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Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of a Northwestern Amazonian People Robin M Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America ISSN: 2572-3626 (online) Volume 6 | Issue 1 Article 9 June 2008 Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of a Northwestern Amazonian People Robin M. Wright University of Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Robin M. (2008). "Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of a Northwestern Amazonian People," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 6: Iss. 1, Article 9. Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol6/iss1/9 This Reviews is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tipití (2008) 6(1-2):123–153 © 2008 SALSA 123 ISSN 1545-4703 Printed in USA BOOK REVIEWS Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of a Northwestern Amazonian People. Irving Goldman. Edited by Peter J. Wilson. Afterword by Stephen Hugh-Jones. New York: Columbia University Press, 2004. xlv + 438 pp., glossary, references, index. $82 (cloth). ISBN 0-231-13021-X. [http://cup.columbia.edu] ROBIN M. WRIGHT University of Florida Generations of anthropology students have been introduced to the discipline through Irving Goldman’s classic The Cubeo: Indians of the Northwest Amazon. Considered a model of Boasian ethnography, the monograph was also very much ahead of its time and has inspired professional anthropologists for its interpretation of the ethos, “style,” or what Joanna Overing called the “aesthetics” of indigenous social life. In the present work, Goldman has taken his insightful understanding of Cubeo religion and society to a far deeper level. For ethnologists of the Northwest Amazon, this is an extraordinarily rich and important study for a variety of reasons. One is that Goldman conducted his research among a high-ranking Cubeo sib called the Hehenewa, whereas his first monograph was based on his work among the low-ranking sib, the Bahukiwa. In this region, Tukanoan and Arawak-speaking peoples are organized into societies based on patrilineal descent, patri-sibs and phratries. Each phratry consists of a number of sibs ranked according to the birth order of a mythical setf o agnatic ancestors. Each sib was traditionally associated with a ceremonial function (chief, shaman, dancer, servant) important especially for the complex ritesf o passage in which sacred flutes and trumpets, considered to be the body of ancestral beings, were played. For the Arawak-speaking peoples, these rites and the instruments formed a complex which has been called the “Kuwai religion.” The “noble” status of the Hehenawa ymeans the are the keepers of the religious traditions, that is, the thinkers who understand the dynamics of cosmology and the principles of cosmogony far more deeply than the lower-ranking sibs. With the Bahukiwa, Goldman presented a shallow view of Cubeo religious thought but a deep appreciation of the aesthetics of daily life; here, the reader is challenged to understand the metaphysical foundations of Cubeo society and how these shape practice. A second, extraordinary aspect of his presentation of the Cubeo deities is the hybridity which has taken place between Tukanoan and Arawak religions. Published by Digital Commons @ Trinity, 2008 1 Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America 124 Tipití What do I mean by this? Cubeo territory lies in the frontier region between the largely Tukano-speaking peoples of the upper Vaupés River and the predominantly Arawak-speaking peoples of the nearby Aiary River and upper Guainia. The upper Aiary River region is the area where I did fieldwork in the 1970s among Baniwa phratries called Hohodene, Maulieni and Walipere- dakenai. From the ethnohistory of the upper Rio Negro region (Wright 1981, 1992, 2005), we know that in the mid-18th century, the upper Uaupés around they Cuduiar and Querary rivers was inhabited by both the Baniwa and the Barasana (or “Panenoa”). The Cubeo are mentioned for the first time in the written documents of 1852 which refer to the Catholic mission “Santa Cruz de los Cubbeos” at Mitu Falls, further up the Uaupés, which the Cubeo consider to be the place of their creation. Historical records indicate that until the end of the 19th Century, Baniwa phratries (the Kapithi-minanai and Dzuremene) livedl al along the Querary River, a short distance away from the Cuduiary where the Cubeo had their settlements. Throughout the latter half of the 19th Century, there were intense movements of Cubeo and Baniwa phratries of these rivers to escape the rubber boom. The forest between the upper Cuduiary and Aiary served as a refuge area for both peoples; thus it is not surprising that Hehenewa and Baniwa religions came to be extremely similar in important respects. The