The Role of the Chinese Military in National Security Policymaking Revised Edition

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Role of the Chinese Military in National Security Policymaking Revised Edition The Role of the Chinese Military in National Security Policymaking Revised Edition Michael D. Swaine Prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense R National Defense Research Institute Approved for public release, distribution unlimited The research described in this report was supported by the Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD), under RAND’s National Defense Research Institute, a federally funded research and development center supported by the OSD, the Joint Staff, and the defense agencies, Contract DASW01-95-C-0059. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Swaine, Michael D. The role of the Chinese military in national security policymaking / Michael D. Swaine. p. cm. “Prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense by RAND’s National Defense Research Institute.” “MR-782-1-OSD.” Includes bibliographical references (p. ). ISBN 0-8330-2527-9 1. China—Military policy. 2. National security—China. I. National Defense Research Institute (U.S.). II. Title. UA835.S83 1998 355' .033051—dc21 97-22694 CIP RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. © Copyright 1998 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 1998 by RAND 1700 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1333 H St., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005-4707 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org/ To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Internet: [email protected] PREFACE This report documents one component of a year-long effort to ana- lyze key factors influencing China’s national security strategies, policies, and military capabilities, and their potential consequences for longer-term U.S. national security interests. Specifically, this re- port examines the current and future roles of the Chinese military in China’s national security policy process. The report was produced under the aegis of a project entitled Chi- nese Global and Regional Strategy and U.S. Policy: Dynamics and Implications. A second document resulting from this project is Professionalization of the Senior Chinese Officer Corps, by James C. Mulvenon, MR-901-OSD, 1997. This research was sponsored by the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy. It was carried out under the auspices of the In- ternational Security and Defense Policy Center within RAND’s Na- tional Defense Research Institute (NDRI), a federally funded research and development center sponsored by the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Staff, and the defense agencies. Supplemental funding was provided by the RAND Center for Asia-Pacific Policy. This volume is a revised version of the original report that appeared in 1996. iii CONTENTS Preface ......................................... iii Figures ......................................... vii Summary of Key Findings ........................... ix Acknowledgments................................. xv Acronyms ....................................... xvii Chapter One INTRODUCTION .............................. 1 Chapter Two NATIONAL STRATEGIC OBJECTIVES SUBARENA ...... 7 Chapter Three FOREIGN POLICY SUBARENA..................... 19 Chapter Four DEFENSE POLICY SUBARENA..................... 37 Chapter Five STRATEGIC RESEARCH, ANALYSIS, AND INTELLIGENCE SUBARENA................................... 57 Chapter Six CONCLUSIONS................................ 73 Bibliography ..................................... 83 v FIGURES 1. China’s National Security Policy Arena ........... 5 2. National Strategic Objectives Subarena ........... 16 3. Foreign Policy Subarena ...................... 23 4. Defense Policy Subarena ...................... 42 5. Strategic Research, Analysis, and Intelligence Subarena ................................. 59 vii SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS This report identifies and defines the leadership, structures, and pro- cesses governing Chinese military involvement in China’s national security policy process. It emphasizes the specific mechanisms, both personal and bureaucratic, formal and informal, by which the Chi- nese military currently participates in national security policymak- ing, as well as the likely views and interests that the military seeks to advance in the national security arena. The report reaches the following judgments and conclusions: China’s national security policy arena is composed of four distinct but closely related subarenas, each performing a core set of policy functions: (1) national strategic objectives; (2) foreign policy; (3) de- fense policy; and (4) strategic research, analysis, and intelligence.1 China’s national security policy leadership, structures, and processes do not function in a highly integrated, systematic, or formalized manner. Parts of the policymaking system (e.g., elements below the senior civilian and military leaderships) display considerable regular- ity and structure, while others (e.g., interactions among senior lead- ers) remain highly informal and personalistic. All levels of the system involve both