Good Reasons Or Bad Conscience? Or Why Some Indian Peoples of Amazonia Are Ambivalent About Eating Meat

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Good Reasons Or Bad Conscience? Or Why Some Indian Peoples of Amazonia Are Ambivalent About Eating Meat Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America ISSN: 2572-3626 (online) Volume 16 Issue 2 Cosmology and Practice in Amazonia Article 7 12-15-2019 Good Reasons or Bad Conscience? Or Why Some Indian Peoples of Amazonia Are Ambivalent about Eating Meat Stephen P. Hugh-Jones University of Cambridge, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti Part of the Archaeological Anthropology Commons, Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, Folklore Commons, Gender and Sexuality Commons, Human Geography Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Linguistic Anthropology Commons, Nature and Society Relations Commons, Public Policy Commons, Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons, and the Work, Economy and Organizations Commons Recommended Citation Hugh-Jones, Stephen P. (2019). "Good Reasons or Bad Conscience? Or Why Some Indian Peoples of Amazonia Are Ambivalent about Eating Meat," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 16: Iss. 2, Article 7, 102-119. Available at: https://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol16/iss2/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLE Good Reasons or Bad Conscience? Or Why Some Indian Peoples of Amazonia Are Ambivalent about Eating Meat Stephen Hugh-Jones University of Cambridge UNITED KINGDOM When they first visited Amazonia, our small children were horrified to see people killing mon- keys and macaws to eat.1 Viewing the killing of any animal was bad enough, but this was even worse. These particular ones could not possibly be food; they were the sacred inhabitants of a fantasy world of picture books, zoos, and far-away jungles now fast becoming very real. To add insult to injury, their parents were not only prepared to eat such animals themselves but also expected their children to do so too. At first, they refused outright but as they became hungrier, refusal gave way to grudging acceptance, first of a few tentative nibbles and then of whole mouthfuls. If they never became entirely reconciled to the traumas of this exotic diet, it certainly had its compensations: a baby marmoset, orphaned in the chase, became a treasured pet, and even the animals they were forced to eat came packaged with exotic beaks, teeth, fur, and feathers that could be stored away to show friends back home. Returning hunters, once condemned as murderers, were soon greeted with enthusiastic expectation. Faced with the stark realities that lie behind the consumption of meat, our children’s re- actions were symptomatic of the world from which they came. In Europe, meat (especially red meat) has a markedly ambiguous status. Europeans typically consider meat to be food par excellence, the focal dish of feasts, banquets, and family meals, and a sign of wealth, luxury, sociability, and well-being. It is also a sign and source of strength—it comes from large, strong animals, it has masculine connotations, it is the diet of preference for those who rely on phys- ical strength, and it is held to make them yet stronger. However, if meat makes one strong, one also requires a certain kind of strength to eat meat. Red meat is powerful stuff that both body and mind can sometimes find hard to take. On our plates and throughout our meals we balance the strength of meat by pairing it with white, bland, soft, watery, or sweet foods of vegetable origin. These same foods also dominate the diets of invalids’ and children, who are considered as not strong enough to resist the strength of meat. Meat also demands strength of another kind, a strength of will in the face of knowing that in eating meat, one’s own enjoyment of life also presupposes the enjoyment of a life, the killing and destruction of another living being. Given this problem, one would predict considerable instability in attitudes and behavior associated with meat consumption: habits will change through time, there will be inconsisten- cies between thought and action, and contradictions between rival opinions as to what is right and wrong. This is precisely what the works of Keith Thomas (1983), Noelie Vialles (1987), and Nicholas Fiddes (1991) all demonstrate. For France, Vialles shows how abattoirs have been progressively displaced away from urban centers and subject to increasingly strict regu- lation, a cleansing of the activities that is at once both practical and symbolic. For England, Thomas and Fiddes document steadily declining meat consumption, a corresponding rise in vegetarianism, and increasingly intense public debates and changing legislation concerning the proper treatment of animals. These authors all seem to agree that this increase in sensitivity regarding the killing of