayed in a large basket attached to their bicycles. Some had umbrellas (for shelter against the sun or the rain) which were tied to the seat of the cycle. Others made use of the natural shade of trees or merely stood under the scorching afternoon sun. Luckily enough, there was no rain throughout that day which was good for all commercial activities.
Figure 7.32: Tanaji Chowk during the palkhi stay filled with hawkers (Source: Sane, 2005)
172 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Later, in the afternoon as I stroll along Laxmi road (see figures 7.31, 7.33, & 7.34) I observe that it is packed with a string of make-shift stalls. The vehicular movement is completely suspended on this main road, converting it into a dynamic pedestrian space. The stalls are set out in clusters leaving space for intermediate pathways. Though there is no apparent formal planning involved in their layout, an order and sense of design is evident. The stalls in the centre of the road are stand-alone structures erected with timber pole frames. Tarpaulin or plastic sheets are stretched across them for protection from sunlight or rain. The stalls abutting the road adapt themselves to the existing edge conditions. Ropes, strings and banners are stretched from overhangs, roof structures, windows or balcony projections (see figure 7.39). In addition, the small scale vendors have arranged their products directly on the steps and verandas, making use of the existing space and settings for their displays. The balcony or roof projections are also used as shading elements for the activities below. The nooks and corners around the buildings are filled with mobile vendors who adapt themselves to the time-space constraints.
Figure 7.33: Top view of Laxmi road showing market stalls (Source: Sane, 2005)
173 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.34: Map of Laxmi road and Laxmi chowk showing stalls layout (Source: Sane, 2006)
Figure 7.35: Map of Tanaji chowk showing stalls layout (Source: Sane, 2006) 174 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.36: Mobile vendor with a bicycle (Source: Sane 2005)
Figure 7.37: A closer look at the small commercial activities: A jewellery vendor and a barber (Source: Sane, 2005)
175 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
The privately owned verandas have turned into places for pilgrims and travellers to rest, eat and chat (see figure 7.38). They also use them for small scale businesses like hair cutting and shaving, polishing of pots and pans, sharpening of knives, mending of different articles such as jewellery, watches tools, and bicycles (see figure 7.37). The street as well as its edges accommodates these activities as the people convert the steps, landings, patios, courtyards or street space to suit their needs. Other than the structural and spatial arrangements, it is important to understand that the pilgrims use the space without any apparent inhibitions as the local people have offered their personal spaces out of graciousness and hospitality. They seem to accept the temporary change in their daily routines without objection - the limited vehicular use, no service access to the shops, or their businesses getting affected by additional commercial activities.
Figure 7.38: Veranda uses by the pilgrims (Source: Sane, 2005) 176 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
The public space in Lonand acts as a flexible setting for the Palkhi and its stream of activities, thus activating the space. As a commercial realm, the space provides for diverse enterprises which are organised according to a variety of time-space constraints (Edensor, 1998, p.206). One of the important observations was that the spatial activation is not restricted to the two chowks but is experienced along the entire pilgrimage route through Lonand. Though the subsidiary roads leading to the chowks were not having these stalls, they were subservient to the whole activity. The trucks carrying the pilgrim’s luggage and food were parked along these roads which served the various dindis (pilgrim groups).
Figure 7.39: Temporary stall structures in Lonand during Palkhi stay (Source: Sane, 2005) 177 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
EVENINGS AND NIGHT-TIME
In the evenings, the stalls are pulled down for the group activities which occur in the chowks. The recreational and commercial environment changes to a more social and a religious one. There are street plays and group performances which happen in the centre of the chowks and their topics are aimed towards public education pertaining health, hygiene and social issues (see figure 7.40).
Figure 7.40: Group interactions in Tanaji chowk (Source: Sane, 2005)
178 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Residents, consider it their honour to provide meals to the varkaris during their stay. Food is served with respect and love to groups of varkaris in various localities. The eating arrangements are normally done in the open spaces between the houses or in the lanes after clearing them. Chowks are kept free for the movement and thoroughfare whereas the nearby smaller lanes and streets are commonly used. Figure 7.41 and 7.42 show groups of varkaris seated in the lanes being served by locals. The plates used are made of dried leaves, which are easy to store, carry and dispose off as they are light-weight and bio-degradable. Figure 7.42 shows the early evening meal served in the narrow lane where the varkaris are seated under the shade of building projections and balconies.
Figure 7.41: Meals served to the varkaris by the locals in a lane (Source: Sane, 2005)
179 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
180 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
After dinner time, there are religious discourses (kirtans) which tell stories about various saints associated with this pilgrimage and their teachings. In this way, the tradition is revived and passed on to next generations. Kirtans are given from makeshift platforms and stages or extended verandas. I observed a larger gathering in Tanaji chowk where the speaker used the tree platform as a stage, which was specially adorned for the purpose (see figure 7.43).
Figure 7.43: Map showing night-time activity of religious discourse in Tanaji chowk (Source: Sane, 2006)
181 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
During the night, the same spaces under verandas, courtyards, streets and many temples and school premises, are used as resting spaces for the varkaris (see figures 7.44, 7.45 & 7.46). Tents are sometimes set up by the varkaris and supporting facilities like water and electricity are provided by the local council. The trucks accompanying the dindis are parked along the ancillary roads close to Laxmi chowk and Tanaji chowk, and the cooking, cleaning and eating activities are accordingly co-ordinated.
Figure 7.44: Veranda of a temple used as rest space by the varkaris (Source: Sane, 2005)
182 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.45: Tents set up in the Bhairavnath temple precinct for the varkaris’ stay (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 7.46: Private courtyard covered by temporary sheets for varkaris (Source: Sane, 2005) 183 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
After the two nights’ halt at Lonand, the pilgrims are refreshed and have regained their enthusiasm for the remaining journey. Early next day, Lonand’s residents accompany the pilgrimage procession to the town border and bid them a tearful goodbye with best wishes for the onward journey. The pilgrimage takes the direct bazaar peth road to reach the highway. The festive mood recedes to make way for the routine activities, but leaves an eager anticipation for next year’s Palkhi arrival.
EMERGING PATTERNS: AN INTERPRETATION
If it is true that forests of gestures are manifest in the streets, their movement cannot be captured in a picture, nor can the meaning of their movements be circumscribed in a text. (Certeau de, 1984)
De Certeau’s sentiment is directly applicable to the diverse activities observed in Lonand’s public squares and streets, but is also speculative about its interpretation. People’s behaviour before and during the Palkhi is at the same time, social, religious, functional, commercial, recreational and inherently spatial. It leads to a multitude of interpretations. The description in the first part of this chapter is but a glimpse of the Palkhi’s entire journey. The physical settings of the chowks, the aspect of movement within them and the activities before and during the Palkhi contribute to the rich experience. I now summarise the above analysis combining it with my observations and experience to bring out the heterogeneity in behaviour patterns. In totality, it forms a basis for understanding the spatial responsiveness during the Palkhi.
184 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
BEHAVIOUR SETTINGS OF LONAND
The element of complexity (see chapter four, p.83) in the public environment enriches the experience of movement and affects the behaviour patterns (Rapoport, 1977, 1990). Lonand’s settings can be said to be complex as analysed at four levels. First, Lonand town has a clustered organisation with mixed land-use. The resultant urban pattern is a complex spatial matrix which is in a state of constant change. The streets and the lanes are not rigidly defined as observed from their changing widths and winding nature. The enclosing buildings have varied alignments, setbacks and forms. Thus, the resultant movement pattern is characterised by unfolding sequences and gradual transitions. Second, the facades of the surrounding buildings contribute to the visual experience of the streets and chowks. The projected balconies, roof overhangs, recessed entrances, steps, verandas and their poles create a richly articulated architectural fenestrations (see figure 7.47). Third, the built fabric is of a heterogenous nature adding to the visual complexity and richness. The building facades are a combination of the old and new construction methods and materials. The older buildings have incorporated traditional materials like bricks, stones, timber and clay tiles. The more recent buildings in reinforced cement concrete have smoother rendered finish with painted surfaces and lesser fenestration treatment (see figure 7.48). Fourth, both chowks and the main connecting streets are lined with shops. The public space is activated due to the signboards and shop advertisements, display items, awnings, potted plants and other such semi- fixed features. The vendors and hawkers lay out their temporary trades on the road-side normally during the evenings. The intersecting movements of pedestrians and vehicles, not to mention the bullock carts and other animals provide the element of sound as well as changing scenes. Thus, the static built fabric is enlivened by the changing forms, colours and textures which add to the complex visual imagery (see figure 7.49).
