ISSN 0974 – 2514

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES A Biannual Journal of South Asian Studies

Vol. 3 July –December 2010 No. 2

Special Issue on Democracy & Nation Building in South Asia

SOCIETY FOR SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES MADANJEET SINGH INSTITUTE FOR SOUTH ASIA REGIONAL CO-OPERATION (MISARC) PONDICHERRY UNIVERSITY PUDUCHERRY, INDIA GUIDELINES FOR SUBMISSION OF MANUSCRIPTS Original papers that fall within the scope of the Journal shall be submitted by e- mail. An Abstract of the article in about 150 words must accompany the papers. The length of research papers shall be between 5000 and 7000 words. However, short notes, perspectives and lengthy papers will be published if the contents could justify. 1. The paper may be composed in MS-Words format, Times New Roman font with heading in Font Size 14 and the remaining text in the font size 12 with 1.5 spacing. 2. Notes should be numbered consecutively, superscripted in the text and attached to the end of the article. References should be cited within the text in parenthesis. e.g. (Sen 2003: 150). 3. Spelling should follow the British pattern: e.g. ‘colour’, NOT ‘color’. 4. Quotations should be placed in double quotation marks. Long quotes of above 4 (four) lines should be indented in single space. 5. Use italics for title of the books, newspaper, journals and magazines in text, end notes and bibliography. 6. In the text, number below 100 should be mentioned in words (e.g. twenty eight). Use “per cent”, but in tables the symbol % should be typed. 7. Bibliography should be arranged alphabetically at the end of the text and must be complete in all respect. Examples: 1) Hoffmann, Steven (1990): India and the China Crisis, Oxford University Press, Delhi. 2) Bhalla and Hazell (2003): “Rural Employment and Poverty: Strategies to Eliminate Rural Poverty within a Generation”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.33, No.33, August 16, pp.3473-84. All articles are, as a rule, referred to experts in the subjects concerned. Those recommended by the referees alone will be published in the Journal after appropriate editing. No article shall be sent for publication in the Journal if it is currently being reviewed by any other Journal or press or if it has already been published or will be published elsewhere. E-mail: [email protected] CONTENTS

ARTICLES

Indian Economic Global Spread and Normative Urges: Trade, Commerce, and Culture Santosh C Saha … 323

Perils of “Security”: Identity and Nation-Building in South Asia with Special Reference to India and Pakistan P M Joshy … 345

Cultural Identities and Regional Cooperation in South Asia: ‘Consciousness & Construction’ (An Indian Perspective) Syed Mohd Amir … 360

Pakistan, Democracy and The Myth of Sisyphus L Premashekhara … 375

Democratic Experience in South Asia: Case Study of Nepal Mukesh Kumar Srivastava & Arundhati Sharma … 399

Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy Abu Salah Md. Yousuf … 411

The Challenges of Democracy in Maldives Jacob Ashik Bonofer … 433

REVIEW ARTICLE

The Changing Agenda of South Asian Studies Swati Bhattacharya … 450 Indian Economic Global Spread and Normative Urges: Trade, Commerce and Culture Santosh C Saha

Abstract Conventionally, cultural globalization was first understood as a process of homogenization, as the global domination of Western mass culture became dominant at the expense of traditional diversity. However, a contrasting trend soon became evident in the rise of movements protesting against globalization and giving new momentum to the defence of local culture. Simultaneously, Western economic globalization gave rise to the notion that Western culture and economic values had taken a front seat in the entire globalization process. What is underestimated is the reality that Eastern, especially Indian economic globalization created a sense of universalization of particularism for the mutual benefit of various parties engaged in global trade, commerce, spreading language and norms throughout the known world. The current study narrates and explains, in an analytical way, the means of the spread of values through economic exchanges. My prime argument is that a string version of the economic globalization thesis requires a new view of the international economy - one that subsumes and subordinates national-level processes.

Introduction remains not of a strategic kind but of exchanges of goods and values. Gradual The international economy is one in adaptation and reconfiguration may produce which the principal entities are national new divergences and yet the results are economies. Trade and commerce produce mostly positive in most cases. In India’s growing interconnection between these still case, this is the message. Indian globalization national economies. Such an economic had extended further and deeper than the process involves an ever-increasing visible globe. From ancient time, economic integration of more and more countries and globalization, guided by positive cultural economic actors into world market values, has greatly affected the outcome of relationships. The form of interdependence commercial connections. During the between varied countries, small and large, Mauryan rule (4th-3rd century B.C.) Indian

Dr Santosh C Saha, Professor of History, University of Mount Union in Ohio. E-mail: [email protected]

IJSAS 3(2) 2010, pp.323-344. ISSN 0974 -2514 Santosh C Saha 324 voyages on the Indian Ocean became part of domestic business has been vigorously a more general development in which sailors evaluated, observing capitalism’s moral and merchants of various nationalities lapses (Naoroji 1966; Jain 2001; “began to knit together” the land borders of Kanagasabapathi 2007; Swadeshi Academic the “Southern Ocean”, a Chinese term Council 2003), there is hardly any full-length referring to all the waters from the South treatment of India’s social and religious China Sea to the shore of East Africa. cultures that influenced international trade “Southernization” by Sino-Indian extensive and commerce. Naoroji’s treatment of British commercial links with the outside world was immoral trade restrictions on Indian goods, analogous to ‘westernization’, and it is and export of Indian money to Britain has possible to argue that in Europe and its been well received among Indian scholars. colonies, the process of “southernization” Recently, Ritu Birla, in a brilliant exposition laid the foundation for “westernization” in of the Marwari community’s family law subsequent centuries (Shaffer 1994). Trade based amoral business code, has between the Mediterranean and India had demonstrated the peril in using glorified developed so well in the third century B.C. capitalist framework in business (Birla the Maurya King Bindusara (3rd century 2009). The Arthasastra by Kautilya (fourth B.C.) could ask the Greek King Antiochus to century B.C.), India’s first political science send him “some sweet wine, dried figs, and a text, has considered the state’s participation sophist”. The riverine and trade-based urban in economic activities, activated by civilization of Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa pragmatism rather than moral principles. No had artisans, who used wooden boats to carry doubt, Kautilya has stipulated some rules for cloths made of cotton fibers (Ratnagar 2004). external trade, but recent scholarship views Some anthropologists argue that the presence the text more as an ideal than reflecting of shell artifacts and beads in the Indus actualities (Chakravarty 2001). However, the Valley testifies that India was one of existing works depict global and political Mesopotamia’s biggest trade partners. sphere of capital and market forces, but Exports from India included not only ignore aspects of globalization that luxuries, but also small monkeys from India historically comes into existence by creating because pets remained popular with rich socio-cultural relations leading to not only Mesopotamians (Kenoyer 2008). Andre G. de-territorialization but also “glocalization” Frank and others argue that there had been a (compacting global and local dimensions in systematic continuity for about 5,000 years business and culture). downplaying any idea of inherent European Rosenthal (2005) observes, “because exceptionality in building an economically of extensive proliferation of varied norms unified world as part of universal economy and values”, modernists are not compelled (Frank and Gills 1993). by the bounds of tradition. The concept of Methodologically, economic “cultural amnesia” developed by Stephen anthropology, in Kuhn’s terms, is still in the Bertman (2000) refers to the crisis of “pre-paradigm” stage (Kuhn 1977:47-48). memory out of selectively forgetting the past Although India’s “ethics and values” in traditions. However, the multi-faceted