animals for food, itself deeply implicated in our ideas about the nature of civilization, is corre- lated with the rise of modern, industrial society, with its spreading urbanization and marginal- ization of animals from production. Associated with these changes, there has been a redefini- tion of what animals are and of how we should relate to them: a move away from the idea of dominating creatures considered to be radically different from ourselves and toward one of stewardship of beings to whom we increasingly extend the rights and duties associated with personhood. In Thomas’s words, “There was a growing conflict between the new sensibilities and the material foundations of human society. A mixture of compromise and concealment Published by Digital Commons @ Trinity, 2019 102 Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America has so far prevented this conflict from having to be fully resolved. But the issue cannot be completely evaded and it can be relied upon to recur. It is one of the contradictions upon which modern civilisation may be said to rest. About its ultimate consequences we can only speculate” (1983:303). When I read Vialles’s study of abattoirs in southwest France, what struck me were the similarities between what she describes and what I and other colleagues have observed in Amazonia: a mixture of compromise and concealment with respect to the killing and eating of meat. However, in Amazonia we are dealing not with the end point of civilization but with societies that some historians might characterize as archaic and uncivilized. Are these modern sensibilities really so new, or have they been with us all along? I want to suggest that they have. In certain respects, Amerindian attitudes are really quite similar to those of modern Europeans, and they stem ultimately from two quite general exis- tential problems, of concern to most human beings, which are thrown into especially sharp relief by the killing of animals for meat. The first is a preoccupation with the fact that the line that divides people from animals is far from clear; the second is an awareness that the repro- duction and integration of human life depends upon the destruction and disintegration of other components of the world. I also want to suggest that efforts to systematize and ration- alize Amerindian beliefs and practices often obscure this common ground. This search for good or logical cultural reasoning behind apparently alien customs not only tends to exaggerate the cultural distance between Amerindians and ourselves but also gives the impression that their ideas are more homogenous and less subject to historical change than is actually the case. I shall base my discussion on the Barasana and Makuna, who are Tukanoan peoples of southeastern Colombia. Like my children, but for distinct reasons, the Tukanoans also make use of the derivative products of meat consumption as a way of coming to terms with some of the problems involved. However, I also want to use a wider comparative focus. It is best to see the Indians of Amazonia not as discrete tribes, each with their own peculiar customs and beliefs, but instead as a community of diverse people living in a common geographic area and sharing elements of a common cultural heritage. In Amazonia, as in Europe, we find a range of attitudes toward the eating of meat that vary not just between different ethnic groups but also between different individuals and between different historical periods. Some Amazonian Attitudes toward Meat Amazonian Indians have a proverbial passion and hunger for meat. A meal with no meat is not considered a proper meal at all, and many Amerindian languages make a verbal distinction between ordinary hunger and a special hunger for meat.2 Apparently never available in ade- quate quantities, meat is esteemed above all other foods and is a favorite topic of conversation. Meat is also the focus of intense social interest as a highly charged object of exchange: men use gifts of meat to secure sexual favours from lovers or to underwrite their status as husbands and household heads; households share meat as a key expression of community ties; in-laws give each other meat as an expression of their reciprocal obligations whilst asymmetrical ex- changes of meat—from leader to followers, from son-in-law to father-in-law, from nomadic hunter to settled farmer—express asymmetries of status and power. Despite this enthusiasm for meat, Amazonian Indians also realize that one can have too much of a good thing. Eating meat, especially the meat of large animals, carries both moral and physical dangers and should be done in moderation. Amongst the Achuar, “an evident enthusiasm for eat eating … is played down in both speech and table manners” (Descola 1986:308, my trans.),3 whilst the Araweté say they ended their resistance to contact with White people because they “were tired of eating only meat” (Viveiros de Castro 1992:47).
