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Citation: Khan, S. M., Shaheen, M., & Hashmi, M. J. (2021). Preserving Distinctive Identity through Cultural Revival: An Analysis of Sindhi Nationalist Movement during One-Unit Era. Global Political Review, VI(I), 24-36. https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI- I).03

Sultan Mubariz Khan * | Misbah Shaheen† | Muhammad Jawad Hashmi ‡

Preserving Distinctive Identity through Cultural Revival: An Analysis of Sindhi Nationalist Movement during One-Unit Era

Vol. VI, No. I (Winter 2021) URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).03 Pages: 24 – 36 p- ISSN: 2521-2982 e- ISSN: 2707-4587 p- ISSN: 2521-2982 DOI: 10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).03

Headings Abstract The paper intends to address the fundamental question that whether the movement for cultural revival in

• Introduction during the One-Unit period was a surrogate effort for the • Theoretical Considerations achievement of political goals or it was an effort by the Sindhi intelligentsia to protect Sindhi culture against the government’s patronized onslaught of • Socio-Political Context foreign cultures and to ensure the survival of cultural personality of • Culture Preservation or indigenous . The abolishment of Sindh’s provincial status in 1955 to create a unified province of West , also called as One-Unit, had Political Autonomy triggered a campaign in Sindh to regain the provincial status. The political • Findings of the Study environment was not permissible for any overt political agitation, so a vigorous campaign for cultural revival spearheaded by the intelligentsia and • Conclusions educated youth emerged with vigor. The study focuses on investigating the • References goals and objectives of the movement by qualitative analysis of data and concludes that the movement endeavoured to protect and strengthen the distinctive cultural personality of indigenous Sindhis within Pakistan

Key Words: Sindh, Culture, Ethnic, Identity, Indigenous/Native Sindhi’s

Introduction The merger of multiple ethnic communities into phenomenon in such circumstances (Loury 1999). one administrative/political unit becomes Furthermore, the absences of democratic channels displeasing for those groups who are granted less of representation due to authoritarian practices access to the socio-economic and political (civilian or military dictatorship) enervate the ethnic resources (Wimmer 1997). Such situations create minorities’ position. Political mobilization becomes an opportunity for larger representation of the an arduous task because of authoritarian regimes’ majority groups at the expense of minority groups. harsh and oppressive attitude toward the Consequently, a sense of deprivation develops opposition. In such political environments, the among minority communities as they do not have leadership of ethno-nationalist movements deems an appropriate share in administrative and decision- it more suitable to adopt the clandestine approach making structure. The advent of ethnic sentiments for the achievement of their goals instead of open and nationalist tendencies is not a strange and novel defiance (Maiz, 2003). Resultantly, ethnic groups

*Assistant Professor, Department of Political & IR, of Gujrat, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan. Email: [email protected] †Lecturer, Department of Political Science & IR, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan. ‡Lecturer, Department of Political Science & IR, , Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.