regular and irregular features, however. Moreover, throughout the system, the level of influence in the policy process enjoyed by a specific civilian or military policy organ is often deter- ______________ 1Chinese leaders and strategists do not always employ these terms. The author uses them, however, because they are easily recognizable to Western readers, and because they roughly correspond to identifiable functional areas in the Chinese system. ix x The Role of the Chinese Military in National Security Policymaking mined primarily by the personal prestige and power of the individual who heads it. Linkages among the four policy subarenas vary considerably. No single subarena operates in a completely independent fashion, in- cluding the defense policy subarena. Vertical connections between the national strategic objectives subarena and both the foreign and the defense policy subarenas are relatively close and dense, as are linkages between the latter and the strategic research, analysis, and intelligence subarenas that support them. The least formal and ar- guably weakest linkages are horizontal, between the defense and foreign policy subarenas. Yet even here, interactions are by no means insignificant and are apparently increasing in number and relevance to the overall national security policy process. Military involvement is evident in all four security policy subarenas, albeit to widely varying degrees, ranging from near total control over defense policy to limited but significant influence over foreign policy. Overall, the dividing line between military and civilian spheres in the formulation and implementation of national security policy is not as clear and absolute as in the past. The military’s role in shaping na- tional strategic objectives and in providing strategic analysis and in- telligence to civilian leaders is significant and apparently increasing, even though the avenues for military influence over the national strategic objectives subarena remain relatively few. Military influ- ence over foreign policy is also probably on the rise as military views are increasingly expressed and military influence exerted on specific issues in this subarena. The military does not dictate policy in any one subarena, however. At the top of the system, senior military leaders interact in a generally collaborative, consultative fashion with their civilian counterparts, although military views on certain primarily defense-related issues probably often come close to directives. Senior party leaders un- doubtedly play a complex and nuanced game in their policy interac- tions with the military leadership, seeking to retain the initiative and maintain overall flexibility by alternately placating, resisting, or dilut- ing military views and pressures through a complex mixture of per- sonal persuasion, balancing of bureaucratic interests, and direct control over formal organs and policy channels. The outcome of this effort can vary greatly, depending upon the level of unity or agree- Summary xi ment among the senior party elite, the specific external policy issue addressed, and the perceived success or failure of the prevailing pol- icy line under discussion. The formulation and revision of national strategic policy objectives will become increasingly subject to a leadership system marked by the absence of a paramount leader and hence by the need for greater consultation, coordination, and agreement among senior party and military heads, in order to deal with a growing array of problems and concerns. At the same time, lower-level bureaucratic leaders could exert increasing influence over the entire national security policy agenda, as organizational interests become more influential in the context of a diffuse and fragmented pattern of authority at the top. The emergence of complex, multiple personal and bureaucratic voices in the upper reaches of the policy process could result in constantly shifting, ambiguous, or contradictory policy directives from above. Such a diffusion (and confusion) of power might provide the Chinese military with increasing leverage over the national strategic objec- tives subarena. Alternatively, the national security policy process
Recommended publications
  • Assessing the Training and Operational Proficiency of China's
    C O R P O R A T I O N Assessing the Training and Operational Proficiency of China’s Aerospace Forces Selections from the Inaugural Conference of the China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI) Edmund J. Burke, Astrid Stuth Cevallos, Mark R. Cozad, Timothy R. Heath For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/CF340 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9549-7 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface On June 22, 2015, the China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI), in conjunction with Headquarters, Air Force, held a day-long conference in Arlington, Virginia, titled “Assessing Chinese Aerospace Training and Operational Competence.” The purpose of the conference was to share the results of nine months of research and analysis by RAND researchers and to expose their work to critical review by experts and operators knowledgeable about U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Aircraft Carrier Ambitions
