Quarterly Chronicle and Documentation
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Hong Kong SAR
China Data Supplement November 2006 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries 47 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations 50 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR 54 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR 61 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan 65 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 November 2006 The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU Jen-Kai Abbreviations and Explanatory Notes CCP CC Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CCa Central Committee, alternate member CCm Central Committee, member CCSm Central Committee Secretariat, member PBa Politburo, alternate member PBm Politburo, member Cdr. Commander Chp. Chairperson CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CYL Communist Youth League Dep. P.C. Deputy Political Commissar Dir. Director exec. executive f female Gen.Man. General Manager Gen.Sec. General Secretary Hon.Chp. Honorary Chairperson H.V.-Chp. Honorary Vice-Chairperson MPC Municipal People’s Congress NPC National People’s Congress PCC Political Consultative Conference PLA People’s Liberation Army Pol.Com. -
China's Peripheral Relations
Department of World Cultures University of Helsinki CONSTRUCTING THE ROLE OF A GREAT POWER CHINA’S PERIPHERAL RELATIONS, TERRITORIAL DISPUTES, AND ROLE CHANGE, 2002–2012 TEEMU NAARAJÄRVI ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, by due permission of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Helsinki, for public examination in lecture room 1, Metsätalo, on 26 May 2017, at 12 noon. Helsinki 2017 © Teemu Naarajärvi 2017 ISBN 978-951-51-3162-1 (paperback) ISBN 978-951-51-3163-8 (PDF) UNIGRAFIA Helsinki 2017 ABSTRACT This dissertation analyses the role development of the People’s Republic of China during the time between the 16th and 18th party congresses of the Chinese Communist Party (2002 and 2012). Employing the theoretical framework of constructivist role theory, this study argues that during this time China’s international roles – social positions based on national role conceptions as well as domestic and external expectations towards those roles – went through significant changes that were originally resisted by the Chinese state. By tracing the processes of China’s role change I create a historical narrative in which I compare three different cases of China’s peripheral foreign policy: Central Asia, Southeast Asia, and Japan. All these cases involve China’s territorial disputes, highlighting the interactional nature of a nation’s international roles, and giving this work additional focus. As my primary material I use speeches of the Chinese top leadership during the time frame of my study. By analysing the speech acts of the national leaders and by comparing them to developments in Chinese foreign policy, I reconstruct the process of China’s role change in each of the three cases. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
China International Studies Printer: Beijing BOHS Color Printing Co., Ltd
Advisors Tang Jiaxuan Li Zhaoxing Chairman Qi Zhenhong Deputy Chairmen Ruan Zongze Xu Jian Editor-in-Chief Ruan Zongze Executive Editors Jiang Zhida Wu Shaojie Senior Copy Editors William Jones Benjamin Green Members Shaun Breslin (UK) Dong Manyuan Guo Xiangang Liu Jiangyong Alexander Lukin (Russia) Qi Zhenhong Qin Yaqing Rong Ying Ruan Zongze Shi Ze Michael Swaine (US) Su Ge Wang Jisi Xing Guangcheng Xu Jian Yang Jiemian Yuan Jian Zhou Hong Patron: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PRC Sponsor: China Institute of International Studies Publisher: Editorial Department of China International Studies Printer: Beijing BOHS Color Printing Co., Ltd. The views expressed in this journal are those of the individual authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of CIIS or the institutions to which the authors are attached. We sincerely welcome and appreciate submissions from scholars and specialists. Please send submissions to [email protected]. Those who wish to subscribe to the journal are invited to call the subscription service on 010-85119538 or to send an email to [email protected]. For further information, please visit our website: www.ciis.org.cn/gyzz. Number 72 • September/October 2018 Contents 5 New Developments of US-Russia Relations and China’s Policy Choice Feng Yujun & Shang Yue Instead of achieving a restart, the US-Russia relationship has fallen to freezing point under the Trump administration. The bilateral structural conflicts, with profound historical logic and realistic roots, have expanded from geopolitics and strategic balance to domestic politics and values. For a long time to come, “limited opponents” will become the “new normal” of US-Russia relations. -
Lull in Intense SEA Diplomacy, Probably Due As Much to Formal