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 325 Indian Economic Global Spread and Normative Urges: Trade, Commerce and Culture cultural values, viewed under the “Kroeber- understood in terms of the neo-Marxist Redfield Model”, have both a “social center-periphery models. Nor can we structure” and a “cultural structure”. Different subscribe to simple models of push and pull, levels of civilizations’ cultural structures in terms of migration theory. interact constantly with each other (Kroeber 1952; Redfield 1962). In contrast to Kroeber’s Whereas economic globalization in cultural historical approach, Redfield begins some countries has accelerated flows of with the socio-cultural aspect. In essence, labor, capital, and commodities, leaving Kroeber sees the task of cultural exchange as some peoples uprooted and dispossessed essentially a history of culture, with social (Hardin and Myers 1994), in India, electronic structure and social organization subordinated. communication has created new “virtual In this context, the central problem of today’s communities” irrespective of physical economic interaction is the tension between distance, though not necessarily of language, cultural homogenization and cultural creating dispersed long-distanced cultural heterogenization. The homogenization groups having new wealth in new settings. A argument has subsections in either an report estimates that the economic power of argument about Americanization or the overseas Indians now matches that of “commoditization”. The normative dynamics India itself (Lewis and Wigen 1997). Indians of indigenization have recently come into (or American Indians) in California vogue in some quarters in India. India’s subcontract their software businesses to ancient global trade and exchange of goods India, providing a horizontal integration of stood for an intensification of human relations business. Productive activities are becoming to create webs in people-to-people relations. knowledge intensive rather than resource The process in “general interdependence” intensive. By using improved technology, calling for “internationalization” of business India has risen to the top of the IT industry. remained in line with India’s national core Despite these positive economic results, a norm to regard all people as “relatives”. growing number of Indians argue that the Utility achievement, argues Sen, may be powerlessness of the central government and “partial, inadequate and misleading” (Sen many national institutions in the face of 1987:48). Admitting that the conceptual and multinationals testifies to the omnipotence of methodological problems related to cultural economic globalization. Deconstructing the influences in economic globalization are meaning of economic globalization in India, staggering, my qualitative analysis argues three prime conclusions are drawn. First, that India’s evolving cultural systems despite the fact that national economic throughout the ages led not only to increased cultures are constantly evolving, a sustained scale and complexity, but also to an Indian worldview has influentially affected enhancement of the hierarchical aspects of globalization that has outpaced globalization economic power and prestige emanating of politics and mindsets in India. Second, from overseas trade contacts. However, the looking at the premodern period as a whole, global economic transaction is a complex, we need to recognize the existence of overlapping order, which cannot be different types of exchange and to consider

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Santosh C Saha 326 how they might have informed cultural The third one makes up a difference. The encounters. Last, there is hardly any direct buyers buy resources from the same sources linkage found between economic but the key difference is the value system of globalization and increase of poverty, each country. An archaeologist, Miller although India’s national growth with (2008), meticulously reconstructs a linkage development has well been verified. between artificial materials and core cultural values of the Indus Valley people. If the An ancient explanation of why some Indus people could not find natural objects people take up commerce and others do not with attributes they liked, they simply is the differing resource endowments. created new materials using heat. From the Currently, in a materialist hopeful mode, abstract universe, they created the artificial many Indians cherish that economic stones of their micro beads for trade with globalization is about worldwide systematic Mesopotamia (Miller 2008:154-55). With interdependence, integration, mobilization, their strength from “power” of the universe, and redistribution of global resources that is the Indus builders constructed ships of the likely to lead, at least in theory, to partial hypothetical sizes of the 60-gur economic parity and equilibrium among the (Mesopotamian unit for capacity or volume) system members. As opposed to this purely vessels for open sea voyages during the mundane reason, in ancient India, ethics and “Bronze Age”. This divine power was also moral values, along with material objectives, good for acquiring superior community role guided conduct in global trade and (Polanyi 1956). Their spiritual values commerce. Many sacred texts testify that determined, to some extent, their trade goods moral principles, including honest dealings, for long-distance trade (Vosner 2008:230). were taught, and basic norms were advocated There were several aspects in this in societies that functioned as self-regulating unspecified value system. Recent findings organizations. Passages from the Vayu dispute his thesis with varied success. Purana (fifth century B.C.) and Ramayana Statistical data produced by Krishna and (third century B.C.) inform us that both Mitra suggest that trade liberalization and spiritual and material urges the Indian domestic welfare economy have shown some merchants (Majumdar 1937). A basic improvement at least in selected sectors premise of ancient Indian civilization was (Krishna and Mitra 1998). Political that the minimum interaction was the very economist Panagariya concludes that there anti-thesis of civilization. “Death of are high costs in high protection, distance” was the cultural goal (Sharma, emphasizing that even small tariffs lead to 2009). The Indian theme in global commerce the withdrawal of products and high costs can be depicted in these terms: every product (Panagariya 2002). Data on educational is made up of only three things: first, raw attainment, infant mortality, monetary materials (cotton, spices); second, the poverty, etc., are all aspects of living that knowledge to build a finished commodity demonstrate a large improvement during (boat building); and third, production urges globalization in the last two decades. It is as well as a country’s unwritten traditions. almost safe to argue that economic

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 327 Indian Economic Global Spread and Normative Urges: Trade, Commerce and Culture globalization has led to “convergence”, The functionalist perspective that tends to which means that large numbers of oversimplify the complex globalizations individuals are now competitive with the between exports and imports and middle class, the 30th to 80th percentiles in multinational investments and domestic income distribution (Bhalla 2002:11). capital is not well defined (Stiglitz 2002). Another researcher finds that by using the Analysts ignore the typical Indian bottleneck popular $1.00 a day poverty line, the in the international flow of capital. Economic percentage of poor people in the developing globalization does not automatically result in world has declined by 25 percentages the creation of incompetent predatory state; between 1985 and 2000 from 37.4 to 13.1 dominance by local political elites wedded to percent (World Bank Report 2000). parochial interests and alienated from the Likewise, Datt and Ravallion (2002) wider aspirations of Indian societies deserves calculate that, between 1981 and 2001, the to be scrutinized. headcount measure of poverty fell by 45 percent (from 53 to 8 percent), largely Globalization because of globalization. India’s cultural urges were visible What is clear is that the combination from the early eras. Kautilya’s Arthasastra of industrialization (2009-10), especially (fourth century B.C.), India’s first political manufacturing as well as demands from the science text, considers the state’s West, has led to industrial growth during participation in economic activities, three months in 2010 (16.8 percent); the including international trade. The text clearly projected national growth in India for the distinguishes that commerce transacted in year 2010 is about 8 percent despite fortified cities, nagaras, from that transacted worldwide economic recession. All these in designed centers for international suggest that there is “convergence” among exchange, pattana (Kangle1963:2.aO). V.K. the global trade, human capital formation, Jain, in a chapter, finds that the opulent Jain and the provision of social overhead capital. traders in western India were regularly The onset of diminishing returns in the North advised by their teachers and preachers to be and the flows of resources to India may truthful in business transaction (Jain assert themselves in producing some relief to 2001:344-69). In his work, the poor. If global growth continues at a Satsthanakaprakarn, Jineesvara Suri, dilates rapid pace during the next half a century or upon the code of conduct, which a merchant less, it is possible that emerging market was expected to follow. He advises that a economies, including China and India, could merchant should neither weigh less nor attain levels exceeding those of Americans charge more.1 Modern scholarship has paid today. This implies that Malthusian notions much more attention to the sea route than to of poverty are likely to become a distant the overland routes, partly because of memory as global income expands over time, advantages to carry large volumes of trade. and issues of inequality, rather than They have been interpreted as relics of a subsistence, will increasingly take the center transit trade linking the easy sea route from stage in the poverty debate (Harrison 2007). Egypt to India with overland China and

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Santosh C Saha 328 beyond, since “the Kushana kingdom before the rise of urbanization in the Greater produced little that the luxury markets of the Indus Valley and Baluchistan. This “cultural west desired” (Rodewald 1976:47-48). interaction sphere” was a unique However, it does not follow, as is often configuration for its time, and its scope and assumed, that gold was being sent to India significance has only recently become (Charlesworth 1970:137). Once it had been apparent (Reade 1996:189). An clear that bullion was what was wanted, archaeologist, Miller (2008), meticulously bullion, probably, was sent (Rodewald reconstructs a linkage between artificial 1976:51). In addition, what we see is that materials and core cultural values of the eastern people were both producers and Indus Valley people. If the Indus people consumers of luxury items. Business could not find natural objects with attributes historians examine the histories of the they liked, they simply created new materials business houses, in-house histories of using heat. From the abstract universe, they different commercial companies, and created the artificial stones of their micro accounts of commercial communities. beads for trade with Mesopotamia (Miller 2008:145-57). Their spiritual values The recent study of Bengali scripts determined, to some extent, their trade goods and seals provided new insights into the for long-distance trade, concludes trade connections between Gupta-era Bengal archaeologist Vosner (Vosner 2008:230). and the early trade centers of South East With their strength from “power” of the Asian mainland. This evidence substantiates universe, the Indus builders constructed ships the existence of a luxury trade in horses, of the hypothetical sizes of the 60-gur which were transported overland from (Mesopotamian unit for capacity or volume) India’s northwest frontier down the Gangetic vessels for open sea voyages during the plain to Bengal, where they were shipped by “Bronze Age.” This commercial contact was boat to south China (Hall (n.d.):452:445 and good for acquiring superior cohesive Mukherjee 1989:1-5). A “global system”, community life as well (Polanyi et.al 1966). rather than an “inter-national” system, was visible from the early economic contacts There is no convincing evidence for between India and the vast outside world. the presence of Mesopotamians in the Indus Two variables – system-ness and stage-ness cities (Chakrabarti 1990). Dilip Chakravarti – could be observed (Therborn 2000:151- (1982) discusses the occurrence of “long 179). For various reasons, the Indus Valley’s barrel-cylinder” beads in the Indus Valley, economy was expanding for long-distance Mesopotamia and Iran. These beads have trade (Shaffer and Lichtensten 1989:117-26). similarities. The beads were in excess of Even more interesting than the Harappan 5cm, slender, occasionally with a slight participation in the western trade in the third thickening toward the center (Chakravarti millennium was the sense of “inter-regional 1982:265-70). Both demand and supply integration” that was a part of western and factors helped the process. Material records southern India during that time. The affirm that ships from Meluhha (Indus Harappans were part of an emerging and Valley) and Magan (Arabian Gulf) came to much larger world than they had known Mesopotamia during the reign of Sargon of