Hehenewa in fact were originally an Arawak sib that adopted the Tukano language probably during this time of intense movement, and forged a hybrid religion. One of the fascinating aspects of this hybridity is what happened to the “Kuwai religion.” The sacred flutes and trumpets are believed to be the “body” of the child of the Creator and were related to all of the central religious traditions—forms of shamanism (healing, witchcraft, priestly chants), rites of initiation, ritual hierarchy—as well as being the foundation of regional social organization. A comparison of the stories of the Kuwaiwa, the creator deities of the Hehenewa, and the Hohodene Kuwai reveals that for the Hehenewa, the Hohodene Creator Nhiaperikuli is the Hehenewa Kuwai and the collective Kuwaiwa, the ancestral people who are known to the Barasana and other Tukanoan peoples of the Uaupés as the he masa (Hugh-Jones 2004:410). However, this change turns out to be more Arawak, for, exactly like Nhiaperikuli, the Kuwaiwa are actually three-brothers. There is one major tradition or “myth” about Kuwai that the Hohodene tell; in contrast, there are several dozen stories theyl tel of Nhiaperikuli and his two brothers, the “Universe People” (see the collection of Hohodene and Walipere-dakenai stories, ACIRA/FOIRN 1999). In various places in Goldman’s text, there are stories in which it appears that there was a simple trade of Nhiaperikuli for Kuwai. Kuwai for the Hohodene is the “owner of sicknesses,” that is, it was he who leftl al fatal illness in the world at his death in primordial times. He also left his knowledge of healing, and it is to him that shamans travel in their cures of humans suffering from lethal sickness today. The Hohodene shamans also say that Nhiaperikuli has a “tribe of bee-spirit people” called the Kuwai-inyai. These http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol6/iss1/9 2 Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of a Northwestern A Book Reviews 125 Kuwai-inyai are shamanic bee-spirits who produce powerful honey capable of resuscitating the souls of those who suffer from serious sickness, bringing them back to life. Another important tradition in this play of similarities and differences isy the stor of Mavichikore , who for the Hehenewa, like the Hohodene (who call him Mawerikuli), is the “first person to die,” that is, he introduced death into the world; but the stories of how each ‘died’ are very different. And more importantly, I think, for the Hehenewa, Mavichikore introduces the rituals of the masked dances, about which Goldman (and Theodor Koch-Grünberg before him) wrote extensively in his first monograph. The Hohodene state clearly that Mawerikuli is indeed a Cubeo tradition; and that the Maulieni, their younger brother sib, celebrated the masked dances up until the 1940s or so, when evangelicalism was introduced to the Baniwa and Cubeo. In Hohodene traditions, one of the two brothers of Nhiaperikuli, is named Kuwaikaniri. oy T man narrators, he is the same as Mawerikuli. Among both the Hohodene yof the Aiar and their kin, the Wakuenai of the upper Guainia Riverl (Hil 1993), there are a series of chants and songs related to curing in which Kuwaikaniri oappears t be the archetype of reversible death, for he is cured from deadly sickness (witchcraft poison) by the tribe of shamanic bee-spirits, the Kuwai-inyai (Wright 1998). It seems as though the Hohodene adopted the figure of Mawerikuli as the “unfortunate” brother who irreversibly died from witchcraft poison, while the original Kuwaikaniri efigur is the other side of the same figure, that is, reversible death, who is brought back to life by the powerful antidote of the Kuwai-inyai bee-spirit people. Another very intriguing contrast and similarity among the deities occurs on. p 195 where Goldman cites one of his Hehenewa interlocutors, who wrote: In the general tradition of the tribes of Amazonia, it is told that there existed at one time an ancient era of the most powerful spirits and knowledgeable beings than those that are of the present era. That era was known as the “Era of the Kuwaiwa” in the Cubeo language. There existed then two classes of Kuwaiwa: the seniors, authors of all good things, the juniors of all bad things. Goldman finds it difficult to reconcile this statement with any of the other attributes of the Kuwai. Indeed, he suggests that native scholars have not yet resolved the apparent discrepancies in these traditions. Something similar occurs amongst the Hohodene Baniwa, some of whom speak of a primordial era whene ther existed but one being who was extraordinarily powerful. Nothing much is known of this being, nor of this era except that it was an epoch of “happiness” that came to an end with the felling of a great world tree (Wright 2004; 2009).
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