Recommended publications
  • The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin
    Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America Volume 11 Article 1 Issue 1 Volume 11, Issue 1 6-2013 The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Epps, Patience and Salanova, Andrés Pablo (2013). "The Languages of Amazonia," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 11: Iss. 1, Article 1, 1-28. Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol11/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Epps and Salanova: The Languages of Amazonia ARTICLE The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Introduction Amazonia is a linguistic treasure-trove. In this region, defined roughly as the area of the Amazon and Orinoco basins, the diversity of languages is immense, with some 300 indigenous languages corresponding to over 50 distinct ‘genealogical’ units (see Rodrigues 2000) – language families or language isolates for which no relationship to any other has yet been conclusively demonstrated; as distinct, for example, as Japanese and Spanish, or German and Basque (see section 12 below). Yet our knowledge of these languages has long been minimal, so much so that the region was described only a decade ago as a “linguistic black box" (Grinevald 1998:127).
    [Show full text]
  • The Prosodic Word in Cushillococha Ticuna
    Introduction Background Stress on nouns Stress on verbs Conclusions Acknowledgements References . The Prosodic Word in Cushillococha Ticuna Amalia Skilton University of California, Berkeley Symposium on Amazonian Languages II April 8, 2017 . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Introduction Background Stress on nouns Stress on verbs Conclusions Acknowledgements References . Introduction (North)western Amazonia is a tone hotspot, but its tone systems are relatively small. No more than two underlying tone heights -- at most /H, L, Ø/ (Hyman 2010) No more than three surface tone heights (Gomez-Imbert 2001) Low density of tones: not the case that every syllable comes pre-specified for tone . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Introduction Background Stress on nouns Stress on verbs Conclusions Acknowledgements References . Introduction Tone and stress are closely related in many of languages of western Amazonia: Tone is privative and licensed by stress Hup (Epps 2005:123, 2008) Some tones are lexical, others are metrical Iquito (Michael 2011) Kashibo-Kakataibo (Zariquiey Biondi 2011) . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Introduction Background Stress on nouns Stress on verbs Conclusions Acknowledgements References . Stress and tone in Cushillococha Ticuna Ticuna is a major outlier among Amazonian tone languages (Anderson 1959; Montes 1995; Soares 2000). More tone heights and contours than any other Amazonian language Maximally high tone density I argue that in addition
    [Show full text]
  • Peoples in the Brazilian Amazonia Indian Lands
    Brazilian Demographic Censuses and the “Indians”: difficulties in identifying and counting. Marta Maria Azevedo Researcher for the Instituto Socioambiental – ISA; and visiting researcher of the Núcleo de Estudos em População – NEPO / of the University of Campinas – UNICAMP PEOPLES IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZONIA INDIAN LANDS source: Programa Brasil Socioambiental - ISA At the present moment there are in Brazil 184 native language- UF* POVO POP.** ANO*** LÍNG./TRON.**** OUTROS NOMES***** Case studies made by anthropologists register the vital events of a RO Aikanã 175 1995 Aikanã Aikaná, Massaká, Tubarão RO Ajuru 38 1990 Tupari speaking peoples and around 30 who identify themselves as “Indians”, RO Akunsu 7 1998 ? Akunt'su certain population during a large time period, which allows us to make RO Amondawa 80 2000 Tupi-Gurarani RO Arara 184 2000 Ramarama Karo even though they are Portuguese speaking. Two-hundred and sixteen RO Arikapu 2 1999 Jaboti Aricapu a few analyses about their populational dynamics. Such is the case, for RO Arikem ? ? Arikem Ariken peoples live in ‘Indian Territories’, either demarcated or in the RO Aruá 6 1997 Tupi-Mondé instance, of the work about the Araweté, made by Eduardo Viveiros de RO Cassupá ? ? Português RO/MT Cinta Larga 643 1993 Tupi-Mondé Matétamãe process of demarcation, and also in urban areas in the different RO Columbiara ? ? ? Corumbiara Castro. In his book (Araweté: o povo do Ipixuna – CEDI, 1992) there is an RO Gavião 436 2000 Tupi-Mondé Digüt RO Jaboti 67 1990 Jaboti regions of Brazil. The lands of some 30 groups extend across national RO Kanoe 84 1997 Kanoe Canoe appendix with the populational data registered by others, since the first RO Karipuna 20 2000 Tupi-Gurarani Caripuna RO Karitiana 360 2000 Arikem Caritiana burder, for ex.: 8,500 Ticuna live in Peru and Colombia while 32,000 RO Kwazá 25 1998 Língua isolada Coaiá, Koaiá contact with this people in 1976.