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Akkad (2334-2279 B.C.). In the last half of Asoka helped the process of spiritual the third millennium, the cultures of Middle globalization in the West. His efforts to Asia, the region between the Euphrates and propagate as a gift to all mankind the the Indus and Central Asia and the Gulf, medicinal herbs and plants (amomum, participated in a new, unprecedented form of nardum), which have been cited by Indian international economic interaction (Possehl activists fighting against attempts of 1996:133). Mesopotamian and Iranian courts multinational agricultural and biotechnology had themselves engaged in considerable corporations to patent native Indian trees and trade with South Asia, and the Achaemenid plants for private profit (Mehta 1998:25). court developed its own sense of the “Indian Economic globalization reached a exotic.” By Early Third Dynastic times, the new height linking Ethiopia, Rome and agrarian Mesopotamian society became Greece, and the Selucid Empire with the Silk complex and contending hierarchical social Road, linking central Asia, China and India. orders, the “palace” and the “temple” Polanyi argues that economic relations and became intense rivals. Politicized rivals, as transactions were “embedded” in an both texts and archaeological records testify, overreaching cultural and social framework, demanded exotic materials as conspicuous which set limits to market activity. displays of privilege and access. Some of Anthropologist also report that man’s these products were also used to maintain the economic action is submerged in his social elaborate Sumerian cult centers and their relationship (Polanyi 1957:46). A prime associated workshops. These products globalization urge came from the Hindu included copper, tin, bronze, silver, gold, concept of perpetual motion that prepares the lapis laxzuli, carnelian shell, ivory and ground for economic expansion for an various kinds of wood. By 2600 B.C., the amicable contact with the outsiders. There Mesopotamian markets looked for them, but was a cultural warning against isolationism these things were not a part of the riverine in a parable about a deep-well frog, the landscape of the Tigris/Euphrates valley. The proverbial - kupamandaduka- that eastern trade became more useful for the persistently recurs in several old Sanskrit people in the west (Reade (n.d.):188-89). texts, such as Ganapatha, Hitopadesa, and The traders of the west moved from the Bhattikavya. The kupamanduka was a frog protected waters of the Persian Gulf into the that lived its entire life within a well, Arabian Sea, and then to the warm water of knowing nothing else. The message is that the Indian Ocean (Reade 1986:325-34). cultural and economic history of India and Persian sources testify that trade caravan the world would have been very limited had routes extended from the Sasanian Persian “we lived like well-frog” (Sen 2005:85-86). Empire (224-651 A.D.) to Iraq and then to the province of Fars, eventually reaching India’s scientific concepts about India. Imperian Sasanian coins from Persia motion helped the economic globalization. In were discovered from Rupar in the Amble 1150 A.D., the distinguished astronomer district in India (Daryaee 2003:4). Bhaskar described the idea of mechanical Simultaneously, the great Mauryan Emperor motion, an idea rooted in the Hindu belief in

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Santosh C Saha 330 the cyclical and self-renewing nature of India (Seshadri 1966:244-45). European things (Ganguly 1927:65-76). An American soldiers, known as Yavanas and Mleccha, historian, Lynn White, argues that the clad in complete armor, acted as bodyguards concept of perpetual motion is a reflection of of Tamil kings (Smith 1961:400-401). the Hindu belief in the cyclical and self- Roman soldiers were also enlisted to guard renewing nature of all things (White Jr. the gates of the fort of Madura (Pillay 1960:523). However, the scope of the 1965:Chapter Eleven). Thus, out of concept is broader than that. In Bhasakara’s international trade, there developed some computation, the idea of infinity is the core minor military and diplomatic relations. The concept. He establishes mathematically what American historian Richard Brown argues had been recognized in Indian theology a that because there were plenty of Roman millennium earlier, that infinity, however coins in India, there must have been Roman divided, remains infinite (Basham 1971:498). colonies in India, and because there were The idea received wider attention, as in about Roman colonies, there must have been either 1200 A.D., Islam transmitted the Indian Roman ships or Roman shipbuilders to concept of perpetual motion to Europe, just introduce the “oculus”, a decorative feature as it was transmitting at the same moment attached in the triangular tail areas on vessels Hindu numerals and positional reckoning (Bowen Jr. 1957:262-91). It is almost certain (White Jr. 1960:523), thereby giving rise to that the seagoing qualities of the Romans globalization of knowledge-based deals. were not as great as stipulated by Richard Brown. Nor did the Romans take oculi to Roman coin-finds throughout the Indian India. In contrast, Carroli Quigley, another region, from Afghanistan to Ceylon - from American historian, argues that that Roman the Gulf of Cambay to Bengal, in south of ships did not carry goods to India in Roman India, and in almost continuous series up the ships (Quigley 1958:25-38). east coast of India – is important in showing the extent and continuity of Roman trade From around 1500 B.C., a second with India during the first five centuries A.D. network, centered on northwestern China, There were Roman settlers in India. Large was established. Because the Buddhists made quantities of gold and silver coins struck by many of the trade connections in earlier the Roman Emperors up to Emperor Nero times, historian D.D. Kosambi asks an (54 A.D to 68 A.D.), discovered in the important question. “To what extent did the interior of the Tamil country, testify to the monks and Buddhist monasteries participate presence of Roman settlers in the south directly in the long-distance trade, the (Sastri 1966). The existence of a Roman commerce of the great caravans?” He adds settlement is also known from the that archaeological evidence points to the Silappadikaram, a Tamil literary work that monastic possession of great wealth. The describes vividly a quarter of the city of famous Nasik inscriptions (some dated Puhur, or Kaveripattinam, which is at the between 150 B.C. and 150 A.D.), mouth of the Kaveri River. These were the demonstrate that the monks and their samgha samples of collections of the scope of received aksaya-nivi (everlasting donations). “world” traffic in several southern states in However, the inscriptions as well as the

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Sino-Buddhist evidence indicate that many Vanij means export trader. Some Sanskrit wealthy merchants from the famous and Tamil expressions such as cettu and Dhenukakata settlement in the south of India taniccettu refer to monopoly of trade in had good connection with the monasteries. certain exports. Marco Polo calls the The settlement was at the mouth of the Brahmin guild as Abraiaman, who were Krishna River. The settlement had Greek regarded as the best merchants in the traders, who traded with Alexandria, not business. Marco Polo adds that these Persia, as other sources alleged (Kosambi Brahmin members of the province of Lar as 1955:50-52;59-60). References in Sangam so guild members that they would never literature indicate that the paradvar “take what belongs to another.” The foreign landowners gradually diversified and traders could easily entrust their goods to increased their participation in coastal trade Indian businesspersons, who sold goods from and one section of them figures as rich abroad in the most loyal and faithful manner. traders (Nattar and Pillai 1965:16-17). Rich Trade commission was given to these Indian merchants and traders, including Buddhist traders for handling commodities, out of merchants, began to participate in the means good faith, not on demand.3 Travelers and of production of goods, and thus, there foreign visitors testified Indian traders’ emerged long-distance trade that created integrity and high character in the medieval surplus value as well as exchange of spiritual period. Even settlements in foreign countries values (Ray (n.d.):354). colonized by South Indian merchants were constituted Manigrams (association of Support System merchants), for instance Taku-apa in Siam, Trade guilds helped overseas where a tank and temple of Narana were commerce. Yavanas (Greeks, Romans, Jews, constructed by Tamil merchants during rule and Arabs) set up colonies on both the of Pallava Nandi Varman 111 (Ayyar littoral and inland. These colonies in India 1947:269-80). Historian Sastri argues that presuppose the existence not of adventurers the South Indian merchants under the and freelance traders and explorers, who guidance and assemblies had more freedom could not sustain centuries of growing trade. and scope for initiative and a better capacity These foreign settlers set up a network of for voluntary organization than in China. business organizations to devote to Wealth Accumulation production and distribution. Merchants formed pauras (assemblies in Sanskrit), Marshall G.S. Hodgson (1963) and nagarams (towns in Tamil) were assemblies William H. McNeill (1963) introduced a of merchants in important trade centers, notion that the world’s various peoples began working in cooperation with the ur or sabha to interact with intensively only after 1492. (larger assembly). Even the Brahmins took to Samuel P. Huntington reinforces the notion commerce in a large Vaisnava center in by writing that most of the human existence modern district of South Arcot.2 Merchants contacts between civilizations were came from South Sri Lanka to join the “nonexistent.” As against this, K.N. community of traders. The Sanskrit term Chaudhuri, drawing on central-place