Preserving Distinctive Identity through Cultural Revival: An Analysis of Sindhi Nationalist Movement during One-Unit Era resort to ethno-lingual and cultural preservation distinctive Sindhi culture and linguistic identity. strategies. Such strategies are helpful to avoid the complete extinction of distinctive group identity, as Theoretical Considerations well as lend legitimacy to political claims for the right The review of relevant literature is illuminative to of self-determination (Smith, Ethno-symbolism and comprehend the socio-political contexts which : A Cultural Approach 2009). Thus, induce the ethnic groups to initiate movements for political and socio-economic marginalization of recognition of their separate identity. Hence, it is ethnic groups combined with oppressive policies of hypothesized that socio-political contexts outline authoritarian regimes provides the context for the the goals/objective pursued by these groups and genesis of ethno nationalist movement with the identify the best strategies to achieve them. The overt objectives of cultural revivalism and ethnic central question of this study is that what the preservation. stemming objectives of Sindhi ethno-nationalism The present article seeks to critically evaluate were during the decade of the 60s. The question the genesis of Sindhi ethno-nationalism in Pakistan has been addressed by several renowned scholars and to analyze the desired goals of the movement of nationalism, and their useful insights are that either it was initiated for the fundamental goal advantageous to investigate any specific case. of cultural preservation, or it was a covert struggle Internal unity is one of the basic objectives. for political autonomy and economic leverages. To Subjective feelings amongst members of an ethnic achieve this objective, the study constructs an group about their common identity are most vital analytical framework based on two parallel to develop internal unity. In the words of (Connor, approaches; ‘Ethno-symbolism’ and ‘Modernism’. Nation Building or Nation Destroying? 1972), "the Latter considers political autonomy and economic self-view of one's group, rather than the tangible benefits as the desired outcomes of ethno- characteristics is of the essence in determining the nationalism, while the former stresses cultural and existence or non-existence of a nation” (p.337). identity preservation as the primary objectives of According to him, ethnic groups only emerge when nationalist movements. Thence, the article begins a sense of distinctive national consciousness by exploring the hypothetical discussion, primarily permeates the minds of the masses. The presence focusing on the writings of Benedict Anderson, Paul of ethnic/nationalist consciousness among the R. Brass; Earnest Gellner; John Breuilly and Eric majority of the population is considered a Hobsbawm (Modernists) and Anthony D. Smith; prerequisite for any struggle on the basis of identity John Armstrong; John Hutchinson and John Hasting and language (Conversi 2004). The other objective (Ethno-symbolists), this section demonstrates that is to mobilize the members for the groups' cause. how this framework can be applied to assess the According to Anthony Smith, it is not possible motives of Sindhi ethno-nationalism. Then the without careful selection of the symbols which have article reviewed the socio-economic context historical importance for the masses (Smith, The responsible for the emergence of Sindhi ethno- Ethnic Origin of Nations 1986). Such symbols nationalism by evaluating various measures such as include distinct language, unique culture and . the creation of a one-unit scheme and cultural States’ assimilation policies engender feelings unification policies implemented by state amongst followers of ethnic cultures that their authorities. The succeeding section deals with a distinctive identities are in danger of extinction. comparative analysis of the two prime themes, Resort to cultural preservation strategies is the cultural preservation and political autonomy. The much-anticipated response. Hutchinson (2008) last section concludes that Sindhi ethno-nationalism stressed that the bank of ‘historical' memories and a was a rejoinder against the oppressive and coercive solid popular heritage is highly beneficial in group- policies of state authorities and was further formation discourse (Hutchinson, Re-interpreting augmented by cultural unification strategies. The Cultural Nationalism, 1999). Association with the movement remained successful in getting its overt historical community, which has survived the objectives the preservation and protection of vicissitude with resolute courage, inspires people to

Vol. VI, No. I (Winter 2021) Page | 25 Sultan Mubariz Khan, Misbah Shaheen and Muhammad Jawad Hashmi overcome present difficulties (Hutchinson, National myths and norms may be fictitious or at least Thought in : A Cultural History by Joep manipulated to fit the desired goals. The exercise in Leerssen, 2008). The cultural revivalist movements social is very vital for the formation of a help to achieve that goal. Nationalists’ intellectuals distinct identity based on ethno-national culture. play the role of cultural archaeologists who Related are created and then transmitted rediscover and reinterpret the ethnic past to through traditions that ultimately develop the authenticate their ongoing claims. According to national character of a group/nation. Ethnic Smith, nationalism is an ideological movement sentiments are manipulated in instrumental fashion whose purpose is to attain and maintain unity and to mobilize the masses and to get support for their identity for such population, which deems to covert political goals (Hobsbawm and Ranger, The constitute a nation/ethnic group (Smith, Myths and invention of tradition 2012). The nationalists’ desire Memories of the Nation 1999). The preservation to achieve the official status for their mother tongue of traditional cultural attributes is a significant goal of at the state or provincial level is not only for cultural nationalists' movements, and it can be secured glorification. The official status of a language accrues mainly through the promotion of distinct language a lot of socio-economic and political dividend for its and culture. So, the nationalist movements of speakers (Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: A oppressed groups endeavoured to strengthen History of the World, 1914-1991, 1994). group identity through securing their community's Purification of ethnic languages by eliminating language and culture (Veldeman 2009). Efforts are linguistic influences of other languages is the other made to produce new modem literature in the objective which ethno-linguistic movements seek to vernacular languages (Calhoun 1993). In modern achieve (Maiz, 2003). Earnest Gellner argued that times survival of language becomes difficult if it failed “nationalism is primarily a political principle” that to get official recognition. So, the government’s “became a sociological necessity only in the modern decision to or deny official status for a world”. That needs neither ideology nor language is highly correlated with its survival or intellectuals since it is a semi-spontaneous response extinction (Kymlicka 2004) so the ethno-national that emerges due to unequal development groups desire the official status for their native (Gellner 1983). In pre-modern agrarian societies, a tongues, deeming it vital for their survival. Cultural social structure based on societal roles was fairly nationalism should be seen as an integrative force clear and self-enforcing. Farmers, merchants, clergy that sought to unite group members by reviving and rulers all had their due share and tended to within them a love and knowledge of their common occupy a clearly appropriate stratum within society. history and culture. The socio-economic structure of modern On the other hand, according to modernists, industrialized societies became the majority group the existence of distinctive symbols is not dominated. The "enforcement of the social " indispensable to create consciousness of group by a privileged few came through a system of identity. This “conscious formation of separate that was limited only to the elite (Brass, identity” happened through various mechanisms. Elite Groups, Symbol Manipulation, and Ethnic According to Hobsbawm, the invention of traditions Identity among the of 1979). and the myth of shared ancestry is a central theme Only those who had been educated in the of identity formation. Nationalist elites desirous of necessary complexities had the skills to fill executive uniting the ethnic community around a common and administrative positions. As public education language and culture may do so by the invention of became more available, the resultant normative traditions. By “invented traditions”, Hobsbawm high culture became a locus for nationalist means “a set of practices” which seek to inculcate sentiments. In the absence of such symbolic certain well-established values and norms, around repertoire, it is fabricated by nationalists' which a group feels itself distinct from other intellectuals. Cultural attributes are promoted or communities (Hobsbawm and Ranger, The ignored on the basis of political expediency. Elite invention of tradition 2012). Common values, select aspects of a group's culture attach new values