185 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.47: Complex architectural character of streetscapes in Lonand (Source: Sane, 2005)
Figure 7.48: Building facades articulated with different materials (Source: Sane, 2005) 186 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.49: Visual imagery enriched with variety of forms, colours & textures (Source: Sane, 2005)
187 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
BEHAVIOUR PATTERNS OF LONAND’S RESIDENTS
The complexity in the behaviour settings fosters multiplicity of the human behaviour and spatial usage. As observed in the public spaces of Lonand, the day to day activities are of a mixed nature. They cannot be isolated in terms of functions and spatial use. It is a direct reflection of the social structure and character of the town on the one hand, and the spatial configuration, on the other. Houses, shops, schools, temples, eating places, hospitals all co-exist around the public spaces and streets, and they work and function in continuity. This continuity is at multiple levels. The spaces overlap, expand, merge and spatial continuity is generated. During the daytime, the verandas are used by the shopkeepers to advertise and display their products, or for temporary storage. It is also a place to interact with the customers and other pedestrians, setting up a sense of familiarity. At times, it is a place for drying herbs, spices and clothes or just as a playing place for the kids. Simultaneously the squares, streets, lanes, nooks and corners set up a network of the public realm. In the evenings, the spaces and especially the nodes are used for interaction, gossip, loitering and hanging around. The time to space ratio and constraints are neither strict nor rationalised in the Western sense. It is hence difficult to segregate the work and leisure, public and private, religious and commercial behaviour of people. On the time scale, the human behaviour and activities can be viewed as exceedingly diverse. The simultaneity and continuity is product of repetitive events which constitute the local culture and traditions. From a daily basis to weekly, monthly and yearly, the mundane activities alternate with the more stimulating ones like political and religious speeches, cultural activities like open air dramas and theatres, and yearly festivals and congregations. The daily markets, weekly bazaars and occasional fairs operate on communal grounds where a sense of familiarity in the overall exchange creates an informal and lively environment.
188 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
The behaviour settings of Lonand’s public spaces and the behaviour patterns observed during the day-to-day activities form a framework for interpreting the change in their relationship during the event of Palkhi. To summarise the above discussion, Lonand presents a complex spatial network and a composite visual imagery as a backdrop. Daily human activities are interwoven with these settings to such an extent that they cease to be an individual entity. Given this background, I now interpret the activity mapping of the Palkhi in terms of movement and behaviour patterns. These assist in deriving the findings of the study in the next chapter.
MOVEMENT PATTERNS IN THE PALKHI
The movement patterns observed in the Palkhi are not uniform and regular which are illustrated in the following key sketches (see figure 7.50).
Figure 7.50: Movement patterns in the Palkhi (Adapted from: Simonds, 1960.p.145)
189 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
BEHAVIOUR PATTERNS DURING THE PALKHI
The dynamics of movement mapped against the relatively static architectural spaces, gives the picture of the spatial activation. However, this is not a complete picture. People’s behaviour is complex and is shaped by several factors. The philosophical and religious background of Alandi- Pandharpur Palkhi is discussed in chapter five. Varakaris’ behaviour is rooted in the devotional values; nevertheless, there is a pragmatic angle to it. Its increasing participation and popularity demands this practical orientation. The infrastructural, hygienic and medical arrangements associated with the Pilgrimage and its implementation constitutes the pragmatic angle. I now examine the experience of the varkaris as well as the locals under the three aspects which are central to the Palkhi. They are derived from the existing body of literature (Deleury, 1960; Turner, 1969; Engblom, 1990; (Neurgaokar, 2001) and my participation in the Palkhi.
Bhakti: The varkari attitude The key element of bhakti or intense and personalised devotion towards the chosen God of Vithoba is the driving force behind this Pilgrimage. It is reflected through philosophy and actions of varkaris who offer their devotion as a personal gift to Lord Vithoba. Bhakti, it is not the end in itself but the cause, action and the goal of this pilgrimage. Bhakti is demonstrated through the actual journey or the walk. The physical efforts of the walk, the discomforts and adjustments become a part and parcel of the journey but take a back seat while devotional fervour engulfs pilgrims (see figure 7.51). The journey gets characterised by the singing of abhang or bhajan (devotional songs) which are sung all the way to Pandharpur. Even at the sojourns in the villages, the bhajans and kirtans (religious hymns and discourse) continue throughout the night and are attended by a large crowd of villagers along with the varkaris. The spiritual teachings are spread and reinforced within the illiterate community through the medium of music, dance and drama. The bhanjans thus serve to create a sense of group or bonding by overcoming the dialect, caste, and background differences to form a larger community. 190 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.51: Bhakti, the driving force behind the pilgrimage journey (Source: Sane, 2006)
Figure 7.52: Glimpses of varkari devotion (Source: Sane, 2006)
191 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Collective experience of the varkaris As observed during the journey and at the intermediate halts, the varkaris came together to chat, have food and tea, and ease out their fatigue of walking. Even while carrying out their cooking, bathing, washing of clothes and utensils (see chapter five, p.110), they helped each other so as to get everyone moving along with the Palkhi. A similar picture was observed in the evenings, when everyone went to their tents or resting spaces. Varkaris assembled in small groups before and after the meals and exchanged their daily experiences, gave suggestions about each other’s personal as well as family problems, thus sharing their lives. While they massaged their tired and blistered feet with oil and had sips of steaming tea, their bonds grew stronger. As discussed in chapter five, the communal singing of the abhangs is one of the prime aspects in building up the collective experience. One of the descriptions by Mokashi (1987, p.199), after getting tired during the walk in scorching heat, is quite illuminating in this respect:
The fatigue you feel is very different from the usual kind. It is a crowd phenomenon. No one is allowed to get tired on his own account. When the person in front takes a step, the person behind him takes a step. When the whole dindi starts to lag from fatigue, they all start singing a new abhang very loudly. They strike the heavy brass cymbals together with renewed force. People’s attention is distracted from their feet (Mokashi 1987, p.199).
During Alandi-Pandharpur palkhi, the varkari is in a state of ‘spatial separation from the familiar and the habitual social structures termed as ‘liminality’ by Turner (1973, p. 216). It is not a natural state but a chosen one, as the varkari disentangles himself from his family and work for the duration of the pilgrimage, to be in close contact with the saints and God. The circumstances of spending time together in groups with a common goal achieved collectively foster a sense of ‘communitas’ 6(Turner, 1977). Stanley
6 From chapter three, p. 6: The sense of bonding and sharing developed with fellow pilgrims is explained by the term ‘communitas’ 192 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
(1992, p.79) sees Turner’s specific type of ‘normative communitas’7 as clearly applicable to the Palkhi due to its structured organisation and temporary suspension of castes differences. The spirit of communitas and the temporary formation of groups is an outcome of journeying together but more so because of their common guru or spiritual leader which collectively represent the Varkari Panth. As Deleury (1960, p.5) puts it, ‘A varkari group is more akin that anything else to a large family as will be evident from the terminology they use to express their relationship within the Panth. The disciples regard themselves as brothers and sisters under the same Guru [spiritual leader]…..’ Underlying the strong element of bhakti, the second characteristic of this Pilgrimage is the strong bonding that develops during the journey (see figures 7.53, 7.54). Thus the ‘communitas’ (Turner, 1977, p.96) or a feeling a group, a heightened sense of camaraderie or a closeness is developed out of journeying together with the common goal, collective singing and chanting with the devotional fervour, sharing of belongings and experiences. It is the force which accentuates and strengthens their bhakti through collective worship, keeps them moving even when they are very tired to walk, makes them sing and dance in enthusiasm, makes them forget their personal worries and ailments, and takes them closer to their goal of Lord Vithoba. It further strengthens the feeling of joy and achievement, when the varkaris reach their destination at Pandharpur.