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Santosh C Saha 332 analysis, argues that industrial production Bhartrhari’s famous stanzas “yasyasti vittam such as textiles, metals, glass and ceramics sa narah kulinath”, renders that wealth has had long ago began the process of economic the “mysterious power” of elevating a family interaction having profound effects on in its social prestige, of bestowing international commercial relations scholarship, learning and virtue, because all (Chaudhuri (1990):297-337; Bentley manner of excellence can be secured with 1998:237-254). gold or money (Gokhale 1977:125-26). In the Buddhist literature, the term attha in the The Christian Armenians, who sense of worldly things is often associated settled in northern Indian cities, including with hita (benefit) and sukha (happiness) Calcutta, used to make formal trade (Carpenter 1960:187;190;211). Capital agreements, although contracts could be formation and wealth creation, some of the made on a handshake (Curtin 1984:197). basic objectives in economic globalization, Referring to the Jewish-India merchants of remained Indian objectives. the Middle Ages, the Geniza-papers report that trade was of cosmopolitan character. Referring to the commerce in white The most observant Jewish traders from the cloths with a red or yellow border during the Sudanese coast of the Red Sea port of nineteenth century, Lord Valentia reported Aidhab and other ports in the Middle East that “Hindu Banyans” made profit of from coming to Malabar ports freely formed 50 to 100 percent. Gold and ivory exports partnerships with Hindus, Muslims and brought significant profit. Two French “Oriental Christians.” The partnership travelers, Ferret and Galinier, reported that reflected a “completely international and the Indian Banyans made “immense profits” inter-confessional reality and outlook” from the Red Sea business in Africa gold, (Goitein 1953:37). musk, ivory.7 The Eurocentric conventional explanation of this west-to-east flow of There are ample references in the “money” is that Europe was required to send Vedic literature to trade in distant lands for treasure to Asia, including India, because the profit (Griffin (n.d.):20). The merchants West had to settle its trade deficit with the offered prayer and oblation to seek divine East. On the long term, the structural change grace for success in trade.4 Although in the composition of the returns from Asia shipwrecks were common, yet hopeful gave rise to an enormous expansion of the merchants ventured regularly on sea voyage export of silver and gold to the East. J. C. in ships with hundred oars, for trading in van Leur and argues that with the coming of distant lands. They knew the theory “money the Portuguese the Asia trade a new era makes money.”5 A Tamil sage, began leading to the decline of the vigor of Thiruvalluvar, in his book, written more than indigenous Asian commercial institutions 2300 years ago, went to the extent of (Leu 1955). Company exports of cloth compelling people to earn wealth. The book increased sharply to meet new demand in underscored that India should have enormous Europe during the “India Craze” of the 1680s wealth.6 The importance of wealth in life has and 1690s. been repeated in ancient niti literature.

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Hemispheric Integration the combined imports of the Europeans (Moreland 1923:85). The Dutch Company’s The large quantities of gold and exports of cloth increased sharply to meet silver coins struck by the Roman emperors new demand in Europe during the “India up to Emperor Nero (A.D. 54-68), found in Craze” of the 1680s and 1690s. In addition, the interior of the Tamil country, testify to despite the expansion of Company trade the presence of Roman settlers in the south in between India and Europe, silver continued a hospitable atmosphere (Sastri 1966). to move through West Asian traditional Considerable changes in production also trade, the caravan routes of Ottoman Egypt occurred in various parts of India from about and Arabia and the sea-lanes of the Red Sea 400 B.C. through to around 500 A.D. There and Persian Gulf (Brennig 1983:481). The was the growth of urban crafts, flourishing flow of silver into western India expanded internal trade and international trading the silver-based Mughal monetary system. networks, which stretched to Vietnam, Indonesia, and China in one direction and to Useful and authentic Cairo Geniza the Roman Mediterranean in the other. In Records, dated between 1080 and 1160, India, however, there was a decline of trade record the nature of early medieval trade and urban life as the focus for the artisan between India and the Middle East. Abraham crafts shifted to the villages, where they were Ben Yiju, a Jewish trader from al-Mahdiya in integrated into a caste system led by the Tunisia, had a bronze factory in southern Brahmins (Harman 2004:1-36). India, where he produced bronze ware. Among other places, he lived in Manjarur The rise of the merchant class having (Mangalore). Customer in Aden ordered links with foreign trade in pre-Mughal period articles made at his factory. Ben Yiju sent was closely associated with certain merchandise from south India to merchants developments in technological and in Aden for consumption there and for export commodity production and the process of the to Egypt and North Africa; different kinds of modernization of parts of the early economy iron were in great demand in Aden and the (Gokhale 1977:125-130). Particularly, the Adenese traders paid in gold and silver.8 In role of silver import to India generated a 1703-04, six ships arrived from Amsterdam debate about wealth accumulation. The flow carrying 5,749 Kgs of silver.9 K.N. of silver toward Mughal chief Port of Surat Chaudhuri supplies data for silver export and other ports during the Mughal rule from London to the East India Company remained an issue in the balance of payment factories in Bombay. Trade balance issue. An English merchant in 1660 reported reinforced with the arrival of silver was in that Asian ships from several countries India’s favor. Glamann’s analysis on the coming to Surat had increased from 15 to 80 Dutch-Asiatic trade shows clearly that there ships over the previous decade (Moreland was a link between the European demand for 1923:85). Asian merchants brought six Asiatic products and the rise in the export of million rupees each year in silver coin from silver and gold (Glamann 1958:62-69;263). Mocha, the equivalent of 76, 5421 Kgs of Demand was increasingly for those products, pure silver, and a far greater quantity than such as cotton, silk, and coffee, which came

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Santosh C Saha 334 from areas where gold and silver was needed in the debate about free trade and poverty to keep trade flowing, namely Coromandel, (Bagchi 1996:2875). For the leftists, the idea Bengal and, for coffee, Mocha (Gaastra of a bounded cultural community of nations 1983:460). However, both India and China, seems suspect given recent shifts in the silver wages were substantially lower spatio-temporal contours of material world. compared to those in northwestern Europe. Second, for the religious revivalists, Culture of Modernity: Globalization globalization is more than modernization, because it amounts to the civilizing mission Cultural orientation and value to finish the work that formal colonialism systems have influenced the policies of was unable to achieve. Their ethnocentrisms, parties and groups in economic globalization legitimately asserting against Euro-American in India. Nevertheless, the proper locus of hegemony or economic globalization are, in politics and articulation of contemporary turn, “colonized” to the extent that they economic globalization remains puzzling. legitimize themselves in terms of an First, the Indian variety of socialism, “alternative” development, which Gilbert with its internal contradictions, is an Rist calls new “global faith”. It is non- alternative form of capitalist modernization, modern and non-scientific, and “non- which argues that globalization itself historical” (Dirlik 2000). Equating Indian internationalizes class exploitation as it identity with Hindu identity, a logical but not produces a new economic fragmentation of a valid equation for a nation with large the globe. As the earlier promise of welfare Muslim minorities and others, the Hindu and equality recedes, in the communist Jana Sangh party opposed economic dominated provinces, West Bengal and globalization on cultural grounds. It Kerala, the left parties bring globalization highlighted Hindu values projecting a issues into limelight for political objectives. cultural conflict between small-scale and The powerful Communist Party of India large-scale industries, capital-intensive (CPM) in West Bengal, welcoming foreign technology and village crafts, centralization investments (for science city) in the state it and decentralization, and impure urban rules, but vehemently opposes it nationally to complexity and rural serenity (Saha and Carr discredit the central government for political 2001:91-120). The RSS party declared in reasons. Much against the Indian core value early 1992 a renewed economic policy for system in globalization, the “center- swadeshi, arguing that globalization had periphery” thesis holders view economic been uneconomic and un-Indian. The party globalization in terms of the received argued for a national capitalism without knowledge derived from Karl Marx (1971). foreign investments and without large-scale Oriented to Marx’s theory of labor value, import of foreign consumer goods. It Professor Amiya Kumar Bagchi, a produced a list of 326 products, by Cambridge trained distinguished economist, multinationals and possible alternative now Director of Development Studies in products made by Indian owned factories. Calcutta, and a mentor of the “progressive The more pragmatic wing of the BJP that youths of Bengal” has been a pioneer mover includes cosmopolitan moderates, want to