China – Southeast Asia Relations: Focus is Elsewhere, but Bonds Continue to Grow by Lyall Breckon∗ Senior Analyst, CNA Center for Strategic Studies The quarter saw a relative lull in China’s intense Southeast Asian diplomacy. This was understandable in light of Beijing’s preoccupation with crises in Iraq and North Korea, and the formal transfer of power in March to a new generation of Chinese leaders. It signaled no decline in China’s keen interest in expanding ties with its southern neighbors. Leaders of the two Southeast Asian countries closest to Beijing, Thailand and Burma, visited China before the leadership transition for talks with Hu Jintao and members of his team as well as Jiang Zemin, Zhu Rongji, and other leaders relinquishing senior party and state positions. Chinese commentary directed toward Southeast Asia strongly backed the anti-Iraq war stance of most ASEAN nations. China’s observer at the Kuala Lumpur Nonaligned Movement (NAM) summit in February called for opposition to “unipolarity” and unilateralism, i.e., U.S. leadership, in international affairs. Trade and investment, and the benefits to be gained by China’s neighbors from China’s growing economic power, continued to be major themes in China’s dialogue throughout the region, encountering broad agreement and occasional flashes of dissent and concern. Reaction to the War in Iraq and Terrorism in Southeast Asia China’s state media gave prominent play to negative Southeast Asian reactions to U.S. diplomacy on, and preparations for, war in Iraq, but little mention of support for the United States from the Philippines and Singapore. -
Chinese Politics in Between Two Party Congresses: 1997-2002’ Stéphanie Balme
Chronology : ’Chinese Politics In Between Two Party Congresses: 1997-2002’ Stéphanie Balme To cite this version: Stéphanie Balme. Chronology : ’Chinese Politics In Between Two Party Congresses: 1997-2002’. 2002. hal-01065022 HAL Id: hal-01065022 https://hal-sciencespo.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01065022 Preprint submitted on 17 Sep 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. CHRONOLOGY CHINESE POLITICS IN BETWEEN TWO PARTY CONGRESSES : 1997-2002 1997 -February 1997 Death of Deng Xiaoping. Hu Jintao, designated by Deng as the “core” of the fourth generation (after Jiang Zemin, the third one) is said to have been the only Politburo member to be present when Deng Xiaoping’s ashes were scattered into the Bohai sea. July 1 1997- Hong Kong returns to China. -September 12-18, 1997 - Fifteenth Congress of the CCP. 2048 full delegates attend the meeting. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has officially nearly 58 million of members. Jiang Zemin delivered a report titled “Hold High The Great Banner of Deng Xiaoping Theory for an All-Round Advancement of the Cause of Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics into the 21st Century”. 193 members and 151 alternate members were elected into the new Central Committee. -
Chinese Politics in the Xi Jingping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership
CHAPTER 1 Governance Collective Leadership Revisited Th ings don’t have to be or look identical in order to be balanced or equal. ڄ Maya Lin — his book examines how the structure and dynamics of the leadership of Tthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have evolved in response to the chal- lenges the party has confronted since the late 1990s. Th is study pays special attention to the issue of leadership se lection and composition, which is a per- petual concern in Chinese politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses, this volume assesses the changing nature of elite recruitment, the generational attributes of the leadership, the checks and balances between competing po liti cal co ali tions or factions, the behavioral patterns and insti- tutional constraints of heavyweight politicians in the collective leadership, and the interplay between elite politics and broad changes in Chinese society. Th is study also links new trends in elite politics to emerging currents within the Chinese intellectual discourse on the tension between strongman politics and collective leadership and its implications for po liti cal reforms. A systematic analy sis of these developments— and some seeming contradictions— will help shed valuable light on how the world’s most populous country will be governed in the remaining years of the Xi Jinping era and beyond. Th is study argues that the survival of the CCP regime in the wake of major po liti cal crises such as the Bo Xilai episode and rampant offi cial cor- ruption is not due to “authoritarian resilience”— the capacity of the Chinese communist system to resist po liti cal and institutional changes—as some foreign China analysts have theorized. -
人文科学研究所 Zhang Zhenjiang.Indd
China’s Globalization and its Policies: Focusing on Sino-American Relations Zhang Zhenjiang* Many studies have been taken on globalization and its impacts on China’s politics, economy, security, society and foreign policy. Only a few scholars noticed what Chinese government perceives and defines the term of globalization.1) This paper provides a preliminary examination of what Chinese government says about globalization in the current discourse of Chinese leadership and tries to find some characteristics of globalization defined by Chinese government. The second part of the paper examines empirically Chinese government’s policy of globalization, which includes China’s participation in international institutions, its WTO access and implementation of related commitments in the first 5 year’s membership, and China’s role in the emerging East Asian regionalism. In each case, the author will focus on America’s policy as more as possible. Finally, the author will summarize his observations and make his tentative conclusion. Ⅰ.China’s Definition of Globalization The first use of the term of globalization in Chinese official language appears in then- Foreign Minister Qian Qichen’s speech in the United Nations General Assembly in 1996. He said that“ world economic globalization presents a rare opportunity to both developed and developing countries.”2) One year later, in September 1997, then-President Jiang *Professor at Jinan University, Institute of Southeast Asia Studies. 1)Thomas Moore,‘ China and Globalization,’ in Samuel S. Kim, ed., East Asia and Globalization (Lanham, Md.: Rowan and Littleaeld, 2000), pp.111-118; Thomas G. Moore,‘ Chinese Foreign Policy in the Age of Globalization’, in Yong Deng and Fei-Ling Wang, eds., China Rising: Power and Motivation in Chinese Foreign Policy, New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, INC., 2005, pp.121-158, p.123. -