7 Normative Communitas defined by Turner (1977, p.132) says: ….where under the influence of time, the need to mobilise and organise resources, and the necessity for social control among members of the group in pursuance of goals, the existential communitas is organised into a perduring social system. 193 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Figure 7.53: Interactions in a public space (Source: Sane, 2006)
Figure 7.54: Sharing the pilgrimage experience (Source: Sane, 2006) 194 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
Participation of the locals The villages and the small towns which are encountered during the journey of the Palkhi serve as intermediate foci when the Palkhi takes a break. It draws the villagers and peasants from surrounding area for darshan of the silver padukas (footwear) and of the twin horses, and to enjoy the village fair (Deleury, 1960, p.85). As seen in the town of Lonand, the participation and response of the town happens at three levels. First is that of initial preparations and arrangements done for the Palkhi. Right from cleaning of semi-private and public spaces, to the massive decorations, the localites spend their time, energy and money to welcome the pilgrimage. The local council makes temporary arrangements such as extra water supply and drainage, hygienic waste disposals and additional security etc. It allocates spaces for the dindis distributed across the town. The second level is of active participation in the Palkhi’s arrival and sojourn. The villagers and townspeople take darshan and involve themselves in the night time kirtans and bhajans. Their main intention is to spend some time in the company of saints, spiritual leaders and varkaris. It is a time of celebrations as well as a time for taking a break from mundane daily activities. Repetitive chanting of God’s names or even listening to talks about Him is believed to elevate one’s spiritual status. The third level is of offering their personal belongings, spaces and even their seva (service) towards the varkaris. The element of hospitality is not restricted to the Palkhi and Saint Jnaneshwar but is extended to include the varkaris as well. In Hinduism, the guest is considered as God and is treated like one. The locals believe that in serving the varkaris (pilgrims) they are serving Lord Vithoba. Hence, they offer food, shelter or any other resource and consider it an honour to do so. The temporary hawkers and vendors use the public spaces, as well as the semi-private ones like steps and verandas, for selling their goods. This intrusion on their personal space and business is happily borne by the locals. Thus, the three levels of participation and sharing are spatially manifested in blurring of territoriality and merging of physical and social boundaries.
195 Chapter 7 Palkhi in Lonand: An analysis
CONCLUSION
This chapter presented the analysis of the Palkhi event in Lonand through observations, on-site documentation and personal experience. Given the vast and varied nature of data collected during the fieldwork as well as during the entire course of study, the main challenge was to organise it and draw out relevant information to address the research aims. Primarily, the chapter examined the physical settings of Laxmi chowk and Tanaji chowk using the physical evaluative criteria. They were adapted to suit the organic town of Lonand. Then, the experience of movement within these settings was examined. Next, the chapter illustrates the Palkhi’s sojourn in Lonand through activity mapping and detailed descriptions. It is based on my observations and participation in the event. The last part combined the spatial analysis and descriptions to extract the key patterns of movement and behaviour before and during the Palkhi. The analysis reveals that the architectural settings of Lonand are not planned for any particular event. They have developed as a response to the day-to-day needs of the local residents without rigid design constraints. It has resulted in a complex spatial and visual configuration. But the town has the capacity of moulding itself to the annual event of Palkhi as seen through the activity mapping. The unplanned or seemingly leftover spaces (without any defined use) prove to be of maximum use during the event. The public space extends beyond the selected squares as the activities flow into the streets, lanes and other subsidiary spaces. The analysis of movement patterns proves to be very important as it gives an insight into the ‘intangible aspects of human experience. Visual stimulation, retention of interest due to visual complexity, non-monotonous movement patterns set up a framework for further synthesis. Simultaneously, when I analysed the human behaviour patterns during the Palkhi event, I realised that spatial responsiveness is a two way process. The varkaris and the local residents Lonand play an equally important role along with the architectural settings. The next chapter builds up on this conclusion. It synthesis the analytical component in this chapter with the experiential criteria developed in chapter four to answer the research questions.
196 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
Conclusions and Reflections
Chapter Eight
This research has examined the relationship between public space and human behaviour and their mutual responsiveness during the annual ritual of the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage. Through its broader concerns, the study also touches on collective behaviour patterns, the physical and social qualities of public spaces and the element of flexibility in their functioning. The results of this study help our understanding of the role of pilgrimage ritual and the ways in which it shapes the public space. Besides its applications within the specific context of the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage route, the work contributes to the theoretical framework of architecture and urban design. Viewed in totality, it leads to a better understanding of human experience of the environment which is at the core of these disciplines of knowledge. This chapter brings the findings of this study together. It represents the interpretation of the analysis carried out in the previous chapter. The implications of the outcomes of the research are also presented. This assists in the formulation of the design guidelines for public spaces on the Pilgrimage route. I then discuss the advantages and limitations of the study methodology. The chapter ends on a reflective note, wherein I draw upon the whole research as a personal ongoing journey.
FINDINGS OF THE STUDY 1
As discussed in the last chapter, there are three key behaviour patterns observed during the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage sojourn in Lonand. These are bhakti - the intense devotion which is the driving force behind the
1 Refers to research question no. 1:
1. To study through the event of Alandi-Pandharpur Pilgrimage, the ‘responsiveness’ of the architectural setting of selected public spaces in Lonand, a centrally located town along the Pilgrimage route.
197 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections pilgrimage; collective experience - the bonding within the pilgrims enhancing the collective experience; and participation of the locals, who extend their hospitality towards the pilgrims and facilitate the effective functioning of the pilgrimage as well as its ancillary activities. The behaviour patterns when viewed in conjunction with the behavioural settings help to crystallise the findings. This method of overlaying both variables is based on Pieper’s (1980, p.5: see chapter four, p.85) guidelines. The findings are expressed in three components, namely, flexibility (with adaptability and affordance), activation and sense of place. I have developed these from the experiential criteria discussed in chapter four. Unlike the physical evaluative criteria however, they cannot be directly applied to spatial analysis. Rather, they provide a framework to crystallise the findings. The following table (see figure 8.1) summarises the analysis carried out in the previous chapter which forms the basis for further discussion here.
Figure 8.1: Table summarising the findings of the study (Source: Sane, 2006)
198 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
BEHAVIOUR PATTERNS AND BEHAVIOUR SETTINGS
As per figure 8.1, I now weave in the key behaviour patterns and the settings to examine the ways in which they affect spatial responsiveness. The towns between Alandi and Pandharpur have not been designed specifically for the annual Pilgrimage. However, for almost the last 800 years, they have evolved, changed and adapted themselves during the event and have contributed to its effective functioning. Given this background, I analyse the response of Lonand’s public domain during the Palkhi. The driving force which shapes the Alandi-Pandharpur Palkhi is bhakti. As the varkaris leave their familiar structured life behind, they are encouraged to travel with few personal belongings; in other words, an action which temporarily separates them from human and material attachments. The intensification of devotional fervour is experienced through the communal force of travelling with saints and family. This is discussed through the second element of collective experience. The spirit of Palkhi is thus, an outcome of collective bhakti which shapes the human behaviour. It dominates the actions of the varkaris and represents their central priority. As a result, all the other factors are relegated to a secondary position. This engenders the attitude of adjusting nature and mental flexibility in the varkaris. It provokes the element of sharing, keeping aside the ‘self’ and personal comforts. Rather, the idea of obtaining any sort of physical comfort takes a backseat. The varkaris bear the hardships along the journey happily or conversely, ‘both, the individual experience of the joy and the contribution one makes to the corporate joy of going is intensified by the hardships’ (Stanley, 1992, p.81). It results in usage of available resources and infrastructure in an economical and efficient way. Materialistic things obtained for personal needs are accepted as prasad (God’s gift) with an immense sense of satisfaction and without any complaints. The level of tolerance thus increases during the course of the Pilgrimage, which in turn shapes the pilgrims’ behaviour. The third component of active participation and hospitality of the locals is manifested when they offer their town - its public squares and their personal spaces and belongings.
199 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
ADAPTABILITY, FLEXIBILITY AND AFFORDANCE
The synthesis of the above discussion and the activity mapping during palkhi (see chapter seven) leads to the first finding of adaptability2, flexibility and affordance3 of public space (see chapter four, pp. 77 & 82). It is elaborated as follows.