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 335 Indian Economic Global Spread and Normative Urges: Trade, Commerce and Culture keep emotional connections with the tries to calm the anti-global critics at home. European liberal forces. In Partha His relatively new economic globalization is Chatterjee’s words, the nationalists wish to based on his basic belief that nations that are copy the Western means in terms of economically interlinked do not shoot each technology and the institutions of state, but other. His globalization urge is accelerated to resist Western cultural attributes by India’s new technology-based industrial (Chatterjee 1996:75). The BJP moderates, base, which has been labor intensive. The favoring Christian Democratic parties of national government and state Europe, favor globalization in a cautious administrations at various levels have done a way. For them the Christian democratic significant job in helping technology for forces would be allies in the worldwide expansion of global trade. In Bangalore city conflict between the Islamic forces and the alone, there are three universities, fourteen democratic forces. However, the BJP engineering schools, and forty-seven supported a policy of economic specialty schools of higher learning. Western liberalization, partly as an attempt to industrialists get “brain shopping” there represent the interest of traders and while Indian engineers work for software industrialists (Hansen, 1996). The party companies, such as Siemens, General sponsored an investment project, run by US- Electronics, Samsung, and Nokia. In 2005, based ENRON in Maharashtra state in 1995, about 12 billion dollars of goods were which eventually failed due to provincial exported, though it amounted to a fraction of mismanagement. However, the that of China. misrepresentation of ancient Hindu values Fourth, over the decades, opposition has failed to prevent the increasing forces of to narrow leftist and rightist vague strategies secular globalization, because India had came from intellectuals, the upholders of reached the controversial point of W.W. Indian norms as well modernization impulse. Rostow’s “take-off”, which has gripped During the 1920s, Rabindranath Tagore, Indian policy-makers, politicians and Asia’s first Nobel Laureate, stirred crowds in industrialists as well. India, China, and Japan by calling spiritual Third, a new pro-economic and economic combination for co-prosperity. globalization stance soon became powerful Both he and Sun yat-sen, China’s anti- due to adverse economic effects observed imperialist exile, greatly admired the idea in during the period of state socialism, which economic transaction, soon to be dismantled weakened market incentives while spawning by imperial Japan. Another Nobel Laureate, a huge and inefficient public sector. Prime Amartya Sen argues that in globalization, the Minister Singh encouraged versatile forces of ideological separatism, which is democratic institutions, implicitly enforcing strong in parts of modern India, militate social contract, tempering market forces and against global history but also against India’s maintaining some social order. Now he tries “own heritage” (Sen 1987). to bring India closer to the outside world without overtaxing the domestic industry. Indian Movies Even though he is ignored internationally, he

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In much of India’s human history of of dealing with foreign traders is a challenge social relations, econo-cultural relations have to comparative analysis of the relations in transcended existing political divides. The commercial exchanges. China’s defensive spread of Hindi movie culture implies a responses can now be contrasted with Indian profound quantitative increase in openness. Today, when Chinese culture intensification of social relations of that ideal reemerges in arrogant pride in economic type. The economic globalization, growth, it is likely to develop as an accelerated by Indian movies, has changed alternative civilization, although there was an the quality of international exchanges. open society under the Tang dynasty. In Hollywood movies have failed to smooth the contrast, India is becoming a meeting place normative differences between the Islamic through economic globalization and culture. world and the West, because they have The appeal of Indian movies, including 1960 become the processes of the production of classic, Mughal-e-azam, comparable to Gone cultural differences, bringing the “center” to with the Wind, to Islamic populations and the “periphery” as a way of “grand narrative” other countries in Eastern Europe has been of “totalizing” late capitalism, Indian Hindi enormous (Mahbubani 2008:169-70). As movies with their smooth and distinct money earners, Indian movies have become entertainment mode, have brought relief to solid sources of income; it is economic econo-cultural globalization. One advantage globalization on India’s terms. In the same of Indian movies is that there are no priori fashion, A. R. Rahman, 44, currently a sufist, assumptions about the messages produced by the “Mozart of Madras”, has succeeded in the comic movies. The enforced “difference” tying many forms of music together. He won of cultural space, to use the words of two Oscars, a Golden Globe and the British Appadurai (1990), has become “part and Academy of Film and Television Arts parcel” of a global system of domination by (BAFTA) for giving Slumdog timely Hollywood movie culture. As a noted entertainment” (India International 2010). intellectual and journalist Shashi Tharoor The “syncretic adaptive politics and culture” writes, in the Times of India, “Bollywood is of hybridity, argues the postmodernist Homi Indian culture’s secret weapon”, producing Bhabha, “questions the imperialistic notion five times as many films as Hollywood, of purity” expressed culturally and taking India to the world, by bringing its economically as much as it “questions the brand of “glitzy entertainment” to Indians nationalist notion of purity” (Bhabha abroad as well as others including “Syrians 1989:64). Economic globalization, far from and Senegalese”. In some Syrian houses, representing a coherent process of capitalist huge portraits of Amitabh Bachan, India’s totalization, becomes an expected connection Marlon Brando and President al-Assad are between different Indian socio-cultural on display. The movie culture of India has activities. In the words of Michel Foucault, bridged the gap between the East and the these exchanges become “moral subjects”, West in several ways. On the other hand, not in the form of submission to an external China has had an essentially insular historic rule (state control), but in the “mode of experience. The China-India contrast in ways belonging” (Bayart 2007).

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Some observations are due at this mostly of the period of Augustus and stage. First, ancient global interconnections Tiberius certainly indicates the prosperity in trade and culture remained thin and and economic stability of India (Seshadri uneven, with most trade linkages centered on 1966:244-45). This was terminal trade, the large states and metropolitan cities. dealing with commodities produced in India, Second, the concept of Chinese type of fierce as opposed to the transit trade (Chinese silk), “scramble” has not appeared in modern which reached the Indian markets from India. Last, White, Jr., argues that, despite China and other countries of Asia (Wheeler difficult communication, mankind in the 1955:173). “Old World at least has long lived” in a more The foundational pillars of unified realm of discourse than historians are Immanuel Wallerstein’s “modern world- ready to admit. The notion of “global unity”, trade” existed in India in medieval period. a cultural theme, had been present in the East There was an impressive array of features for centuries (1960:526). related to globalization. India had Millionaire its frenetic sound. “From commercialized agriculture and expanding the marketing perspective, it’s a perfect fit”, handicraft production, accumulated says a management expert, explaining that substantial growth in monetization and manufactures and economic managers want urbanism. Based on human labor, farming “proximity to Amitabh Bachan and a link to and manufacturing flourished. For David intelligencer” (The Statesman 2009, July 25). Held and his coauthors, economic In February 2010, the film, My name is globalization appears as the result of Khan, featured by super-star Shah Rukh processes that have been evolving, though Khan, grossed about two million dollars in not necessarily continuously, for a long America and Canada. The Los Angeles Times period (Held et. Al. 1999). In this view, called it “a sweeping epic in the globalization is neither an open, nor a melodramatic Bollywood manner” and yet it predetermined process that substantially emerges as a potent”, factor in globalization. transforms, but not eradicate such institutions as states, religious institutions, Conclusion and families. In pepper cuisine, the Romans In some coins, found near developed a “taste of India” (Parker Bangalore, there are standing figures of 2002:89). Essential difference between Gaius and Lucius Caesar. The Indian contemporary economic globalization and archaeologist M. Seshadri observes that India’s early globalization may not be wide Augustus might have struck these varieties of because in Indian globalization, there had Roman coins, especially for trade with South been capital formation, wealth accumulation, Asia. In the first century A.D., Coimbatore and convenient and free exchanges of goods District produced beryls of a sea-green and commodities covering a wider area. variety, which was greatly admired in Rome; Pacifist Indians were aware of the need of Also, Indian gems were in demand in Rome. accumulation of wealth through international More importantly, the large number of trade. The Hindi word gatha forca pital was hoards of Roman gold and silver coins derived from the Vedic grathin meaning