Page | 26 Global Political Review (GPR) Preserving Distinctive Identity through Cultural Revival: An Analysis of Sindhi Nationalist Movement during One-Unit Era

& meanings to them and use those as tools to attain To modernists, nationalism’s primary objective the desired political goals (Brass, Ethnicity and is to secure a representative state for their Nationalism: Theory und Comparison 1991). community so that it might participate as an equal in Commonalities with political adversaries are the developing cosmopolitan rationalist civilization. downplayed, and differences are exaggerated Inversely, in views of ethno-symbolists, nationalist (Anderson 1991). The discovered past is often not movements’ major concern is the preservation of real but imagined by the nationalist elite. Its political the distinct identity and unique culture of their salience is not dependent upon its reality. More vital community. The succeeding section of the article is the acceptance by new generations as their real explores the applicability levels of theoretical past (Breuilly 1994); (Connor, Ethno nationalism: assumptions of ethno-symbolism and modernism The Quest for Understanding 1994); (Hechter that either former fostered 2000); (Hobsbawm, Mass-producing traditions: significantly or later played a decisive role in its Europe, 1870–1914 1993). Nationalist emergence. movements’ primary objective is the attainment of self-rule or political autonomy for their community Socio-Political Context (Calhoun 1993). The ethnic groups might involve The provinces of lost their provincial themselves in political campaigns for the status in 1955 due to the implementation of the achievement of their rights if they deem one-unit plan. The one-unit plan was the scheme circumstances suitable for such type of struggle. to form a single province comprising all the The ethnic groups in wider societies entered into territories of West Pakistan by abolishing the alliances with other political forces on the basis of provincial statuses of the existing provinces. The common interests. Alliances of deprived ethno- government imposed it by coercive means (Khan regional groups with democratic forces who are and Mushtaq 2017). It was widely criticized and involved in the struggle against dictatorial regimes resented throughout the country, especially in for the restoration of democracy are never out of smaller provinces of West Pakistan. Relatively, the the question (Conversi 2004). The other pertinent resentment against the one-unit plan was more question addressed by existing literature is about intense in Sindh as the province had a pungent the social basis of the participants and the leadership experience in the past due to its unification with the of ethnic movements. The ethnic movements . involved in intellectual endeavor have different leadership than movement waging active political or The one-unit period ushered structural violent struggles. Cultural revival is dependent upon changes in political and administrative institutions of the role of the elite than the richness of cultural West Pakistan as the entire decision making and heritage (Brass, Elite Groups, Symbol Manipulation, administrative powers were concentrated in and Ethnic Identity among the Muslims of South Asia (the capital of the new province of West 1979). The middle class mostly provide leadership Pakistan). Unified West Pakistan province’ to the community involved in the cultural struggle. administrative structure was dominated by The nationalist elite mostly comprised of such advanced as well as educated professions as artists, poets, writers, journalist and speaking Immigrants. That was very strange and intellectuals (Smith, The Ethnic Origin of Nations unacceptable for Sindhis, like other smaller and 1986). In post-colonial states, efforts for economic backward ethnic groups of West Pakistan (Kennedy development and enhancement of education 1991). Sindhis’ meager representation in facilities help to expand the size of the middle class administration and scanty participation in decision to a considerable level (Brass, Elite Groups, Symbol making reduced further due to the imposition of the Manipulation, and Ethnic Identity among the first Martial in Pakistan. General Muhammad Muslims of South Asia 1979). Nationalists’ exploit became the chief martial law sensitivities related to culture and language to administrator. He desired to establish a strong mobilize frustrated and masses. central government headed by a powerful chief executive and postulated that the military generals