    [Show full text]
  • Cercanía Lingüística Entre Las Lenguas Tucano Del Pirá-Paraná: Aspectos Gramaticales
    Cercanía lingüística entre las lenguas tucano del pirá-paraná: aspectos gramaticales POR OLGA ARDILA Departamento de Lingüística UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE COLOMBIA 1 A fin de definir y precisar el amplio panorama lingüís- tico de las lenguas Tucano del Vaupés se ha venido lle- vando a cabo un estudio comparativo que permita definir y precisar las relaciones de afinidad entre dichas lenguas y sus características comunes. El presente artículo analiza la cercanía lingüística a nivel gramatical existente entre las lenguas tatuyo, carapana, barasana y macuna habla- das en las inmediaciones del río Pirá-Paraná y caños ad- yacentes. Los resultados muestran lo mismo que a nivel fonológico y lexical, un estrecho nivel de cercanía lin- güística entre las cuatro variedades comparadas, siendo mayor la afinidad entre las varíedades tatuyo-carapana y barasana-macuna. Palabras claves: Lingüística aborigen, comparatísmo, lenguas Tu- cano, Amazonas. El actual departamento del Vaupés se encuentra habitado en su mayor parte por grupos pertenecientes a la sub-familia lingüística Tucano- Oriental. Los hablantes de dicha sub-familia se localizan en los alrededores de los ríos Vaupés, Papurí, Tiquié, Pirá-Paraná y Apaporis, Constituyen 1 La presente investigación se lleva a cabo gracias a la financiación de Colcien- cias y la Universidad Nacional. FORMA Y FUNCION 9 (1996), páginas 81-101. 0 Departamento de Lingüística, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Santafé de Bogotá. 6 82 OLGA ARDILA la sub-familia Tucano-Oriental las variedades tucano, guanano, piratapu- yo, bará, tuyuca, yurutí, pisamira, desano, siriano, cubeo, tanimuca, tatuyo, carapana, barasana y macuna. En las inmediaciones del río Pirá-Paraná y caños adyacentes se encuentran localizados los hablantes de las lenguas tatuyo, carapana, barasana y macuna (Ardila, 1993).
    [Show full text]
  • Yanomami Timeline
    YANOMAMI TIMELINE 1940 - 1960s 1982 First sustained contact with outsiders as Brazilian Survival presents the Yanomami case to the UN. government sets up guard posts, and Catholic and Protestant missionaries establish presence. 1984 Yanomami suffer first epidemics of flu, measles and Survival assists in funding Médecins du Monde in a whooping cough. CCPY vaccination campaign. 1968 1985 Dr. Kenneth Taylor, later to become director of First military base built in Yanomami territory. More Survival International (USA), starts work with follow. Soldiers prostitute Yanomami women and Yanomami. He later co-authors first detailed spread venereal diseases. proposal for a Yanomami Park, for the Brazilian government. It is ignored. 1986 New gold rush begins in earnest. 1973 - 1976 Brazil’s military government starts to build the Yanomami hold first assembly. northern perimeter highway, penetrating deep into Yanomami land. Two Yanomami communities 1987 - 1990 almost wiped out from diseases introduced by An estimated 40,000 goldminers are working construction workers. Yanomami suffer severe illegally inside Yanomami territory, spreading population drop. The partially built highway is malaria and flu. Up to 90 illegal landing strips are abandoned in 1976. constructed. Mercury poisons rivers and fish on which the Yanomami depend. 1974 Survival begins to fund health care program with 1987 - 1993 Yanomami in Venezuela. Around 20% of the Yanomami die from infections, malnutrition and malaria brought by the goldminers. 1975 First invasions by miners searching for tin ore. 1988 Government decrees that Yanomami land will be 1978 divided into 19 separate pockets. 70% of the Brazilian government proposes to split Yanomami Indians’ land would be excluded.