Adaptability4 The Palkhi arrival in Lonand is characterised by extensive use of the streets and their edges as the onlookers try to view the palanquin (darshan) using the available niches, corners, ledges, steps, verandas and balconies. The chowks are used in their very basic sense - as a widened street (Laxmi chowk) and as a node (Tanaji chowk). The streets and their edges, along with the transition spaces get converted for social use in the evenings as the pilgrims use them for eating, sleeping and other personal activities. The blurring of physical as well as social boundaries is evident as the residents’ courtyards, verandas, patios and steps are made available for the public use during the palkhi. Thus, the existing spatial settings of Lonand ‘adapt’ themselves to the activities of the pilgrims. The local residents through their hospitality add a homely dimension to this adaptation.
2 As discussed in chapter four (p. 77): Lang’s (1987, p.119) definitions of ‘adaptability’ and ‘flexibility’ point out the extent of spatial responsiveness which I paraphrase as follows. Adaptable layouts can afford different behaviour patterns without requiring any physical changes. Thus it depends on simultaneous co-existence based on adjacency or usage at different times, which creates a multi-purpose space. Flexible layouts entail a change in the structure and boundary due to rearrangement of the semi-fixed features.
3 As seen in chapter four (p. 82), ‘affordance’ is the property of the environment which enables it to be used in a particular way or its ability to accommodate a certain activity. The affordances of a particular pattern of the built environment are a property of its layout, of the materials of which it is fabricated, and of the way it is illuminated – with reference to a particular set of people (Lang, 1987, p.81, 83)
4 Refers to research question no. 2: 2. How are unplanned public activities accommodated in the existing setting that is not specifically designed for those activities to take place?
200 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
Flexibility5 During the second day, both chowks and the adjoining streets are converted for the market activity. The semi-fixed features of make-shift stalls get added to the existing public space. For the collective events like religious discourses which happen at night, small platforms are set up in the chowks which serve as a stage for the speaker. The surrounding space in the chowks and streets is used for attending the discourse as people spill over into the verandas, balconies and adjoining streets. Thus, the spatial settings of Lonand can be said to be ‘flexible’ as they accommodate the temporary arrangements and additions done for the Palkhi’s activities. The chowks due to their location and physical configuration provide for thriving commercial activity which is interlinked to the Palkhi’s functioning. The existing settings provide for the semi-fixed features depending on their flexibility. Rapoport (2001, p.33) interestingly links human behaviour to this flexibility calling people as ‘non-fixed elements of the environment’. Along with the static settings, the semi-fixed features provide non-verbal cues for the appropriate behaviour. Thus, the people-space relationship is established by the behaviour of the locals as well as the pilgrims who personalise the spaces according to their needs6. This relationship in turn adds to the liveliness of the public realm through visual complexity of the changing settings. This results in spatial activation, a finding discussed later in this chapter.
5 Refers to research question no. 2 2. How are unplanned public activities accommodated in the existing setting that is not specifically designed for those activities to take place?
6 Refers to research question no. 3: 3. How do the relationships that people have with the spaces they inhabit, help in shaping of space.
201 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
Affordance7 The flexibility and adaptability observed during the Palkhi in Lonand can be attributed broadly to ‘affordance’ of the physical settings. People adapt the available space for their needs in the best possible way if the space offers a certain level of malleability, in other words, capacity to accommodate beyond its prescribed use. Though the public space in Lonand is not formally designed, the enclosing buildings or its architectural settings have been constructed with conscious thought. So they are designed to some extent. They have a purpose – an intention. As observed before the Palkhi they were being used for the pre-defined purposes. For example, the common feature of verandas seen around the chowks. They had a physical function – as transition spaces. They had a climatic function – as buffer spaces. They had an aesthetic function – which was about articulation, scale and decorum. Similarly with the other architectural elements like balconies, steps, ledges, overhangs, balustrades, grilles, posts and so on. However, being organically evolved, their designs are need-based and slightly loose in terms of the boundaries, sizes and even visual qualities. The same verandas range from a width of 1200 mm to almost 1800 mm and their heights range between 150 mm to 1400 mm. They may or may not be on the edge of the road, depending upon the setbacks, and may be meticulously tiled or have the same non-finished look like the mud road. Due to these varying qualities, they accommodate multiple activities; for people to stand and watch the Palkhi arrival; for people to rest, eat and chat; for people to buy and sell; for people to display and perform; thus making way for the unintended, unplanned and the spontaneous. This explains the architectural affordance when the elements are used beyond their set function or are not limited to a single function.
Refers to research question nos. 2 and 4: 2. How are unplanned public activities accommodated in the existing setting that is not specifically designed for those activities to take place?
4. What role does architecture play in this experiential shaping of space?
202 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
The spatial affordance is observed when the chowks and the streets provide the setup for laying out the make-shift stalls. The stalls are arranged as per the available layout, and they also make use of the surrounding architectural settings. The same verandas, ledges, grilles, balustrades, overhangs of the existing structures are used for tying the ropes, rods and posts to erect the make-shift stalls, and for their banners, displays, advertisements and other embellishments, which attract the customers. During the Palkhi, when there is an extra load on the available infrastructure and facilities, these spaces serve multiple uses. Thus, the spatial and architectural affordances add a different layer of complexity to the existing public environment, making it vibrant, easily accessible and visually interesting. The adjusting nature of the pilgrims and hospitality of local residents enables the affordances.
SPATIAL ACTIVATION 8
Spatial activation is a subjective concept. The mere presence of more people or an increase in the crowd level does not necessarily mean a lively space. Liveliness is a product of the people-space relationship and the spatial affordance for behaviour patterns. As observed during the Palkhi in Lonand, it can be attributed to two factors as follows. First, the religious factor. Though the Palkhi occurs once a year, it is one of the largest religious events of the region. Due to Lonand’s key location on the Palkhi’s route, people from all the neighbouring villages and countryside come to the town to actively participate in the Palkhi’s activities. Thus, the town assumes the status of a temporary regional tirtha or a religious centre accentuating its identity.
8 Refers to research question nos. 2 and 3: 2. How are unplanned public activities accommodated in the existing setting that is not specifically designed for those activities to take place?
3. How do the relationships that people have with the spaces they inhabit, help in shaping of space.
203 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
Second, the commercial factor. Palkhi provides a reason for people to come out of their set routines and participate in the celebrations and festivities. The religious act is complemented by shopping and recreation which creates a carnival like atmosphere. The tradespersons and vendors from the surrounding towns and villages make it a point to attend this event for selling their products. As Lonand town caters for both activities simultaneously, the semi-fixed elements (temporary stalls and mobile shops) and non-fixed elements (people) fit themselves within the existing settings, adding a vivid dimension to the visual imagery. The public environment is further enriched with diverse ‘smellscapes and soundscapes’ (Edensor, 1998, p.213). These are produced from the myriad stalls selling flowers, food, sweets and beverages which fill the air with a mixture of aromas. Similarly, the varying sounds coming from the numerous human activities such as fireworks, drums and cymbals during the Palkhi welcome, buying and selling of goods, group interactions and street plays, kirtans and bhajans , and loudspeakers making announcements; all produce a ‘changing symphony of diverse pitches, volumes and tones’ (Edensor, 1998, p.213). The changing juxtapositions of the different activities, temporary elements, sensations and sights add to the layer of existing complexity. It stimulates the sensual experience of the participants in the scene generating a feeling of enthusiasm and excitement. In totality, they contribute to the transformation of public space from a static to dynamic, passive to active and a vibrant place. Thus, the spatial activation enhances the experiential quality and people-space relationship, which shapes the public space spontaneously.