Vol. VI, No. I (Winter 2021) Page | 27 Sultan Mubariz Khan, Misbah Shaheen and Muhammad Jawad Hashmi and bureaucrats, who had served the colonial The autocratic state structure became administration, were the most suitable personals to more coercive due to the imposition of Martial run state administration because they commanded Law in 1958. Nationalist parties were the required skill and experience (Sayeed, Pakistan, suppressed, and all types of political activities the Formative Phase, 1857-1948 1968). The only were banned, and the press was proscribed to way to have to say in the government's affairs, write anything against the government. especially in decision making, was possible by having Politicians were imprisoned, and later, a law a sufficient presence in civil-military bureaucracy. named Elective Bodies Disqualification Order Whilst Sindhis had very little representation in the (EBDO) was enacted to debar them from army and elite cadre of civilian bureaucracy, the playing a part in politics and holding public ‘Civil Services of Pakistan' (CSP) performed the offices. The government was especially more major bureaucratic functions and enjoyed almost a aggressive to nationalist politicians. Almost all of monopoly of prestigious bureaucratic posting the prominent Sindhi nationalist leaders (Ziring 1980). Exclusion from the state power incarcerated. Few were; G. M. Syed, structure created a sense of deprivation among the QaziFaiz Muhammad, Abdul Majeed indigenous population of Sindh and strengthened Sindhi and (Siddiqi 2012). The sentiments of ethno-nationalism (Amin 1988). oppressive policies of the military government Such exclusionary policies of state officials not made it impossible to orchestrate political activities only deprived Sindh of its political autonomy but during the first half of the 1960s decade. also created challenges for its unique ethno-cultural In the erstwhile era of civilian governments, identity, which Sindhis had always protected. State Sindhi nationalist leaders had launched a political authorities wanted cultural homogenization, which was and popular campaign to annul the one-unit deemed necessary to legitimize the administrative scheme before the imposition of Martial Law. Sindhi unification of West Pakistan. The central government leaders who were opposed to one-unit were able vigorously persuaded its goal of cultural integration to form an alliance with the nationalist forces of of all the regions constituting West Pakistan that smaller provinces of West Pakistan in the of Sindhis perceived not much different from the the anti-one-unit front. The front had made political policies pursued by the Tsarist and Communist efforts to undo the one-unit scheme by using the Russia to eradicate the cultural and historical platform of elected assemblies. The two main rival traditions of the dominated nationalities in the political parties, The Pakistan Muslim League (PML) Russian empire and later on in USSR (Sayeed, and Republican Party (RP), we're competing with Politics in Pakistan: The Nature and Direction of each other in West Pakistan Legislative Assembly to Change 1980). In its attempt to obliterate the win the support of the majority for the formation of distinct identity of the Sindh region of West Pakistan, the government. The anti-one-unit front got the the government initiated various measures. The decisive position in West Pakistan Legislative staff of the postal department was instructed not to Assembly to tilt the balance in favour of one or deliver letters bearing the name of Sindh in the another political party. It utilized that position quite addresses. Local of various places effectively and successfully achieved the desired were changed. The name of the railway station objective. Initially, assembly members of the one- Hyderabad Sindh was changed to Hyderabad. The unit front made an agreement with PML. They signboards of railway stations, roads and other agreed to support PML's efforts to topple the public places are earlier written in Sindhi were government of West Pakistan formed by RP. PML, replaced by the signboards written in Urdu (Iram in return, pledged to support the resolution to undo 2009); (Raj 2017). In the words of an eminent the one unit. The suspended Sindhi nationalist, Ibrahim Joyo, “Government’s the West Pakistan assembly and imposed governor policies of cultural integration posed a serious threat rule to avoid that situation. Nationalists then joined for native Sindhi culture and its followers’ distinctive hands with the ruling RP for the restoration of identity” (Joyo 2005). assembly. Assembly was restored, and with the