    [Show full text]
  • Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Pan-Amazon Region
    OAS/Ser.L/V/II. Doc. 176 29 September 2019 Original: Spanish INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Situation of Human Rights of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Pan-Amazon Region 2019 iachr.org OAS Cataloging-in-Publication Data Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Situation of human rights of the indigenous and tribal peoples of the Pan-Amazon region : Approved by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on September 29, 2019. p. ; cm. (OAS. Official records ; OEA/Ser.L/V/II) ISBN 978-0-8270-6931-2 1. Indigenous peoples--Civil rights--Amazon River Region. 2. Indigenous peoples-- Legal status, laws, etc.--Amazon River Region. 3. Human rights--Amazon River Region. I. Title. II. Series. OEA/Ser.L/V/II. Doc.176/19 INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Members Esmeralda Arosemena de Troitiño Joel Hernández García Antonia Urrejola Margarette May Macaulay Francisco José Eguiguren Praeli Luis Ernesto Vargas Silva Flávia Piovesan Executive Secretary Paulo Abrão Assistant Executive Secretary for Monitoring, Promotion and Technical Cooperation María Claudia Pulido Assistant Executive Secretary for the Case, Petition and Precautionary Measure System Marisol Blanchard a.i. Chief of Staff of the Executive Secretariat of the IACHR Fernanda Dos Anjos In collaboration with: Soledad García Muñoz, Special Rapporteurship on Economic, Social, Cultural, and Environmental Rights (ESCER) Approved by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on September 29, 2019 INDEX EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 11 INTRODUCTION 19 CHAPTER 1 | INTER-AMERICAN STANDARDS ON INDIGENOUS AND TRIBAL PEOPLES APPLICABLE TO THE PAN-AMAZON REGION 27 A. Inter-American Standards Applicable to Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in the Pan-Amazon Region 29 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Palikur, Pa'ikwaki, Arawak (Capiberibe) 1.2 ISO Code
    1. Description 1.1 Name of society, language, and language family: Palikur, Pa’ikwaki, Arawak (Capiberibe) 1.2 ISO code (3 letter code from ethnologue.com): Plu (Lewis) 1.3 Location (latitude/longitude): Latitude: 3.0degrees North – 3.45; Longitude: 51 degrees West (Dryer) Occupy the Northern part of Brazil along the border with French Guiana, this is part of the Uaca Indigenous Area I and II (Capiberibe) and have a population of 500 inside of French Guiana (Lewis) 1.4 Brief history: Large webbing of clans including about eighteen clans in all were present at the height of their population, seven or eight remain today. Each of the clans was said to have their own language; however, there was one overall language that would be seen in today’s linguistically sense as the formal language for their family. This universal language was called the Kiaptunka which directly means in Pa’ikwene “the language of respect.” In this time period, this language was mainly used by the village chiefs during ceremonies and meetings. (It is still being used today by shamans in certain song performances at dance and cashiri-drinking events). (\) In early 16th century (early 1500s), is when the first contact is thought to have been made with the Palikur by Vicente Yanez Pinzon. He originally said he found the land of the “Paricura.” (EVERYCULTURE.COM MAKE CITATION) They moved from the original surroundings at the mouth of the Amazon further into French Guiana but maintained the idea of their “home land” being the Aukwa, which encompassed the area between and around the Cassipore Rivers and the Urucaua.