    CHINA’S AIRCRAFT CARRIER AMBITIONS An Update Nan Li and Christopher Weuve his article will address two major analytical questions. First, what are the T necessary and suffi cient conditions for China to acquire aircraft carriers? Second, what are the major implications if China does acquire aircraft carriers? Existing analyses on China’s aircraft carrier ambitions are quite insightful but also somewhat inadequate and must therefore be updated. Some, for instance, argue that with the advent of the Taiwan issue as China’s top threat priority by late 1996 and the retirement of Liu Huaqing as vice chair of China’s Central Military Commission (CMC) in 1997, aircraft carriers are no longer considered vital.1 In that view, China does not require aircraft carriers to capture sea and air superiority in a war over Taiwan, and China’s most powerful carrier proponent (Liu) can no longer infl uence relevant decision making. Other scholars suggest that China may well acquire small-deck aviation platforms, such as helicopter carriers, to fulfi ll secondary security missions. These missions include naval di- plomacy, humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, and antisubmarine warfare.2 The present authors conclude, however, that China’s aircraft carrier ambitions may be larger than the current literature has predicted. Moreover, the major implications of China’s acquiring aircraft carriers may need to be explored more carefully in order to inform appropriate reactions on the part of the United States and other Asia-Pacifi c naval powers. This article updates major changes in the four major conditions that are necessary and would be largely suffi cient for China to acquire aircraft carriers: leadership endorsement, fi nancial affordability, a relatively concise naval strat- egy that defi nes the missions of carrier operations, and availability of requisite 14 NAVAL WAR COLLEGE REVIEW technologies.
    [Show full text]
  • China-Turkey Security Cooperation Under the Background of the 'Belt
    Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies ISSN: 2576-5949 (Print) 2576-5957 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rmei20 China-Turkey Security Cooperation Under the Background of the ‘Belt and Road’ and the ‘Middle Corridor’ Initiatives Ahmet Faruk Isik & Zhiqiang Zou To cite this article: Ahmet Faruk Isik & Zhiqiang Zou (2019): China-Turkey Security Cooperation Under the Background of the ‘Belt and Road’ and the ‘Middle Corridor’ Initiatives, Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2019.1605572 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2019.1605572 Published online: 27 Apr 2019. Submit your article to this journal View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rmei20 ASIAN JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EASTERN AND ISLAMIC STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2019.1605572 China-Turkey Security Cooperation Under the Background of the ‘Belt and Road’ and the ‘Middle Corridor’ Initiatives Ahmet Faruk Isika and Zhiqiang Zoub aDepartment of Political Science, National Chengchi University, Taipei, China; bMiddle East Studies Institute, Shanghai International Studies University, Shanghai, China ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This article focuses on the security cooperation between China China; Turkey; ‘Belt and and Turkey and the impact of the ‘Belt and Road’ and the ‘Middle Road’ Initiative; ‘Middle Corridor’ Initiatives on bilateral cooperation. The ‘Belt and Road’ Corridor’ Initiative;
    [Show full text]
  • China Year Book 2011
    CHINA YEAR BOOK 2011 Edited by BRIGADIER MANDIP SINGH, VSM 1 CHINA YEAR BOOK Cover map not to scale. Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, sorted in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). ISBN: 978-93-82169-04-8 Disclaimer: The views expressed in this Report are of the Task Force Members and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses or the Government of India. First Published: May 2012 Price: Rs. 299/- Published by: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses No.1, Development Enclave, Rao Tula Ram Marg, Delhi Cantt., New Delhi - 110 010 Tel. (91-11) 2671-7983 Fax.(91-11) 2615 4191 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.idsa.in Layout & Cover by: Vaijayanti Patankar Printed at: M/s Printline H-10, IInd Floor, NDSE-I New Delhi - 110049 Tel: (91-11) 24651060, 24643119 Mob: 9716335119 Email: [email protected] 2 CONTENTS Foreword ............................................................................. 5 Introduction ......................................................................... 7 Section I: External Relations 1. Sino-Indian Relations in 2011: Two Steps Forward, One Step Backward ................ 13 Rup Narayan Das 2. China's Current Central Asia Policy: Revisiting Priorities ................................................... 24 Jagannath P Panda 3. China and South Asia: Dragon Displacing the Elephant? ............................ 35 South Asia Centre 4. China-US Relations in 2011: Stymied by Strategic Mistrust ................................. 55 Rukmani Gupta 5. China and ASEAN in 2011: Redefining a Relationship ........................................