Page | 28 Global Political Review (GPR) Preserving Distinctive Identity through Cultural Revival: An Analysis of Sindhi Nationalist Movement during One-Unit Era support of RP, nationalists successfully managed jobs vis-à-vis other dominant communities aroused approval of the resolution from the West Pakistan and accentuated nationalist sentiments. The Assembly to undo the one-unit scheme (I. H. Malik situation was compounded by large scale allotment 1997). of agricultural lands to non-Sindhis. Entrepreneurial The Anti-one-unit movement was also able activities were also denominated by them. It to win considerable popular support in Sindh. produced widespread alienation in Sindhi society The nationalists organized public meetings, processions towards the government and political system of and conferences to create awareness and unite the Pakistan. That resulted in the expansion of the people against one unit (Choudhry 1997). Most of the nationalists' ranks (B. Ali 1992). Lower and middle politicians of Sindh belonging to different classes became natural allies in the nationalists’ political parties were in favour of the anti-one- struggle for the preservation of cultural heritage, unit movement. Even the Sindhi members of economic recourses and political rights of the Central Legislative Assembly (CLA) indigenous Sindhis (Korejo 2000). The nationalist belonging to the then ruling RP formed alliance cadre now comprised educated youth belonging to with anti-one-unit forces to contest the urban middle class, middle-sized feudal and rich upcoming elections (Samad 1995). The peasants (Verkaaik, 2004). imposition of martial law changed the situation drastically. The absence of the Culture Preservation or Political democratic/representative channels dealt a Autonomy serious blow for political efforts of the Deeming cultural preservation, a prerequisite for constituent units to attain autonomy through the nationalist political struggle supported by adequate democratic and constitutional process cultural, linguistic and historical symbols, Sindhis (Maniruzzaman 1967) Ban was imposed on all decided to promote their nationalist agenda in types of political activities, and the press was disguise of Sindhi culture and language. The proscribed to write anything against the clandestine approach to disseminate nationalist government. Politicians were imprisoned, and ideas by means of literature, language and culture later on, a law, namely Elective Bodies, were preferred (Amin 1988). Political autonomy Disqualification Order (EBDO), was enacted to was wrapped by the cultural revival movement, led debar politician from taking part in politics and by the intelligentsia and backed by the educated holding public offices. The nationalist leaders were middle-class youth of rural Sindh (Verkaaik 2004). especially targeted, and almost all the influential That enabled Sindhis to rebuff the state’s efforts to leaders were sent to jails (Verkaaik 2004). Due to cultivate a homogenized culture of West Pakistan harsh policies of the government, a ban on political which they considered as cultural annihilation activities and imprisonment of political leadership, inflicted deliberately against indigenous Sindhi the political movement to undo the one unit culture and traditions (Aalvi 1989); (Ahmed 1999). became dormant. Occasionally they remained successful to launch In Sindh, modernization and the spread of strong public protest campaigns. The large scale education expanded the size of the educated protests against obtruding Urdu as a medium of middle class. Middle-class personnel were aspirants instructions in place of Sindhi are such striking of newly created job opportunities in the public and examples. private sectors. Their competitors were the The two prominent leaders of the movement Punjabis and Urdu speaking Immigrants who had Ghulam Murtaza Syed and Hyder Bux Jatoi, the benefits of early modernization and state possessed wonderful literary and intellectual paternalism (Burki and Baxter 1991) which helped capabilities besides being political activists. They the latter to overwhelm Sindhis in competition for were progressive nationalists whose aim was to jobs (Aalvi 1989). Awareness of rights due to uplift the condition of lower classes and to preserve education and sense of deprivation because of Sindhi culture and distinctive identity. They wrote Sindhis handicapped position in the competition for several books and leaflets portraying the core