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Santosh C Saha 338 capitalist. From the Pali literature, we know Asian trade structure; they were not superior that in the fifth century B.C., trading to the peddlers and the redistributive communities, engaged in international enterprises (Carracks 1972:21-22). Indian mostly overland commerce, included monks, scholars have taken a comprehensive pilgrims, pedlars, horse traders, acrobats, perspective in India’s global trade and travel actors, students and tourists (Chandra 2007). over land-routes and sea-lanes, arguing that Pre-colonial Indian economic network the Indian pre-colonial economic featured many intertwined threads linking globalization made the Indian Ocean as the business operation and related social central space (Chakravarti 2007:4-5). A.G. connections that could be understood and Hopkins’s “periodization” schem, posits that judged from the standpoint of a “world “archaic globalization” was broadly economy.” Moreover, cultural globalization associated with the sixteenth century mainly is bound up with globalization’s economic with the commencement of European trade. dimensions. Thus, the long history of Indian Many Indian scholars argue that Indian globalization is better conceived in a plural business people traded in high-value luxury rather than unitary phenomenon. This goods such as spices, gems, and cloves long sharply contrasts with some pre-capitalist before the early medieval period (Hopkins world economies designed by China, Persia 2001). This early economic globalization and Rome, creating world empires that was “multi-polar”, to use the phrases of C.A. introduced a uniform political system, which Bayly, which involved “push and push” dominated the various inter-related societies factors; the international exchanges of goods within their boundaries and with enough involved the active participation of the agricultural surpluses to maintain artisans traders of “Gujarat, Bengal, coastal China and administrative stratum. On the other and Japan” (Bayly 2004). In the end, the hand, India’s “world-economy” was different moot question is how to treat the with no political unity and with the antiglobalists’ wish to achieve “justice” with redistribution of the surplus via the market. Amartya Sen’s “capabilities variables”, and identify the cultural limits of national Because the anthropology of identity. Often, analysts ignore the sources economic globalization is still in the “pre- issues from which differing normative and paradigm” stage (Kuhn 1997:48-49), Polanyi ethical positions emerge. claims that empirical markets do not necessarily behave in accordance with the Notes market of economic theory (Polanyi et al 1957: 268;250-56). Nevertheless, as Niels 1. Jinesvara, Satsthanakaprakar, cited in A.A. Macdonell (1960): History of Sanskrit Literature, Steensgaard legitimately claims that the 5th impression, Delhi. small-scale peddlers’ international trade in 2. Pillai, Narayan (1947): “An Address at the the medieval period in South Asia was not History Department”, University College, “primitive”, considering the complexities in Trivandrum on October 1. business transaction. He adds that the 3. Marco Polo cited in K.A. Nilkanta Sastri (1939): European joint-stock companies in the early Foreign Notices of South India; From seventeenth century did not transform the

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International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Perils of “Security”: Identity and Nation-Building in South Asia with Special Reference to India and Pakistan P M Joshy

Abstract This paper problematises the notion of ‘Security’ in the context of the process of nation- building in India and Pakistan. Nation-building is basically an ‘exclusionary’ process which distances the ‘Self’ from the ‘Other’ both within and outside the cartographic setting of the “nation-State.” Here ‘Security’ is the running force which masks violence in the name of ‘protection.’ The stereotypical images about the ‘Other’ justify violence against it and on a majoritarian line the process of nation-building has been progressing in South Asia. In this progression the victims are the minority communities and the violence against them is facilitated and rationalised in the name of “securing the nation.”

Introduction existence of the states of South Asia with independent “nation-States.” In the process In his inaugural address at the of nation-building the ‘Military’ is equated seminar on “India’s role in South Asia: with ‘Security’ and the ‘images’ about it are Challenges and Opportunities for the 21st very significant for distancing the ‘Self’ from Century” (27th Sept 2010) at Pondicherry the ‘Other.’ In this context the ‘Military’ University, the Chief of the Indian Army represents “showing flag” rather than being Staff Major General V. K. Singh focused an agency which has the capability to foster upon various security issues confronting cooperation and friendship among nation- South Asia. He spoke about: “military States. The experiences of India and Pakistan leverage to the betterment of the region, are the best examples in the region. In the rather than for showing our flag.” The first part of the study we will focus on the intention may be appreciable. But it is not complex relations between the notion of concomitant with the experiences of the ‘security’ and the construction of identity region as distinct nation-States. ‘Military’ is and subsequently map the ethnic plurality of a major source of energy for the very South Asia. The final part of the article

P M Joshy, Deputy Director, ICSSR Project, Department of Politics & International Studies, Pondicherry University, Pondicherry – 605014, India. E-mail: [email protected]

IJSAS 3(2) 2010, pp.345-359. ISSN 0974 -2514 P M Joshy 346 contextualises ‘security’ within the important contribution of constructivism to framework of the nation-building process in IR (Hopf 1998 and Katzenstein 1996). the states of India and Pakistan. Katzenstein viewed that ‘culture, norms and identity also matter in national security.’ For Identity and Security the critical constructivists, objects of security Security is a core concept in the and insecurity are not ontologically separate theory and praxis of inter/national politics. things. Rather, they are mutually constituted Realists generally viewed that the in a variety of ways that may privilege a international system is ‘anarchic’ and the certain conception of identity over others. states are the ‘rational’ ‘self-centered actors’ Operating within a framework of meanings, (Morgenthau 1950). Realism in International assumptions, and distinctive social identities, Relations (IR) therefore focused on a state- the representation of the ‘Other,’ their centric, power-oriented, and militaristic identities and what constitutes insecurity discourse of security and it reads narrowly ‘imaginaries’ are left open to the dynamics into the role of history, ideology and culture of interpretation, whereby relations of as manifested in the concepts of State, identity may also be produced, enforced, and national interest, and nationalism and how it reified in a conflictual manner (Muppidi shapes state power and international relations 1999: 124). Further, construction of (Chowdhry & Sheila Nair 2003). Neither identities influencing security dynamics may does it pay attention to the ways in which not simply be confined to rigid interstate anarchy/insecurity may be constructed or dynamics, but may also be mediated by how the roles of ideology, culture, history, or "complex network of social relations, state practices themselves may produce cultural traditions, and political structures..." anarchy in IR (Das 2002:76-89). The weak involving state security elites themselves structuralist and totalising position of realism (Niva 1999:152). Thus, critical was theoretically challenged at different constructivists assume that all social levels (Wendt 1987; Tickner 1988 and (in)securities are culturally produced Walker 1989). (Weldes 1999:1). It is the “cultural process The postmodern, critical through which insecurities of states and constructivist and feminist scholars communities… are produced, reproduced, questioned the orthodoxy of realism in IR and transformed” (Weldes 1999:2). (Der Derrian & Shapiro 1989; Weldes 1999 Thus, in the new literature of and Doty 1996). The critical constructivists international relations (Campbell 1998; problematising the conventional assumption Krause and Williams 1997; Lipschutz 1995 that international relations is in a state of and Weldes et al 1999), security is perpetual anarchy, view security as what conceptualised as a productive discourse that David Campbell calls “representations of brings forth insecurities to be operated upon. danger” (Campbell 1998:1-13) instead. The This contests the dominant conceptual question of ‘representation’ is one aspect that paradigm of security that sees insecurities as was totally discarded by the traditional IR essential variables, while focusing attention theorists. The politics of identity is an on the acquisition of security by given