    [Show full text]
  • Tone, Stress, and Their Interactions in Cushillococha Ticuna Abstract
    Tone, stress, and their interactions in Cushillococha Ticuna Abstract: Ticuna (ISO: tca; Peru, Colombia, Brazil) displays a larger tone inventory -- five level tones -- and greater tone density than any other Indigenous American language outside Oto- Manguean. Based on recent fieldwork, this article argues that, in addition to these tone properties, the Cushillococha variety of Ticuna also displays stress. Stress licenses additional tonal and segmental contrasts; conditions many phonological processes; and plays a central role in grammatical tone processes marking clause type. Empirically, these findings expand our understanding of word prosody in Amazonian languages. Theoretically, they challenge current models of stress-conditioned phonology and of grammatical tone. Keywords: Tone; Stress; Stress-Conditioned Phonology; Amazonian Languages Word Count (includes tables and examples; excludes abstract and references): 14,432 1. Introduction The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the word-prosodic system of Ticuna – a language isolate spoken in the northwestern Amazon Basin – through data gathered in recent fieldwork in Cushillococha, Peru. The study makes two primary contributions. First, I provide evidence that the Cushillococha variety of Ticuna displays five underlying level tones, with eight surface tones (including contours) on monosyllables. My analysis of the tone inventory supports previous analyses by L. Anderson (1959) and D. Anderson (1962), and opposes Montes Rodriguez’ (1995, 2004) argument for only three level tones. This finding is typologically consequential because it establishes Ticuna as the only American language, outside the Oto-Manguean family, to display more than three underlying tones (Hyman 2010). Second, I argue that in addition to tone, the Cushillococha variety of Ticuna also displays fixed stem-initial stress.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Box Approaches to Genealogical Classification and Their Shortcomings Jelena Prokić and Steven Moran
    Black box approaches to genealogical classification and their shortcomings Jelena Prokić and Steven Moran 1. Introduction In the past 20 years, the application of quantitative methods in historical lin- guistics has received a lot of attention. Traditional historical linguistics relies on the comparative method in order to determine the genealogical related- ness of languages. More recent quantitative approaches attempt to automate this process, either by developing computational tools that complement the comparative method (Steiner et al. 2010) or by applying fully automatized methods that take into account very limited or no linguistic knowledge, e.g. the Levenshtein approach. The Levenshtein method has been extensively used in dialectometry to measure the distances between various dialects (Kessler 1995; Heeringa 2004; Nerbonne 1996). It has also been frequently used to analyze the relatedness between languages, such as Indo-European (Serva and Petroni 2008; Blanchard et al. 2010), Austronesian (Petroni and Serva 2008), and a very large sample of 3002 languages (Holman 2010). In this paper we will examine the performance of the Levenshtein distance against n-gram models and a zipping approach by applying these methods to the same set of language data. The success of the Levenshtein method is typically evaluated by visu- ally inspecting and comparing the obtained genealogical divisions against already well-established groupings found in the linguistics literature. It has been shown that the Levenshtein method is successful in recovering main languages groups, which for example in the case of Indo-European language family, means that it is able to correctly classify languages into Germanic, Slavic or Romance groups.
    [Show full text]
  • Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of a Northwestern Amazonian People Robin M
    Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America ISSN: 2572-3626 (online) Volume 6 | Issue 1 Article 9 June 2008 Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of a Northwestern Amazonian People Robin M. Wright University of Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Robin M. (2008). "Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of a Northwestern Amazonian People," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 6: Iss. 1, Article 9. Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol6/iss1/9 This Reviews is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tipití (2008) 6(1-2):123–153 © 2008 SALSA 123 ISSN 1545-4703 Printed in USA BOOK REVIEWS Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of a Northwestern Amazonian People. Irving Goldman. Edited by Peter J. Wilson. Afterword by Stephen Hugh-Jones. New York: Columbia University Press, 2004. xlv + 438 pp., glossary, references, index. $82 (cloth). ISBN 0-231-13021-X. [http://cup.columbia.edu] ROBIN M. WRIGHT University of Florida Generations of anthropology students have been introduced to the discipline through Irving Goldman’s classic The Cubeo: Indians of the Northwest Amazon. Considered a model of Boasian ethnography, the monograph was also very much ahead of its time and has inspired professional anthropologists for its interpretation of the ethos, “style,” or what Joanna Overing called the “aesthetics” of indigenous social life.