Vol. VI, No. I (Winter 2021) Page | 29 Sultan Mubariz Khan, Misbah Shaheen and Muhammad Jawad Hashmi ideology of the Sindhi nationalism and the mal- underlying objective was the strengthening of treatment which Sindhis were confronting by the distinguished ethno-regional identity of Punjabi- Mohajir (Immigrant) elite nexus. Their Sindh (M. Ali 2008). Rooh Rehan and Mehran works emphasized that indigenous Sindhis were a journals published by SAS and SAB respectively unique nation by virtue of their distinct culture, frolicked (M. A. Khan 1967) a very significant history and language, and they sustained with part in the proliferation and mushrooming of determination their distinctiveness even in the nationalist approach. SAS launched a program of antagonistic and inauspicious situation (M. Ali well-organized gatherings of Sindhi scholars and 2008). They vigorously resisted any incursion literary figures for exchange of views. In those against their culture, linguistic identity and land gatherings in the disguise of literature (Harrison, “Ethnicity and Political Stalemate in nationalists' political activities were conducted. Pakistan”, Regional Imbalance and National Those meetings were given the name of Sindhi question in Pakistan 1992); (Syed, The case of Sham (evening). Thus, it proved to become Sindh,: G.M. Sayed’s. Deposition for the Court another efficacious strategy to proliferate the 1995). In his writings, Jatoi focused on native nationalist ideological themes (Qureshi, Sindhis’ resentments about prejudiced land Hyderabad ke hungamae: Waqiat ki Roshni apportionment in Sindh and the miseries of lower maen Haqiqi Asbab kaa Jaaiza 1970). classes, especially farmers, due to such unjust land The government's policies to replace Sindhi distribution. He authored several brochures on the with the Urdu language caused burst of protests and issue of massive land allocation to non-Sindhis in the strikes. Nationalists believed such actions as a province. Twenty-seven and sixteen booklets in planned effort to wipe out the and English and Sindhi languages, respectively, are at his culture. Preservation of Sindhi language became the credit apart from the several books (Joyo 2005); first priority of the Sindhi nationalist movement. (Tahir 2010). They make use of all their political muscles for Twin literary organizations, Sindhi Adabi continuation of the Sindhi as the language of Sangat (SAS) and Sindhi Adabi Mahaz (SAM), educational institutions as well as provincial and local performed the decisive role to buttress the administration. Nationalists’ efforts bore fruit and unique cultural, historical and linguistic identity finally, the government had to reverse its decision of Sindh. They provided a platform for and Sindhi language regained its former status in intellectuals such as poets, writers and educational institutions. Men of letter spent their journalists to disseminate nationalist thoughts energies in augmenting its literary proficiencies across the Sindh (Syed, 1991). Sindhi Adabi (Hussain 2000). Sindhi is an ancient language that is Board (SAB), a formal consortium founded by abounded with linguistic treasures. Thereby, the Muhammad Ayub Khoro, the then Chief nationalist intellectuals emphatically stressed the Minister of Sindh (8th November 1954 to 13th venerable and distinct identity of Sindhi language, December 1955), published a large number of for the sake of constructing the structure of Sindhi books focusing on , culture and nationalism on ethno-lingual basis (B. Ali 1992). language. Muhammad Ibrahim Joyo, a staunch Sindhi language’s genesis was found in the Sindhi nationalist, was designated as the Mohenjo-Daro period that is evidence of the secretary of the SAB (Joyo 2005). On account distinguished identity of the language and its of his central position in the organization, he followers (Bhutto 1988). Nationalist intelligentsia could hire like-minded personnel, and he did so. strove hard to replace the Persian and letters Moreover, he encouraged the nationalist and words with the original Sindhi characters. The writers to foster Sindhi nationalism with full objective was to purge the Sindhi from extraneous vigor and published their writings from the influences (Harrison, Ethnicity and Political forum of SAB. SAB and SAS both performed the Stalemate in Pakistan, 1987). Several bilingual (Urdu fundamental role to revive the and Sindhi) writers and poets of native Sindhi origin in accordance with the nationalists' vision. The started to write in Sindhi language only to jettison