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 347 Perils of “Security”: Identity and Nation-Building in South Asia entities. It underlines the processes through dehumanisation and stereotyping of the which something or someone (the ‘Other’) is ‘Other.’ The ‘Other’ gets reduced to being a discursively formed as a source of insecurity danger and hence an object that is fit for against which the ‘Self’ needs to be secured surveillance, control, policing and possibly (Anand 2005:203-215). Thus, discourses of extermination. This logic of the discourse of insecurity are about ‘representations of security dictates that the security of the ‘Self’ danger’ (Campbell 1998; Dillon 1996). facilitates and even demands the use of Insecurities are inevitably ‘social policing and violence against the ‘Other’ constructions’ rather than givens—threats do (Foucault 1979; 1988 and Anand 2005). not just exist out there, but have to be Central to the concept of postcolonial produced. All insecurities are thus culturally insecurity is what Sankaran Krishna calls shaped in the sense that they are produced in postcolonial “anxiety”, defined as an and out of ‘‘the context within which people ideological drive of postcolonial state leaders give meanings to their actions and to achieve successfully the “modern experiences and make sense of their lives’’ enterprise of nation-building”(Krishna 1999: (Weldes 1999:1). Insecurities and the objects xvii-xix). According to him the process of that suffer from insecurities are mutually nation-building makes the ‘Others’ not only constituted. That is, in contrast to the in its ‘cartographical limits’ but also beyond received view, which treats objects of it (Krishna 1994). Interestingly, central to the security and insecurity themselves as pre- metaphor of creating a nation as something given and natural and as separate things, we “ever in the making but never quite reached”, treat them as mutually constituted cultural is the idea of nationalism (Das 2002). The and social constructions and thus products of unfinished project of nation-building in processes of identity construction of Self– South Asia generates so many ‘Others’ both Other. The argument that security is about within and outside the statist territorial representation of danger and social boundaries. The dominant discourses of construction of the ‘Self’ and the ‘Other’ International Relations are not sufficient does not imply that there are no ‘real’ enough to address these complex issues in effects. What it means is that there is nothing South Asia (Chatterjee 2008:177-208). inherent in any act or being or object that makes it a source of insecurity and danger Ethnic Mapping of South Asia (Anand 2005:203-215). South Asia is a region of rich Security is inextricably interlinked complexities and the configuration of these with identity politics. How we define intricacies and diversities most often ourselves depends on how we represent precipitates political polarisations and others. This representation is thus integrally mobilisations which quite often lead to linked with how we ‘secure’ ourselves violent conflicts among different against the ‘Other.’ Representations of the communities of the region that cut across ‘Other’ as a source of danger to the security state borders. Generally speaking, these of the ‘Self’ in conventional understandings conflicts are a modern phenomenon and are of security are accompanied by the intertwined with the logic of nation-building

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 P M Joshy 348 and interest articulation within a competitive pluralist realities caused large scale capitalist system (Joshy & Mohanan 2010). exclusions and most often the minorities South Asia encompasses eight states-India, have been the victims of this progression. Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Indeed, scarce resources and competing Bhutan, Maldives and Afghanistan. The claims in the society always perpetuate region consists of a number of religions that conflicts and tension. originated in the Indian subcontinent like Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism The nation-building process in multi- as well as those religions that arrived here cultural societies like those in South Asia has like Islam, Christianity and Judaism. This been progressing on a majoritarian line. The religious diversity has had a clear cut homogeneity of the nation is imaged influence on the social fabric of South Asia. according to the cultural values of the India has a multi-religious composition in majority community and it is on this premise which 80.46 percent of the total population is that national identity has been moulded. As Hindu, 13.46 per cent are Muslims, 2.34 per far as Afghanistan is concerned, after the cent are Christians, 1.875 per cent are Sikhs, Cold War it experienced the Talibanisation 0.41 percent are Jains and the remaining 0.65 of the state and society. But Taliban did not per cent belong to other faiths. Pakistani succeed in its efforts to integrate the whole society too confronts linguistic, ethnic, nation under the Islamic ideology professed cultural diversities within the dominant and practiced by it. In its dealings with the Islamic religion. The Punjabis (60 per cent), smaller ethnic identities, Taliban pursued a Sindhis (12 per cent), Pukhtuns (14 per cent) policy which had a strong Pushtoon bias. Sri and Baluchis (4 per cent) are the four ethnic Lanka consists of 74 per cent Sinhalese, groups in Pakistan. Mohajirs, the Indian mainly concentrated in the south, west, and migrants in Pakistan, comprise 8 per cent of central parts of the country; and Hindus and the total population. Hindus and Christians Muslims besides Christians comprise almost are tiny minorities in Pakistan. It has been 26 per cent of the total population. The noted that 61 ethnic groups exist in the small Tamils comprise 12.6 per cent and they have state of Nepal. However, religion plays a settled in the northern and the eastern parts major role in South Asia not only as belief of the island nation (Kukreja 2008:237). The systems of the people but also as agents of British colonialists politically integrated the convergence within the state. Islam is the island and during this regime a new Sinhala official religion of Pakistan and the entrepreneurial class gained ascendance. Maldives, Hinduism was the official religion Later on, the colonial power was transferred of Nepal and Mahayana Buddhism is the to this class combine (Kloos 2009:186-87). official religion in Bhutan. Both India and In the post-colonial era due to large scale Sri Lanka follow secularism as their state marginalisation, Tamils asserted for equal policies (Momin 2009:21-38). In this rights. They were discriminated against scenario, the majority-minority relations are through governmental policies especially in controversial topics for research. The process the five major areas of land, language, of nation-building in the recalcitrant clay of education, employment, and power sharing.

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 349 Perils of “Security”: Identity and Nation-Building in South Asia

These eventually turned into violent conflicts communities (Phadnis 1986:16). The State of (Kukreja 2008:237). Quite differently, the Bhutan has had an image of sacrosanctity till state of Bangladesh is a counter symbol of the 1980s. Because of its ethnic complexities pure religious nationalism propagated by the and feudal structure it has generated its own elites of Pakistan. In 1971, territorial-ethno- form of ethnic conflicts (Sinha 2008:282- linguistic and cultural nationalism gave birth 308). Bhutan witnessed ethnic tensions to Bangladesh (Sheth 1989:383 and Mishra during the 1990s, in the aftermath of the new 2000). Muslims comprise 86 per cent of the citizenship act, which marginalized many total population, Hindus 13 per cent, and members of the minority Nepali community tribals 1 percent. The tribal population also located in the southern part of country by enjoys linguistic-cultural-religious variations making them stateless (Momin 2009:36). (Momin 2009:34). Two thirds of the tribal The people of Maldives are mainly migrants population are located in the Chittagong Hill from Sri Lanka, Arabia and Africa-which tracts. This border area is conflict prone renders a multi-ethnic texture to that state. because these tribal sections have been Around the 12th century, people of this revolting against the state’s attempts of nation were massively converted into Islam, ‘Bangladeshisation’ (Phadnis 1986:18-20). even though ethnic diversity has prevailed in These voices were regarded as anti-national the state. The Divehi language essentially and a security threat to the nation. derived from Elu (an old form of Sinhala) has provided a greater degree of cultural Nepal is a country of hybrid ethnic homogeneity to the state despite its regional and linguistic groups. Urmila Phadnis and dialectical differences in the north and in broadly classifies the population of Nepal the south. Phadnis (1986:17 and 2001:75) into three categories- Tibeto-Burman, Indo- views that both the Islamic religion and the Aryan and Austro-Asiatic (Phadnis 2001:72- Divehi language provide a strong national 73). However, the economic resources are identity and cultural distinctiveness to the concentrated in the hands of a tiny section in state. However, the homogenising imperative the Terai area. The slow pace of societal of the modern nation-state is employing the change and non-competitive nature of the process of coercion as well as consensus. Nepali economy have been the principal Often minorities are labeled as ‘anti- causes of inter-ethnic conflicts in Nepal national.’ The Mohajirs in Pakistan, the (Phadnis 1986:14-16). The Bhutanese Tamil minority in Sri Lanka, the Nepalese in society emerged as a result of co-mingling of Bhutan and the Chackmas in Bangladesh are various ethnic groups which are identifiable best examples of this. As a strategy to across the region (Phadnis 2001:71). legitimise their regime, the ruling classes of Bhutan’s population comprises of three these states have been using the ‘anti-India’ major ethnic groups-Bhutiya (50 per cent), card. Because of the blurred ethnic Nepalese Grung (35 per cent), Sharchops (15 boundaries between India and her per cent) (Momin 2009:34). The Bhutanese neighbours, the internal developments in polity is a coalition of different elite sections these countries have ramifications in India. of various communities legitimized by those The next section of the study delves much