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional-Executive Commission on China Annual
    CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2007 ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 10, 2007 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6011 Sfmt 5011 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 2007 ANNUAL REPORT VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 6019 Sfmt 6019 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2007 ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 10, 2007 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 38–026 PDF WASHINGTON : 2007 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate SANDER M. LEVIN, Michigan, Chairman BYRON DORGAN, North Dakota, Co-Chairman MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio MAX BAUCUS, Montana TOM UDALL, New Mexico CARL LEVIN, Michigan MICHAEL M. HONDA, California DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California TIM WALZ, Minnesota SHERROD BROWN, Ohio CHRISTOPHER H.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
    China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the
    [Show full text]
  • Speech at a Ceremony Marking the Centenary of the Communist Party of China July 1, 2021
    Speech at a Ceremony Marking the Centenary of the Communist Party of China July 1, 2021 Xi Jinping Comrades and friends, Today, the first of July, is a great and solemn day in the history of both the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese nation. We gather here to join all Party members and Chinese people of all ethnic groups around the country in celebrating the centenary of the Party, looking back on the glorious journey the Party has traveled over 100 years of struggle, and looking ahead to the bright prospects for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. To begin, let me extend warm congratulations to all Party members on behalf of the CPC Central Committee. On this special occasion, it is my honor to declare on behalf of the Party and the people that through the continued efforts of the whole Party and the entire nation, we have realized the first centenary goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. This means that we have brought about a historic resolution to the problem of absolute poverty in China, and we are now marching in confident strides toward the second centenary goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects. This is a great and glorious accomplishment for the Chinese nation, for the Chinese people, and for the Communist Party of China! Comrades and friends, The Chinese nation is a great nation. With a history of more than 5,000 years, China has made indelible contributions to the progress of human civilization.
    [Show full text]
  • Decoding China's Emerging “Great Power” Strategy in Asia
    freeman chair in china studies Decoding China’s Emerging “Great Power” Strategy in Asia By Christopher K. Johnson Contributing Authors: Ernest Z. Bower, Victor D. Cha, Michael J. Green, and Matthew P. Goodman May 5, 2014 Principal Investigator: Mr. Christopher K. Johnson Senior Advisor and Freeman Chair in China Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 Phone: (202) 775-7321 Email: [email protected] INTRODUCTION The course charted by China’s reemergence as a great power over the next few decades represents the primary strategic challenge for the U.S.-Japan security alliance and for the East Asian security landscape writ large. If China’s economic, military, and geopolitical influence continues to rise at even a modest pace during this period, we will witness the largest shift in the global distribution of power since the rise of the United States in the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. And, if China in the next 10-15 years surpasses the United States in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms as the world largest economy, it will mark the first time in centuries that the world’s economic leader will be non-English speaking, non- Western, and non-democratic. Of course, these are some pretty big ifs. To stay on the path toward realizing this new global balance of power, China’s leaders will have to successfully navigate the many challenges they face both at home and abroad. They will have to demonstrate sufficient foresight and flexibility to respond to immediate tactical concerns while always staying mindful of their geostrategic long game.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company.