Page | 30 Global Political Review (GPR) Preserving Distinctive Identity through Cultural Revival: An Analysis of Sindhi Nationalist Movement during One-Unit Era the influence of Urdu (B. Ali 1992). In Sukhar, on give up Sindh) became the motto of Sindhi ethno- 16th October, 1967, Sindhi intellectuals established national movement (B. Ali 1992); (Syed, an organization named "Sindhi People" with the : A Study in its Separate Identity through prime objective of Write Sindhi, Speak Sindhi and the Ages, 1991). While the non-Sindhi Muslim Learn Sindhi. While opposing the Urdu language, paragons such as Muhammad Bin Qasim and Sindhi nationalists frequently articulated that they Mahmood Ghaznavi were damned and cursed for would prefer English to Urdu as the language of assailing the Sindh. Opposing the concept of Muslim communication (Qureshi, Hyderabad ke nationalism and, therefore, the inception of a Hungamae: Waqiat ki Roshni maen Haqiqi Asbab separate state, Pakistan, Sindhi nationalist intellectual kaa Jaaiza, 1970). Ghulam Murtaza Syed lambasted the founders of The imposition of one unit scheme annulled the Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal. He historical status of Sindh as an autonomous and separate labelled Quaid as the traitor of Sindh for his struggle constituent unit of the Pakistani federation. Pakistan’s to establish Pakistan and criticized Iqbal for his idea leadership perceived all the inhabitants of West Pakistan of a separate state of Muslims, considering it as an as descendants of the same culture and aimed to agenda to impose the hegemony of Punjabis over strengthen the bond of cultural unity amongst different Sindh and other units of new Muslim . They regions of West Pakistan. (M. A. Khan 1967). The claimed that the love of land must be preferred over objective was to buttress the administrative unification. all other affinities and attachments, including religion Sindhi nationalist intellectuals had to provide a rebuttal of (Verkaaik 2004). The autonomous ruling kingdoms governmental efforts. That was mandatory for the appertaining to indigenous Sindhis were eulogized. protection of distinctive Sindhi identity. Nationalist They projected the Summo, Sumra and Kalhoro historians asserted that Sindhis’ distinctive identity dynasties as the golden periods of their history (Joyo, crystallized during the five thousand old Mohenjo-Daro 2005); (Harrison, Ethnicity and Political Stalemate in civilizations (Wolpert 1993). The histories written Pakistan 1987). Even the , a Baloch tribe who was during the One-Unit period claimed that for the major ruling Sindh prior to the British occupation of Sindh part of its history, the Sindh region retained its separate territory, was exalted as an independent Sindhi dynasty. political status and distinctive cultural identity. In addition to projecting war heroes, the The nationalist scholars and writers emphasize that literary personalities were also construed in a new their culture, language and history had a glorious past, nationalistic (Nizamani 1973). “Omar Marvi”, and Sindhis had always resisted all foreign invasions to a legendary fable composed by Shah Abdul Latif, conserve their cultural, lingual and political identity. They was given a new interpretation in a way that Marvi's condemned the past non-Sindhi Muslim conquers as love and sacrifices for her community and land were intruders and usurpers. In a struggle to nourish and associated with the strong emotions of love that nurture their distinctive identity, nationalists focused their Sindhis had for their land and their infatuation to efforts to elevate the status of Sindhi warriors and make sacrifices for its preservation (Syed, Shah Latif heroes. The brave Sindhis who resisted foreign and his Message 1996). Great mystical figures like intrusion and assaults were appreciated for their heroic Shah Abdul Latif, Sachal and Sami have also been born acts. , Hosho Sheedi, Dodo , Shah on Sindhi land. Among them, Shah Abdul Latif Bhattai, Inayat and Shah Bilawal were some prominent a marvellous Soofi poet, became a signpost of individuals who battled against alien occupiers and were Sindhi nationalism through his poetry that was dignified to the highest status of esteem and honor. convened as a message for the masses of Sindh to Hosho Sheedi was another projected hero who wake up and crush the chains of slavery. His words, fought courageously against British occupiers and personality and even the tomb in Bhit Shah became accepted martyrdom. Although he was a Negro the emblem of Sindhi nationalism (Ali, 1992). The serf who belonged to Talpur Meers yet Sindhi personality and work of another Sufi poet Sachal nationalists esteemed him with a very noble of Sarmast were also projected and glorified in support “General Hosh Muhammad”, and his last words ", of nationalist ideology (Nizamani 1973). mar vaison Sindh nadaison" (will die but will never Sindhi literature was significantly influence by

Vol. VI, No. I (Winter 2021) Page | 31 Sultan Mubariz Khan, Misbah Shaheen and Muhammad Jawad Hashmi the ideology of Sindhi ethno-nationalism. A number short stories written in Sindhi language reflected the of scholars lit the torch of cultural resurgence. The plight of Sindhi community due to dominance of leading role was played by Sheikh who was Punjabis and Mohajirs in One-Unit and highlighted the publically revered as national poet of Sindh identity problems faced by Sindhi community. It (Rehman, Language and Politics in Pakistan 1997). portrayed the love and affinities of Sindhis for their The glorification of ancient Sindhi culture and history culture and land on one side and their hate and disliking was the central theme of his poetry. Resolute for an outlander culture on the other hand (Jameel resistance against oppression and foreign 2004). occupation was proclaimed by him as a long lasting Sindhi culture and traditions were also promoted tradition of Sindhi people. His poetry also castigated through mass gatherings. Those gatherings were the oppressive attitude adopted by dominant organized to celebrate various cultural festivals. To Punjabis against indigenous population of Sindh organized and harmonize those activities at large scale (Syed, The case of Sindh,: G.M. Sayed’s. a cultural organization “Bazm-i-Soofia Sindh” Deposition for the Court, 1995). Sheikh Ayaz (Association of Sindhi Mystics) was formed by claimed that native Sindhis living whether in or nationalist workers and mystic intellectuals. in Pakistan were a single ethnic community on the Prominent Sindhi intellectual and politician G. M. basis of their distinctive culture. He dismissed the Syed was chosen as its leader. Bazm-i-Soofia Sindh religious affiliations as basis of identity. During the organized public gatherings at mausoleums of saint Pak-India war of 1965, he emphasized the unity of all over Sindh. Those gatherings were organized to Hindu Sindhis living in India with Sindhi Muslims celebrate “Urses (religious festivals) of saints. living in Pakistan through his poetry. Startling was his Besides cultural performances by Sindhi artists, categorical decoration that Muslim Sindhis were not nationalist intellectuals also got the opportunity to willing to fight against their Sindhi Hindu brothers for spread their message by making speeches in front the sake of Pakistan. Ayaz, in another poem of the public. The strategy proved effective for the condemned the inappropriate attitude of preservation of Sindhi culture and identity (Verkaaik Muhammad bin Qasim against the daughters of 2004). defeated Hindu ruler of Sindh the Raja Dahir. The courage manifested by those young ladies in Findings of the Study adverse circumstances won the admiration of Sheikh Ayaz (Bhutto 1988). The other prominent The proliferation of nationalist sentiments in the Sindhi intellectual also joined the chorus. People in name of cultural revivalism created a significant Sindh were highly moved by the persuasive poem impact on the political landscape of Sindh. Many “Salam-e-Sindh” written by Hyder Baksh Jatoi. It was organizations (Sindhi SapootSangat, Sindhi a hymn of Sindh. Sindh and all its splendors’ were Students Federation, Jeay Sindh Students admired. The poem fundamental theme ‘Jeay Federation (JSSF), Sindh Azad Mazoora, Sindh Sindh' (long live Sindh) got so much popularity National Students Federation, Sindh Bazam amongst native population that it became the Adab, Sindh United Action Committee and shibboleth of Sindhi nationalist movement (Joyo, Sindh Sanjog Movement were formed with the 2005). Ghulam Hussain Rangraiz composed the prime motive of linguistic and cultural dirge of Sindh, with the title ‘ Dahniy’ reporting sustentation. Those student organizations the miserable and pitiful circumstances of native initiated a campaign in Sindh University Sindhis (H. Malik 1975). Resolute resistance of for the designation of Sindhi language as a medium Sindhis against oppression was commended by of instruction (Rehman, Language and Politics in a Niaz Hamauni in his famous poem “Sindh Awakes” Pakistan Province: The Sindhi Language Movement (Syed, The case of Sindh,: G.M. Sayed’s. 1995). That motivated Sindhi nationalists to unite Deposition for the Court, 1995). The revivalism and on a single platform despite ideological differences restoration of nationalist sentiments had always been (Syed, The case of Sindh,: G.M. Sayed’s. imperative of Sindhi fiction and fables. . Novels and Deposition for the Court, 1995). The alliance of nationalists came into being in the name of the