China's Provincial Leaders Await Promotion
Li, China Leadership Monitor, No.1 After Hu, Who?--China’s Provincial Leaders Await Promotion Cheng Li China’s provincial leadership is both a training ground for national leadership and a battleground among various political forces. Provincial chiefs currently carry much more weight than ever before in the history of the PRC. This is largely because the criteria for national leadership have shifted from revolutionary credentials such as participation in the Long March to administrative skills such as coalition-building. In addition, provincial governments now have more autonomy in advancing their own regional interests. Nonetheless, nepotism and considerations of factional politics are still evident in the recruitment of provincial leaders. Emerging top-level national leaders--including Hu Jintao, Zeng Qinghong, and Wen Jiabao--have all drawn on the pool of provincial leaders in building their factions, hoping to occupy more seats on the upcoming Sixteenth Central Committee and the Politburo. At the same time, new institutional mechanisms have been adopted to curtail various forms of nepotism. The unfolding of these contradictory trends will not only determine who will rule China after 2002, but even more importantly, how this most populous country in the world will be governed. During his recent visit to an elementary school in New Mexico, President George W. Bush offered advice to a child who hoped to become president. “If you want to be President, I would suggest you become a governor first,” said President Bush, “because governors make decisions, and that’s what presidents do.”1 What is true of the career path of American leaders seems also to be true of their counterparts in present-day China. -
Political Succession and Leadership Issues in China: Implications for U.S
Order Code RL30990 Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Political Succession and Leadership Issues in China: Implications for U.S. Policy Updated September 30, 2002 name redacted Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Political Succession and Leadership Issues in China: Implications for U.S. Policy Summary In 2002 and 2003, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) will be making key leadership changes within the government and the Communist Party. A number of current senior leaders, including Party Secretary Jiang Zemin, Premier Zhu Rongji, and National Peoples’ Congress Chairman Li Peng, are scheduled to be stepping down from their posts, and it is not yet clear who will be assuming these positions from among the younger generation of leaders – the so-called “fourth generation,” comprised of those born in the 1940s and early 1950s. It is expected that new leaders will be ascending to positions at the head of at least two and possibly all three of the PRC’s three vertical political structures: the Chinese Communist Party; the state government bureaucracy; and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). During a period likely to last into 2003, the succession process remains very much in flux. Some who follow Beijing politics have raised questions about how vigorously China’s current senior leaders will adhere to their self-imposed term limitations. Party Secretary Jiang Zemin, for instance, is expected to try to keep his position as head of China’s military on the grounds that the global anti-terrorism campaign and internal challenges to Chinese rule create a special need now for consistent leadership. -
The CCP Central Committee's Leading Small Groups Alice Miller
Miller, China Leadership Monitor, No. 26 The CCP Central Committee’s Leading Small Groups Alice Miller For several decades, the Chinese leadership has used informal bodies called “leading small groups” to advise the Party Politburo on policy and to coordinate implementation of policy decisions made by the Politburo and supervised by the Secretariat. Because these groups deal with sensitive leadership processes, PRC media refer to them very rarely, and almost never publicize lists of their members on a current basis. Even the limited accessible view of these groups and their evolution, however, offers insight into the structure of power and working relationships of the top Party leadership under Hu Jintao. A listing of the Central Committee “leading groups” (lingdao xiaozu 领导小组), or just “small groups” (xiaozu 小组), that are directly subordinate to the Party Secretariat and report to the Politburo and its Standing Committee and their members is appended to this article. First created in 1958, these groups are never incorporated into publicly available charts or explanations of Party institutions on a current basis. PRC media occasionally refer to them in the course of reporting on leadership policy processes, and they sometimes mention a leader’s membership in one of them. The only instance in the entire post-Mao era in which PRC media listed the current members of any of these groups was on 2003, when the PRC-controlled Hong Kong newspaper Wen Wei Po publicized a membership list of the Central Committee Taiwan Work Leading Small Group. (Wen Wei Po, 26 December 2003) This has meant that even basic insight into these groups’ current roles and their membership requires painstaking compilation of the occasional references to them in PRC media.