    [Show full text]
  • Documenting and Disseminating Traditional Knowledge and Cultural Expressions in Brazil
    Documenting and Disseminating Traditional Knowledge and Cultural Expressions in Brazil Final Report Volume I: Survey Prepared for the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO) by Antonio A. Arantes, PhD The views expressed in this Survey are those of the author, and not necessarily those of the WIPO Secretariat or its Member States. The Survey is current at the time of preparation of the initial draft (November 2009). WIPO, Documenting and Disseminating Traditional Knowledge and Cultural Expressions in Brazil – Volume I – Survey - Page 2 - © Copyright World Intellectual Property Organization, 2009 Certain rights reserved. WIPO authorizes the partial reproduction, translation and dissemination of this survey for non-commercial and non-profit scientific, educational or research purposes, provided that WIPO, the survey and the author are properly identified and acknowledged. Permission to substantially reproduce, disseminate and/or translate this survey, or compile or create derivative works therefrom, in any form, whether for commercial/for profit or non-profit purposes, must be requested in writing. For this purpose, WIPO may be contacted at [email protected] For any comments/requests on or corrections/additions to this work, please contact WIPO at [email protected] WIPO, Documenting and Disseminating Traditional Knowledge and Cultural Expressions in Brazil – Volume I – Survey - Page 3 - DOCUMENTING AND DISSEMINATING TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND CULTURAL EXPRESSIONS IN BRAZIL Volume 1: Survey. Volume 2: Brazilian intellectual property
    [Show full text]
  • A Metaphor of Primitivism: Cannibals and Cannibalism in French Anthropological Thought of the 19Th Century
    A Metaphor of Primitivism: Cannibals and Cannibalism in French Anthropological Thought of the 19th Century Gilles Boëtsch Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France 56 ESTUDIOS DEL HOMBRE ABSTRACT 19th century anthropological thought was obsessed with the phenomenon of cannibalism, as reported by travellers, missionaries and incipient scientists, although the theme is ancient and appears frequently in occidental mythology. Anthropological discourse swiftly developed competing views of the phenomenon, ranging from deep-seated atavistic urges (bestialism) to ritualistic practices (culturalism). Here, classification of cannibalistic practices offers insight into this problem. INTRODUCTION Among all the criteria recognised as the basis of the “singular other”, the consumption of human flesh is certainly the most emotionally significant. More disconcerting or more hateful than incest, anthropophagia was rapidly established as one of the fundamental elements of the structure1 of anthropological thought in the 19th century. It was however making use of an ancient topic, in the sense that cannibalism has always been established as the classic factor to draw the line between humanity and savagery in the imagination of European societies (Sténou 1998: 52). This construct also appeared in the first reports of western travellers in the Old World (Malaysia, New Guinea, and Africa) and notably in the New World (the Tupinambas of Brazil, the Indians of the Caribbean, the Aztecs of Mexico). It simply reinforced the western founding myths of “otherness” as established by the Egyptians,2 as well as Greek and Nordic mythology. Thus, Columbus arriving on the northern coast of Cuba would record, according to this tradition, what the Arawak said of other peoples, such as the Monoculi and the Cynocephales who lived further to the east and had already been described in the Western world by Pliny, Saint Augustine and Isidore of Seville (Lestringant, 1994).
    [Show full text]