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Sindh United Front. Its primary objective was to The majority of them gravitated towards PPP, organize the efforts for the dismemberment of one finding it a more suitable platform for their political unit (Khuhro 1998) The alliances also demanded aspirations (M. A. Shah 1997). Resultantly, the status for the Sindhi language as an official nationalists failed to gain considerable electoral language and medium of instructions in Sindh and support as the performance of SUF was not to replace the names of places named after non- impressive in the succeeding general elections. Sindhi personalities with the names of Sindhi heroes like Ghulam Muhammad Barrage to be renamed as Conclusions Shah Latif Barrage and Ayub Bridge as Sachal Bridge The movement for cultural revival had its social base (Syed, The case of Sindh,: G.M. Sayed’s. in the middle class; especially, it was popular Deposition for the Court, 1995). In 1970 the amongst educated youth, teachers, journalists and erstwhile provincial status of the constituent units of literary personalities. It endeavoured to preserve Pakistan was restored by the abolition of one-unit Sindhi culture and identity. The movement was (Ziring 1980). That helped to assuage the aggrieved successful in creating consciousness amongst an feelings of Sindhis though it failed to debilitate or indigenous population that they have to mobilize eradicate nationalist sentiments (Harrison, “Ethnicity themselves for the protection of their and Political Stalemate in Pakistan”, Regional distinctiveness in Pakistan. The narration of Sindhis’ Imbalance and National question in Pakistan, 1992). struggles in the past for independence and autonomy In modern times nationalist movements heavily intended to rejuvenate Sindhis’ attachment with their rely on the educated middle-class (Wimmer 1997) glorious and splendid past and to mobilize the people and the smaller size of the educated elite in any for fighting against the new invaders identified by society hinder the mass political mobilization (Smith, nationalists as Punjabis and Mohajirs. The glorification of The Ethnic Origin of Nations, 1986). Sindhi Sindhi literature and culture made Sindhis proud of their nationalists faced a similar situation as they were not splendid traditions. The movement was able to create able to swell their ranks to a level required for a political opinion supported by almost the entire effective electoral performance. The unity achieved indigenous Sindhi community that Sindh is indivisible and in the form of SUF proved short-lived, and the only the native Sindhis have the right to rule Sindh. In twilight period of the one-unit witnessed fissure in subsequent periods the consciousness of distinctive Sindhi nationalists’ ranks. The progressive faction of identity strengthened by this movement always resulted nationalists became alienated and parted its way in the form of firm support for Sindhi culture and with G. M. Syed and his loyalists. The politicians of determined opposition to any effort for separation of feudal background who had earlier joined the SUF any part of Sindh though nationalist forces failed to attain also left the alliance to join other political parties. a political advantage. .

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