SENSE OF PLACE
In the effective working of public spaces, the concept of ‘sense of place’ has been increasingly emphasized. This concept denotes a ‘sense of attachment or belonging to a place’ (see chapter four, p. 78). Crang’s (1998, cited in Carmona et.al. 2003, p.97) proposition that ‘places provide an anchor
204 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections of shared experiences between people and continuity over time’ is reinforced by my finding. In spite of a short, two day span, the public space worked as a link between the annual ritual of Palkhi, the varkaris, and the local people in Lonand. The collective activities carried out in the public space strengthened the people’s association with the settings and with each other. Thus, the event gave additional and special meaning to the public space transforming it to a ‘place’. The spontaneity observed in the human behaviour during the Alandi- Pandharpur pilgrimage engendered an ‘unselfconscious sense of a place’ (Relph, 1976, p.65). It was not restricted to an individual’s image or experience but emerged out of the collective experience of the phenomenon. People’s experience of the sense of place can be described as a collage, consisting of layers, articulated by their communal usage, their sense of sharing and dependency, notions of privacy and beliefs, and importantly, an understanding of life.
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS9
Lonand, as seen through my analysis, is an organic town. But like any other town in the surrounding area it also has somewhat static qualities. The study of the two selected chowks revealed that they were suitable for public activities of a day-to-day nature and were aptly being used for the same. The residents used the available public as well as semi-public spaces as per their prescribed functions and uses. The various activities happened within the set physical and social boundaries. This scenario changed dramatically when the Palkhi arrived in Lonand. During this annual event, the element of hospitality (see chapter seven, p.195)
9 Refers to research question no. 1: 1. To study through the event of Alandi-Pandharpur Pilgrimage, the ‘responsiveness’ of the architectural setting of selected public spaces in a Lonand, a centrally located town along the Pilgrimage route.
205 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections came to the forefront. Since the residents considered it their honour to serve the Palkhi and the varkaris, they offered their personal spaces, infrastructure and belongings to them. This change in attitude, or to put it in another way, the flexibility in their behaviour happens readily during the Palkhi event. The merging of boundaries and blurring of territoriality was thus initiated by the residents. The pilgrims responded to their behaviour as they accepted their hospitality with affection. Being a static observer of the resident’s behaviour before and during the Palkhi in Lonand, I experienced this transformation in the attitude of the locals. Right from the preparation for the welcome of the Palkhi to its activities during the stay, there was a strong feeling of excitement and enthusiasm in the town. The human behaviour and attitude also transformed the spatial environment. Architectural settings of the public space transcended their defined functions by responding to the event in a natural, unplanned manner depending on their level of affordance. Given this background, the findings discussed above can be summarised as follows:
• The Palkhi’s activities encompassed the whole of Lonand in a fluid, continuous manner. The entire town became a large seamless public place which was shaped out of people’s usage and experiences10. • Spatial responsiveness depends primarily on human behaviour. The elements of adaptability, flexibility and affordance are determined by the physical settings but to a limited extent. These elements can only be extracted and used if the people’s attitude is sufficiently flexible11. • As a community ritual, the religious event of Palkhi is essential to draw out this flexibility in the human behaviour. As put forth by Relph (1976, p.47), ‘the meaning of places may be rooted in the physical setting,
10 Refers to research question no. 3: 3. How do the relationships that people have with the spaces they inhabit, help in shaping of space. 11 Refers to research question no. 6: 6. Are spaces more flexible or people more accommodative? 206 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
objects and activities, but are not a property of them – rather they are a property of human intentions and experiences. • Flexible human behaviour is complemented by the existing architectural settings, which serves as a backdrop, support or a catalyst for the different activities depending on their nature and requirements. The activities may remain constant, change or take a totally new form. But the mutual responsiveness occurs only when the architectural settings of public space are non-rigid, elastic or when they offer multiple affordances12. • The element of ‘time’ is of little consequence compared to the nature of the event. Even though Palkhi event happens once a year, and spans for only two days in Lonand, it has repercussions throughout the year. The town and the surrounding villages await the event with much enthusiasm as it brings about an important religious and cultural change in their routine lives. • Despite the repetitive nature of the Palkhi, which has been happening for over eight centuries, it still continues to be a special and much loved occasion. It has not only given identity to Lonand, but to all towns on its route which have acquired recognition due to their participation in the event.
Thus, the study presents a deeper understanding of responsiveness of public space during the Alandi-Pandharpur Palkhi. It also refers to the key issue - for spaces to be accommodative of spontaneous, unplanned activities, the people’s behaviour and mindset needs to be flexible.
12 Refers to research question no. 4: 4. What role does architecture then play in this ‘experiential’ shaping of space?
207 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
METHODOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS
In chapter two, I discussed the method used for my research. After doing the fieldwork, data collection and content analysis which has led to the above findings, I now review the methodical approach used. This evaluation presents the opportunity to improve, prepare for the further study and be creative. However, I believe that every research is a learning experience for the researcher and needs a holistic reflection rather than a strict evaluation. Reflection, along with contemplation can draw upon the multiple dimensions of the study and its contributions.
ADVANTAGES
I now discuss the appropriateness of the qualitative method. Considering the ethnographic nature of the research and the Pilgrimage phenomenon focus, this method was considered to be the most appropriate. Since my research bridged both, anthropology and architecture (see chapter two), the participant observer method was used. The advantages of this method are summarised as follows. First, being a participant in the pilgrimage of Alandi to Pandharpur, I realised the meaning and significance of ‘collective worship’ and its infectious quality. The experience of journeying with fellow pilgrims was powerful. I witnessed their enthusiasm and determination to achieve their goal. Collective fervour and purpose played an important role while journeying through the arduous conditions and materialistic discomforts. It was a valuable insight which I used while establishing their behaviour patterns for further interpretations. Thus, my role as a participant pilgrim was useful as it added the dimension of collective experience of the phenomenon to my research. The second advantage of being a participant observer was that ‘spontaneity’ in the human behaviour was captured. Since the main intention of the research was to observe people’s behaviour in Lonand’s public spaces during the Palkhi event, the method was highly appropriate. Thus, my role as 208 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections an observer and architect was useful when I focussed on the people-space dimension of the event. Third, photography and activity mapping proved to be extremely useful in ensuring a full record of the temporary events in the Palkhi. There was no possibility of a repetition of the activities. Accordingly, to record it precisely within the two days required the use of photography. The method also proved to be unobtrusive and has been used extensively to complement the text in the thesis. The activity mapping technique was especially useful for my spatial understanding of the activities. It gave a different dimension to the activity and started my analytical process during the fieldwork itself. Fourth, the three ‘times’ selected to observe and map the activities of the Palkhi’s sojourn in Lonand helped me to organise my observations during the event. It also helped to resolve the analysis. Finally, reflexivity or self-awareness is one of the crucial aspects of participant observation method (Patton, 2003, p.299). Observing myself ownself, I realised that I was influenced by the Palkhi’s all encompassing nature like any other onlooker. The collective elation at the Palkhi’s arrival and my joy at getting a chance to view the silver footwear of Saint Jnaneshwar evoked overwhelming feelings. They are some of the most fulfilling moments of my research. These experiences and feelings exposed me to the spiritual angle of pilgrimage.
CONSTRAINTS
As well as the advantages of the method, there were constraints. I now look at these in the following discussion. First, the constraint of shifting perspectives. My role as a participant observer and as an architect pilgrim led to shifting perspectives on the subject. At times, my architectural outlook attached more importance to the spatial settings than was perhaps required. The main challenge before me was to maintain the balance between both roles depending upon the situation. Second, the time dependency: While maintaining the balance between both outlooks (discussed above), a further limitation was of simultaneous 209 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections nature of the tasks to be performed. Given that the different activities were happening simultaneously in different places, I had to prioritise the durations and locations of my observations accordingly. This may have meant that I missed an aspect of one event because I was observing another, albeit related event elsewhere. Being a solo observer thus proved to be one of the constraints, given the vast nature of the Pilgrimage activity. Finally, maintaining the focus of my observations was at times difficult. Though I decided to focus on the issues related only to my research, I was unable to dissociate myself from peripheral observations and influences. Factors like limited hygiene and poor medical facilities were hard to ignore as the number of people involved in the pilgrimage was considerable. However, I absorbed as much as I could during the event, in order to get a holistic understanding. Organising the vast amount of collected data, posed a challenge in terms of deciding exactly what was and was not, relevant to my study.
LIMITATIONS OF THE PRESENT STUDY
The methodological reflections discussed above have pointed out the advantages and shortcomings of the research method. The following section considers the limitations of the present study in terms of its analysis and interpretations as well as the findings.
ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATIONS
The main difficulty I faced in this thesis was combining diverse layers of data and their subsequent interpretation. The variables for assessment, analysis and interpretation were three fold - public space, pilgrimage phenomenon, and human behaviour. The theoretical studies which served as a base for the research were also distinct in their own way, namely - urban design and architecture, anthropological studies of pilgrimage and behavioural sciences. None of them presented an interdisciplinary outlook which could form the theoretical underpinnings of this study. Amos Rapoport’s (1969, 1977, and 1992) environmental behaviour studies (EBS) came closest to my mode 210 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections of enquiry but were not completely applicable as it lacked anthropological dimension. His recent article titled ‘Architectural Anthropology or Environment- Behaviour Studies?’ points out the gaps in the wider field of EBS. He argues that within the EBS domain ‘anthropology was conspicuous by its absence’ (Rapoport, 2001, p.28). Thus, my research proved to be unique due to its multidisciplinary nature which required a unified approach. My attempt through this research has been to derive a method which will reinstate the common grounds within the fragmented disciplines. The second shortcoming was experienced in the form of activity mapping to represent diverse layers. Given the spontaneous and fluid nature of the Palkhi’s activities in Lonand, I realised that there are nested layers within the main activity. The human behaviour patterns are also a result of complex psychological, socio-cultural and religious factors which in turn affects their spatial usage. The mapping technique could not incorporate all of these finer aspects due to the limitations of the graphic medium. Hence, I incorporated these diverse layers through narrative accounts, analytical text, photographs, drawings, maps and sketches. At a primary level, the activity mapping technique served to extricate some of the layers, thereby simplifying the analysis; but, on the whole, it became equally difficult to establish a coherent link between them and the additional dimensions to view the picture in totality.
FINDINGS
Qualitative analysis and interpretations are unique to every research and researcher and can be approached in several ways. In this thesis, I have employed the experiential criteria developed in chapter four as a framework for this process. The findings are presented as a response to the research questions and concerns. They are of an intangible nature and need to be converted to design guidelines for their future applicability in other situations. In addition, they are interlinked to each other. One more important realisation about the findings was the divergence from the initial objectives or focus. I began with the analysis of the selected chowks of Lonand. However, during the process of activity mapping and 211 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections analysis, I realised the fluidity of the Palkhi’s activities which could not be restricted to the chowks. They encompass the lanes, streets, edges; semi- public spaces like verandas and courtyards, which blend to form the ‘systems of settings’ (Rapoport, 2001, p.33) or the public environment at large. The findings are thus, more of a self-realisation in terms of my notion of a ‘public space’. As an architect, I came to apprehend the nature of the public realm which needs a holistic design approach.
IMPLICATIONS FOR DESIGN OF PUBLIC SPACES 13
The above discussion highlights the importance of architectural settings which make way for the unintended, unplanned and the un-programmed. The ‘unmaking of architecture’ or ‘spaces where architecture withdraws’ is clearly revealed during the Palkhi event in Lonand (Tawa, 2005, p.4). The shaping of a responsive and lively public environment occurs by the virtue of such community rituals which hold a special significance for the people. The findings of this study point to design guidelines for public spaces. These guidelines are applicable to the unique context of public spaces on the Palkhi route. However, as Rapoport (1977, pp.4-5) argues, underlying the culture-specific behaviour of people and the variability of physical and social environments (as per the context) there exists a constancy in human characteristics, in the ways in which people interact with their urban environments. Thus, the guidelines also have wider applicability in the field of urban design as substantiated through the works of various urban theorists and scholars. I now discuss these design guidelines. They need to be modified to suit the specific contexts and socio-cultural requirements.
13 Refers to research question no. 5:
5. To what extent should public spaces be designed and are there guidelines which apply?
212 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
• Create spaces serving multiple uses or which are adaptable to suit different activities. Many activities can co-exist and function side by side. This is possible with the mixed land-use zoning characteristic of organic towns. The resultant interweaving and overlapping of activities attracts different people at different times for different purposes making the environment rich, lively and safe (Tibbalds, 1992, pp.32-35; Carmona et.al. 2003, p.180). • The findings of my research suggest that the design of edge conditions is crucial in this flexibility. Despite the continuity in the urban fabric for a sense of enclosure, the facades of the buildings and especially the ground floors, need to be permeable and to a human scale. They should enhance the interaction between the inside and the outside providing an active frontage in the form of transition spaces, openings, arcades, entrances and so on (Alexander et.al., 1977, p.552; Carmona et.al. 2003, p.173; Tibbalds, 1992, p.40; Corbett, 2004, p.94). • Encourage visual complexity and diversity to stimulate and retain interest of the people using the space, as well as by those who are moving through it. As seen from the study, this can be achieved by diversity in the architectural articulations and compositions, moving and changing objects and people and mixed uses. Further, events which engender the element of ‘change’ to the existing settings and routine lives are vitally important (Lang, 1987, pp.198; Rapoport, 1990, pp.273-74; Carmona et.al. 2003, p.151; Corbett, 2004, pp.101-03). However, the fine line between complexity and chaos is subjective and requires further research. • Design streets and public spaces for various types of movement and especially pedestrian, with easy and friendly access. The experience of public domain through walking should be considered to create a sense of place (Lang, 1987, p.198; Tibbalds, 1992, p.52; Carmona et.al. 2003, pp.169-72) • Sensitivity toward the changing rituals and their importance in ‘place’ formation. As my research shows, rituals have influenced several towns through the experiential shaping of space. They help in retaining the 213 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
cultural identity of a place and foster an attachment to it by creating strong associations and imagery. This thought is strongly advocated by eminent Indian architect, Balkrishna Doshi and it is reflected through his works and writing (Doshi, 1997, p.23).
IDEAS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
This research has been fulfilling on many levels. As well as answering the research questions, the findings of the study have opened up new avenues of thought. Given the multidisciplinary nature of the topic, the possibilities are many. Nevertheless, through this research, I have realised that the people-space relationship remains at the core of environmental experience. Based on this central thought, some of my ideas to take this study further are as follows.
First, specific to India:
• To extend the present study of Lonand town to incorporate the entire route of the Alandi-Pandharpur pilgrimage that will help to formulate the planning guidelines for the intermediate towns (doctoral studies). • To study increasingly marginalised local rituals and social practises in India so as to identify their potential in the design of a responsive public realm.
Second, more generally:
• To study the ‘organically’ developed and ‘planned’ towns and their public spaces to better understand sensitive design for new environments. • To design an alternative research method to incorporate the interdisciplinary studies in architecture that will extend its theoretical framework.
214 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
CONCLUSION
The majority of work on pilgrimages takes an anthropological orientation although recently there have been efforts to integrate those understandings with spatial aspects. These studies focus on pilgrimage towns or tirthas which are designed specially to accommodate the rituals. I have taken a different approach. I selected the Alandi-Pandharpur Pilgrimage and examined how it affects the different urban elements and in turn how these spaces adapt to the users. At a fundamental level, these spaces are not specially designed for such activities. Nevertheless, they are transformed revealing an interesting and dynamic urban configuration. On a social level, the study of human behaviour patterns during a significant religious event addresses the intangible element of architecture - that of experience, interpretation and meaning. My study of Lonand town, and the systematic analysis of its existing structure, provides a methodology to create an analytical framework. It defines an approach towards understanding and analysing both, static architectural configurations and dynamic human usage. Through my research, I have understood that architecture does not exist in isolation. It is not mere designing of ‘spaces’ according to the function and aesthetics, as human experience takes it to another level. In this way ‘places’ develop for people, their aspirations and traditions. The following thought is reinforced by my findings.
…..Architecture ceases to be about the space ‘in’ which events happen. Rather, these events themselves become the advent of an architecture which presents their spacing, and the (sur)face of their appearance’ (Tawa, 2005, p.5)
215 Chapter 8 Conclusions and Reflections
The challenge faced by culturally and historically rich countries like India, is from modernisation which threatens values for which they stand. Maintaining the character of a place does not merely involve using the local materials and designs. Rather, a place should sensitively respond to local rituals - however temporary - and the ways in which people use the space. Through the ritual of pilgrimage one can identify with deep-rooted human convictions and behavioural patterns and appreciate their role as defining elements of a humane environment.