    [Show full text]
  • Ieri a Început Vizita Oficială De Prietenie a Tovarășului Nicolae
    PROLETARI DIN TOATE ȚĂRILE, UNIȚI-VĂ! ORGAN AL COMITETULUI CENTRAL AL PARTIDULUI COMUNIST ROMÂN Anul LI Nr. 12 330 Miercuri 14 aprilie 1982 6 PAGINI — 50 BANI în spiritul tradiționalelor relații de caldă prietenie, al dorinței comune de a da noi dimensiuni colaborării multilaterale dintre cele două țări, partide și popoare Ieri a început vizita oficială de prietenie a tovarășului Nicolae Ceaușescu, împreună cu tovarășa Elena Ceaușescu, în Republica Populară Chineză Banchet în onoarea tovarășului Nicolae înalții soli ai poporului român primiți Ceaușescu si a tovarășei Elena Ceausescu cu manifestări de profundă stimă la Beijing în onoarea tovarășului Nicolae Yaobang, președintele Comitetului al Consiliului de Stat, Chen Muhua, în continuare, în sala de recepție, Ceaușescu, secretar general al Parti­ Central al Partidului Comunist Chi­ membru supleant al Biroului Politic tovarășului Nicolae Ceaușescu și to­ 13 aprilie 1982. în această zi a rodnice dintre țările și partidele al Partidului Comunist Român, pre­ dului Comunist Român, președintele nez, Zhao Ziyang, premierul Consi­ al C.C. al P.C.C., vicepremier al Con­ varășei Elena Ceaușescu le sint pre­ începui vizita oficială de prietenie noastre. ședintele Republicii Socialiste Româ­ Republicii Socialiste România, și a liului de Stat al R. P. Chineze, de siliului de Stat, ministrul comerțului zentate persoanele oficiale chineze Întreprinsă in Republica Populară Sub semnul acestor frumoase tra­ nia, și a tovarășei Elena Ceaușescu, tovarășei-Elena Ceaușescu, Comitetul alți tovarăși din conducerea de partid exterior și relațiilor economice, Ji care iau parte la banchet. Chineză de tovarășul Nicolae diții s-a desfășurat ceremonia pri­ la care au adresat calde urări de Central al Partidului Comunist Chi­ și de stat — Li Xiannian, vicepre­ Pengfei, membru al C.C.
    [Show full text]
  • First Contact: Qian Qichen Engages in Wide-Ranging, Constructive Talks with President Bush and Senior U.S
    U.S.-China Relations: First Contact: Qian Qichen Engages in Wide-ranging, Constructive Talks with President Bush and Senior U.S. Officials by Bonnie S. Glaser, Consultant on Asian Affairs PRC Vice Premier Qian Qichen’s visit to the United States in March provided an opportunity for the U.S. and China to exchange views on the bilateral relationship and discuss a broad range of security issues. Both sides characterized the discussions in positive terms, acknowledging that differences were aired frankly, yet without rancor. Qian conveyed China’s objections to U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, especially Aegis destroyers, and Secretary of State Colin Powell explained that U.S. policy would be guided by both the three Sino-U.S. communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act. Progress toward China’s entry into the WTO stalled over a major disagreement on Chinese agricultural subsidies. U.S. government officials claimed they had evidence that Chinese companies were selling and installing fiber optic cables and other equipment being used to improve antiaircraft equipment in Iraq in violation of UN sanctions. Military exchanges proceeded according to the plan sketched out last November with a U.S. ship visit to Shanghai, several delegation exchanges, and a visit by U.S. Commander in Chief, Pacific Admiral Dennis Blair to China. Chinese Envoy Holds Constructive Talks with Bush Administration PRC Vice Premier Qian Qichen’s visit to the United States in March provided an opportunity for the U.S. and China to exchange views on the bilateral relationship and discuss a broad range of security issues. The face-to-face meetings with President George W.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Strategic Modernization: Implications for the United States
    CHINA’S STRATEGIC MODERNIZATION: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES Mark A. Stokes September 1999 ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of the Air Force, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave., Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. Copies of this report may be obtained from the Publications and Production Office by calling commercial (717) 245-4133, FAX (717) 245-3820, or via the Internet at [email protected] ***** Selected 1993, 1994, and all later Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) monographs are available on the SSI Homepage for electronic dissemination. SSI’s Homepage address is: http://carlisle-www.army. mil/usassi/welcome.htm ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts. If you are interested in receiving this newsletter, please let us know by e-mail at [email protected] or by calling (717) 245-3133. ISBN 1-58487-004-4 ii CONTENTS Foreword .......................................v 1. Introduction ...................................1 2. Foundations of Strategic Modernization ............5 3. China’s Quest for Information Dominance ......... 25 4.
    [Show full text]