216
Bibliography
Bibliography
Alandi Ashram (2006), ‘Saint Jnaneshwar’, viewed on 12th March 2006,
217 Bibliography
Certeau de, M. (1984), 'The Practice of Everyday Life', University of California Press, Berkeley. Ching, F. D. K. (1996), 'Architecture: Form, Space and Order',2nd ed. John Wiley & Sons, Inc., New York. Choudhary, A. R. (1994), 'Hinduism', in Sacred Place, eds. J. Holm and J. Bowker, Pinter Publishers Ltd., London. Compare InfoBase, ‘Location of Maharashtra in India’, viewed 31st March 2006,
218 Bibliography
DP Report (1980), ‘Report on the Development Plan on Lonand’, prepared by the Zilla Parishad, Satara. Dube, I. B. (2001), 'Divine affairs: religion, pilgrimage, and the state in colonial and postcolonial India', Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, India. Dubey, D. P. ed. (1995), Pilgrimage Studies: Sacred Places, Sacred Traditions, The Society of Pilgrimage Studies, Allahabad, India. Eck, D. L. (1998), 'Darsan: Seeing divine image in India', Columbia University Press, New York. Edensor, T. (1998), 'The Culture of the Indian Street', in Images of the Street: Planning, Identity and control in Public Space, ed. N. R. Fyfe, Routledge, London. Egenter, N. (1990), 'Architectural Anthropology', International Semiotic Spectrum, Toronto, viewed on 30th October 2006,
Jha, M. (1991), Social anthropology of Pilgrimage, Inter-India Publications, New Delhi. Joshi, S. (2006), Sketch of Vithoba, Sakal on 19 July, Pune. Kaelber, W. O. (2004), 'Ashrama', in The Hindu world, eds. S. Mittal and G. Thursby, Routledge, New York, USA. Kanitkar, V. and Cole, W. (1985), 'Hinduism', Hodder Headline Plc. London. Karve, I. (1962), 'On the Road: A Maharashtrian Pilgrimage', The Journal of Asian Studies, 22, 13-29. Kearns, R. (2000), 'Being there: Research through Observing and Participating', in Qualitative Research Methods in Human Geography, ed. I. Hay, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, Australia. Keyes, C. F. (1987), 'Buddhist Pilgrimage in South and Southeast Asia', in The Encyclopaedia of Religion, Vol. 11, ed. M. Eliade, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, USA. Khandekar, S. N., Oberoi, S. and Puri, A. (2004), 'Sahni's Marathi English Dictionary', Sahni Publications, Delhi, India. Klostermaier, K. K. (1994), 'A survey of Hinduism', State University of New York Press, Albany, USA. Krier, R. (1979), 'Urban Space', Academy Editions, London, Great Britain. Lang, J., Burnette, C., Moleski, W. and Vachon, D. (eds) (1974), Designing for Human Behaviour: Architecture and Behavioural sciences, Dowden, Hutchinson & Ross, Inc., Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania. Lang, J., (1987), 'Creating Architectural Theory: The Role of Behavioural Sciences in Environmental Design', Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York. Lawrence, D. and Low, S. (1990), 'The Built Environment and Spatial form', Annual Review of Anthropology, 19, 453-505. Lorenzen, D. N. (2004), 'Bhakti', in The Hindu World, eds. S. Mittal and G. Thursby, Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, New York, London. Luders, C. (2004), 'Field Observation and Ethnography', in A Companion to Qualitative Research, eds. U. Flick, E. v. Kardoff and I. Steinke, Sage Publications, London. Lynch, K. (1960), 'The Image of the City', MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Map Quest, ‘The Alandi to Pandharpur Pilgrimage route’, viewed 31 March 2006, 220 Bibliography Martin, R. C. (1987), 'Muslim Pilgrimage', in The Encyclopaedia of Religion, Vol. 11, ed. M. Eliade, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, USA. McGee, M. (2004), 'Samskara', in The Hindu World, eds. S. Mittal and G. Thursby, Routledge, New York, USA. Melton, G. J. and Baumann, M. (2002), ' Religions of the World, a Comprehensive Encyclopaedia of beliefs and practices', ABC-CLIO, California. Miao, P. (ed). (2001), Public spaces in Asia Pacific cities, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Netherlands. Mittal, S. and Thursby, G. (eds) (2004), The Hindu World, Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, New York, USA. Mokashi, D. M. (1990), 'Palkhi: A Pilgrimage to Pandharpur, Tr. P.Engblom, Orient Longman Ltd., Hyderabad. Morinis, A. (1984), 'Pilgrimage in the Hindu Tradition, A Case study of West Bengal', Oxford University Press, Calcutta. Morinis, A. (1992), 'Introduction: The territory of anthropology of Pilgrimage', in Sacred Journeys: The Anthropology of Pilgrimage, ed. A. Morinis, Greenwood Press, Connecticut, London. Morse, J. M. and Richards , L. (2002), 'Read Me First for a user's guide to Qualitative Methods', Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, California. Moughtin, C. (1999), 'Urban Design: Street and Square', Architectural Press, Oxford. Nalavde, P. (2000), 'Chandrabhaga ahe sakshila', Shraddha Publication, Barshi, India. Nerkar, A. (1998), 'Hoy Hoy Varkari', Granthali Prakashan, Mumbai. Neurgaokar, S. K. (2001), 'Palkhi Sohala', Shri Jnaneshwar Maharaj Sansthan Committee, Alandi, Pune. Norberg-Schulz, C. (1980), 'Genius Loci: Towards a phenomenology of Architecture', Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., New York. Noss, D. (2003), 'A history of world religions', Prentice Hall, New Jersey. Olgay, V. (1963), 'Design with Climate: Bioclimatic approach to Architectural design', Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey. [The] Oxford English Dictionary, (1989), Simpson, J. A. and Weiner, E. S. C. (eds). Clarendon Press, Oxford. Pachpute, B. (,2005), 'Palkhi margavaril vrukshropanasathi nidhi denar: Pachpute', in Sakal Satara on 7th July p. 2. Pandharpur, ‘Pigrims at Pandharpur Vitthal Temple’ and ‘Vithoba at Pandharpur’, viewed on 5th May 2005,< http://www.dabase.org/vitthal.htm> 221 Bibliography Patton, M. Q. (2002), 'Qualitative Research and Evaluation Methods', Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, Wisconsin. Pieper, J. (ed) (1980), Ritual Space in India: Studies in Architectural Anthropology, AARP, London. Preston, J. J. (1992), Spiritual Magnetism: An organising principle for the study of pilgrimage, in Sacred Journeys: The anthropology of pilgrimage, ed. A. Morinis,pp.31-46, Greenwood Press, Westport, CT. Rao, V. N. (2004), 'Oral Teachings and Textual Traditions', in The Hindu World, eds. S. Mittal and G. Thursby, Routledge, New York. Rapoport, A. (1969), 'House, Form and Culture', Prentice-Hall Inc., New Jersey. Rapoport, A. (1977), 'Human Aspects of Urban Form: towards a Man-Environment Approach to Urban form and design', Pergamon Press, Oxford. (1987), 'On the Cultural Responsiveness of Architecture', Journal of Architectural Education, 41, 10-15. Rapoport, A. (1990), 'History and Precedent in Environmental Design', Plenum Press, New York. Rapoport, A. (2001), 'Architectural Anthropology or Environmental Behaviour Studies?' in Architectural Anthropology, ed. M. Amerlinck, Bergin & Garvey, Westport, Connecticut. Relph, E. C. (1976), 'Place and Placelessness', Pion, London. Robinson, M. (ed). (1996), Chamber's 21st Century Dictionary, Allied Chambers (India) Ltd., New Delhi. Sahashrabuddhe, R. (1988), 'Paule chalati', Nandadeep Prakashan, Thane, India. Sand, E. R. (1990), 'The Legend of Pundarika: The founder of Pandharpur', in The History of Sacred Places in India as reflected in traditional literature: Papers on Pilgrimage in South Asia, ed. B. Hans, E.J. Brill, Netherlands. Sardar, G. B. (1969), 'The Saint Poets of Maharashtra (Their Impact on the Society)', Orient Longmans Limited, Bombay. Schwartzberg, J. E., Bajpai, S. G. and Mathur, R. B. (eds) (1992), A Historical Atlas of South East Asia: Second Impression, Oxford University Press, New York, Oxford. Shokeid, M. (1987), 'Contemporary Jewish Pilgrimage', in The Encyclopaedia of Religion, Vol. 11, ed. M. Eliade, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, USA. 222 Bibliography Sigal, P. A. (1987), 'Roman Catholic Pilgrimage in Europe', in The Encyclopaedia of Religion, Vol. 11, ed. M. Eliade, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York. Simonds, J. O. (1983), 'Landscape architecture: a manual of site planning and design', McGraw-Hill, New York. Simpson, J. A. and Weiner, E. S. C. (1989), 'The Oxford English Dictionary', Clarendon Press, Oxford. Stanley, J. M. (1992), 'The Great Maharashtrian Pilgrimage: Pandharpur and Alandi', in Sacred Journeys: The anthropology of pilgrimage, ed. A. Morinis, Greenwood Press, Westport, CT. Stutley, M. and Stutley, J. (1977), 'A dictionary of Hindusim: its mythology, folklore, and development:' Routledge & K. Paul, London. Tawa, M. (2005), 'Makeshift Stalls', in Sense of Place: the Indian subcontinent, Essay competition, 2004, University of Melbourne, viewed on 15 Jan. 2006, 223 List of Figures Page Numbers CHAPTER 1 1.1 Key elements of the research: people and public space 4 1.2 Key theme of the research: people-space relationships 5 CHAPTER 3 3.1 Key elements of pilgrimage 29 3.2 Pilgrimage as means to attain higher spiritual level 29 3.3 A pilgrim as a traveller 30 3.4 Types of pilgrimage journey 32 3.5 Centrality of Hajj 36 3.6 Christianity and Pilgrimage 37 3.7 Judaism and Pilgrimage 39 3.8 Buddhism and Pilgrimage 40 3.9 Hindusim and pilgrimage 49 3.10 Movement to, through and around a tirtha in a Hindu pilgrimage 50 CHAPTER 4 4.1 Spatial evolution 59 4.2 Elements of a Public Square: The sky, ground and the vertical enclosing planes 61 4.3 Enclosure development 64 4.4 Types of squares according to Zucker(1959, p.8) 66 4.5 Scale of spaces relative to human activity 67 4.6 Schematic sections showing proportion 69 4.7 Width of a small square 69 4.8 Use of open-to sky spaces in hot climate 72 4.9 Placement of Terminal building 74 4.10 Unfolding of a sequence 75 vii Page Numbers CHAPTER 5 5.1 Palkhi procession in the Dive ghats 88 5.2 Rain during the Palkhi’s journey to Saswad 88 5.3 Vithoba at Pandharpur 91 5.4 Location of Maharashtra in India 92 5.5 Three districts through which the Palkhi passes during its course. 93 5.6 The Alandi to Pandharpur Pilgrimage route 93 5.7 Pandharpur during Pilgrimage 94 5.8 Saint Jnaneshwar 95 5.9 Alandi on the banks of Indrayani River 97 5.10 The Varkaris 99 5.11 Varkaris with their orange flapping flags during the journey 100 5.12 The Palanquin of Saint Jnaneshwar 102 5.13 The decorated chariot carrying the palanquin 102 5.14 The flag bearers of a dindi 105 5.15 Varkaris washing clothes and utensils along the route 111 5.16 Morning halt on the way to Malshiras town 111 CHAPTER 6 6.1 Palkhi route showing its 15 night-halts 115 6.2 Key location of Lonand on the Palkhi route 116 6.3 Major road and rail connections 117 6.4 Road Network in Lonand showing two main roads 118 6.5 Agricultural surrounds 120 6.6 Weekly Bazaar or Market 120 6.7 Land use pattern 121 6.8 Bhairavnath Temple: 122 6.9 Palkhi route in Lonand 122 6.10 Dense gaothan with mixed architectural character 124 6.11 Narrow Lanes 124 6.12 Typical street section 125 viii Page Numbers 6.13 Balconies and verandas overlooking Laxmi road in Lonand 125 6.14 Vegetable market on the street 127 6.15 Streetscapes in Lonand 128 6.16 Streetscapes in Lonand 128 6.17 Welcome gateway for the varkaris 130 6.18 Temporary shed stretched from a truck on Palkhi tal 131 6.19 Saint Jnaneshwar’s tent on Palkhi tal 131 6.20 Glimpse of Palkhi arrival in Lonand 133 CHAPTER 7 7.1 Part plan of Lonand showing the selected public spaces on the Palkhi route 136 7.2 Laxmi chowk showing Laxmi temple 137 7.3 Laxmi road leading to Laxmi chowk 138 7.4 View from the Laxmi chowk 138 7.5 Tanaji chowk showing the banyan trees with masonry platforms around 139 7.6 Laxmi chowk: Existing land-use plan 141 7.7 Tanaji chowk: Existing land-use plan 142 7.8 Tanaji chowk: as a public interaction space 143 7.9 Tanaji chowk showing the plinth remains and the building under construction 143 7.10 Laxmi chowk, Plan, showing the square dimensions 144 7.11 Laxmi chowk, Transverse Section 145 7.12 Laxmi chowk, Longitudinal Section 145 7.13 Tanaji chowk, Plan, showing the square dimensions 147 7.14 Tanaji chowk: Transverse Section 148 7.15 Tanaji chowk, Longitudinal Section 148 7.16 Edge Condition of a shop on Laxmi road encouraging interaction 150 7.17 From Laxmi road towards Laxmi chowk. 155 7.18 Towards Laxmi chowk from Shri Sitaladevi road 157 7.19 Towards Tanaji chowk from Laxmi chowk 158 7.20 Tanaji chowk to Bhairavnath temple on Palkhi route 159 7.21 Glimpses showing arrival of Palkhi chariot in Laxmi chowk 162 ix ` Page Numbers 7.22 Map showing Palkhi arrival in Laxmi chowk 163 7.23 Onlookers gathered in Laxmi chowk to see the Palkhi procession 164 7.24 Glimpses of Palkhi procession on Laxmi road 164 7.25 Palanquin taken off the chariot in Tanaji chowk 166 7.26 Palanquin carried by the pilgrims from Tanaji chowk onwards 166 7.27 Map of Tanaji chowk showing the change in Palkhi mode 167 7.28 Palkhi arrival at the temporary base (Palkhi-tal) in Lonand 169 7.29 Laxmi chowk transformed during the Palkhi stay 170 7.30 Top view of Laxmi chowk showing layout of make-shift stalls 171 7.31 Laxmi road adorned with make-shift stalls 171 7.32 Tanaji chowk during the Palkhi stay filled with hawkers 172 7.33 Top view of Laxmi road showing market stalls 173 7.34 Map of Laxmi road and Laxmi chowk showing stalls layout 174 7.35 Map of Tanaji chowk showing stalls layout 174 7.36 Mobile vendor with a bicycle 175 7.37 A closer look at the small commercial activities: A jewellery vendor and a barber 175 7.38 Veranda uses by the pilgrims 176 7.39 Temporary stall structures in Lonand during Palkhi stay 177 7.40 Group interactions in Tanaji chowk 178 7.41 Meals served to the varkaris by the locals in a lane 179 7.42 Shaded area under building projections used for serving meals 180 7.43 Map showing night-time activity of religious discourse in Tanaji chowk 181 7.44 Veranda of a temple used as rest space by the varkaris 182 7.45 Tents set up in the Bhairavnath temple precinct for the varkaris’s stay 183 7.46 Private courtyard covered by temporary sheets for varkaris 183 x Page Numbers 7.47 Complex architectural character of streetscapes in Lonand 186 7.48 Building façades articulated with different materials 186 7.49 Visual imagery enriched with variety of forms, colours and textures 187 7.50 Movement patterns in the Palkhi 189 7.51 Bhakti, the driving force behind pilgrimage journey 191 7.52 Glimpses of varkari devotion 191 7.53 Interactions in a public space 194 7.54 Sharing the pilgrimage experience 194 CHAPTER 8 8.1 Table summarising findings of the study 198 xi