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 P M Joshy 350 deeper into the process of nation-building in could be seen as a ‘security project’ and it the two important states of South Asia - India lays emphasis upon the rational equality of and Pakistan. all human beings beyond their cultural divisions. The homogenising imperative is ‘Security’ and Nation-Building: embedded in Western modernity. Experiences of India and Pakistan The West is claimed as the ‘security The idea of ‘nation’ is modern and it community,’ an outcome of their is identical with ‘homogeneity.’ The homogeneous disposition. The homogenised, homogeneity is coterminous with security secular western model of nation-state and Western discourses on society and polity becomes the symbol of development and are biased on this particular aspect. The security. Here homogeneity is equated with emergence of nationalism in the West is ‘security’ and plurality is termed as linked to various developments and it is ‘insecurity’ and ‘weakness.’ However, it is viewed as a corollary of 17th century British viewed that ‘the homogeneity and stability of rebellion against Monarchy (Khon 1967), the the western democracies has a history of 18th century struggles against Iberian violence and it is either by coercive colonialism (Anderson 1991), the French assimilation, forced migration or genocide revolution of 1789 (Alter 1989) etc. As that the modern nations have come out’ Hobsbawn said: “the basic characteristic of (Mann 1999:22). Contrary to the West, the modern nation and everything connected nationalism in the East has emerged as a in it is its modernity” (Hobsbawn 1990:4 and response to discriminative colonial practices. Smith 2005). In fact, the modern nation-state The colonialists had legitimised their regime is an embodiment of a particular production in the colonies with their rationalist relation and the gradual transition from the discourses. The inception of nationalist ‘absolute statism’ to the modern State sentiments first came out in the writings of (Anderson 1986 and Anderson 1979) the newly emerging intelligentsia who demarcates the emergence of nationalism in questioned the very rationale of Orientalist the West. Here nationalism is pertained to criticisms that viewed the civilisations of the protect the interests of the dominant class, East as ‘primitive, dark and superstitious.’ In who sought internal coherence for the fact, nationalism emerged in the East as a smooth functioning of the modern capitalist response to Western modernity. Partha system. In fact, the values of western Chatterjee notes: modernity rest on the premise that human nature is rational and rational superiority ‘Eastern’ nationalism… has over passions prompted them to take no risks appeared among ‘peoples recently drawn in their social life (Locke 1960). In this into a civilisation hitherto alien to them, and respect, the raison de etre of modern nation- whose ancestral cultures are not adapted to State is the notion of security and the State success and excellence by these becomes an overarching authority as cosmopolitan and increasingly dominant concerned with the security of people (Dillon standards.’ They too have measured the 1996). Here, the enlightenment project itself backwardness of their nations in terms of

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 351 Perils of “Security”: Identity and Nation-Building in South Asia certain global standards set by the advanced Golwalkar (Sharma 2003 and Kuruvachira nations of Western Europe. But what is 2006). On the one hand they celebrated a distinct here is that there is also a glorious Indian past and criticised the fundamental awareness that those standards perverted present and at the same time have come from an alien culture, and that the envisaged the importance of western inherited culture of the nation did not modernity for the progress of Indian society. provide the necessary adaptive leverage to enable it to reach those standards of progress. The extreme version of Hindu The ‘Eastern’ type of nationalism, assertion, the Hindutva, has embraced the consequently, has been accompanied by an western science and technology and viewed effort to‘re-equip’ the nation culturally, to it as an essential pre-requisite for attaining transform it (Chatterjee 1996:2). the Hindurashtra. They are so fascinated by the West, especially its technological However, the native attempts were /military superiority and their existence as statured around a central theme that focused ‘homogeneous’ nations. The Hindu Right on how to catch up with the Western world argues that the pluralist existence of the without losing their cultural distinctiveness. Hindu society is its weakness; therefore they Chatterjee viewed it as contradictory: ‘“It is “homogenise” and “militarise” the nation both imitative and hostile to the models that towards the ‘Hindurashtra’ (Savarkar 1984 it imitates…’It is imitative in that it accepts and Golwalkar 2000). According to the the value of the standards set by the alien Hindu Right, the idea of Hindurashtra is the culture”, and in the same coin it “rejects the reinvention of the glorious Hindu/Indian alien intruder”, “rejects the ancestral ways as past, and the only way to re-invoke the the obstacles to progress” and “yet also tradition and purify the present Indian cherished as marks of identity”(ibid). society. In this process, Hindutva justifies However, the intercourse of the East with ethnic cleansing. The Hindu Right forces in Western modernity produced multifaceted India has been crystallising the Hindu ‘Self’ responses. One response is as Richard G. by positing the Muslims, Christians and the Fox viewed it, the “hyper enchantment” of Communists as the ‘Other,’ and legitimising identities - which contradicts with the violence against the ‘Other’ by modernity’s basic values and at the same manipulating historical facts. The Hindu time functions within its frame (Fox Right has territorialised the nation and in 2005:235-49). The Hindu Right (Sangh various ways Muslim/Pakistan is represented Parivar) in India is an example, that it whole as the ‘Other’ of Hindu/India. In a similar heartedly accepted Western modernity in its manner the ruling classes in Pakistan had institutional level and at the same time been using the ‘anti-India’ card for regime contradicted with its basic values. When we legitimacy. In this gamut of relations, trace the genealogy of the Hindutva, it goes ‘security’ is the legitimising force which th back to the late 19 century, especially in the distances the ‘Self’ from the ‘non-Self.’ writings of Dayananda Saraswathi, Swami Vivekananda, Sri Aurobindo, Bankim In the preface of his book Adeel Chandra Chatterjee, V D Savarkar and Khan says: “Nationalism is a way of dealing

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 P M Joshy 352 with a world where ‘everything melts in the include the national rituals commemorating thin air’: It is a form of self-love in which various epochs in the history of the ‘nation,’ individuals celebrate their group identity, and cricket matches (Nandy 1985 and Krishna like all forms of self-love gets its strength 1993) and other regional engagements. War more from its hatred of others than its love is also a tool which provides a vast canvas for its self.” He continues, “Nationalism is for caricaturing the ‘Other’ and probably the only form of self-love that gets strengthening the ‘Self.’ In a logical its life-blood from an institution, the modern progression of insiders/outsiders, purity/ state” (Khan 2005). The modern nation-State pollution, civilised/uncivilized, the ruling is the embodiment of nationalism which is class has been sustaining an enemy image characterised by its homogeneous existence. about the ‘Other.’ The ‘Other’ is represented According to Shiv Visvanathan the notion of as a ‘security threat’ to the defined order and nation “smacks of togetherness, fixities, the violence against it is legitimised on the boundaries” (Visvanathan 2003:2295). As grounds of securing the ‘Self.’ Sajal Nag far as South Asia is concerned nationalism is (2001:4758) notes: “border-crossings, a reciprocity of opposites” The project of all nation states is (ibid).The policies of the colonial masters nation-building by which it is constantly integrated the nations economically and the shedding portions of its own people from its nature of mobilisations against colonialism purview and thereby creating its own by native political elite determined the outsiders. The nation-states spearheaded this cartographical setting of South Asia. The process because it emanated from logical ‘cutting and shaping’ has progressed on a requirements of an industrial system. This majoritarian line and in the postcolonial state formation requires homogeneity; it also period to a greater extent the painful history requires loyalty. Therefore dissent was a of the past has been manipulated for disqualification for its citizenship. distancing the ‘Other’ from the ‘Self.’ In the postcolonial period, the old political The seeds of ambivalence and practices got transformed into more violence are inherited in the notion of nation. sophisticated mobilisations and It steps from the idea of ‘static’ citizenship, maneuverings (Joshy & Mohanan 2010). ‘problematic nature of identity,’ ‘positivism However, the nation-building process in a between territory and people,’ ‘fixity of multicultural society like South Asia has boundaries,’ and the ‘genocidal nature of the been progressing on a majoritarian line and exclusionary process’ (Visvanathan 2003: most often the victims are the minority 2296). However, the idea of nation remains communities. The notion of security is the central to most attempts to define legitimate running force and by creating ‘Others’ both political communities (Harris 1990). Since within and outside the territorial parameters independence, the states of South Asia have of the nation, the postcolonial state has been been facing two overlapping problems, perpetuating an ‘insecurity syndrome,’ which namely, 1) the internal constraints over dehumanise the Other by generating a chain developing and sustaining a nationalist of images through various mediums which image and 2) legitimately positing the

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 353 Perils of “Security”: Identity and Nation-Building in South Asia nation-state in the web of a modern world safeguard against the possible ‘tyranny of the system. The colonialists ruled these societies denominational majority’ (Ahamad 1997). with their rationalist discourses and The Muslim identity mobilisations questioned the legitimacy of these societies culminated into the partition of India and the to become nation-states because of their birth of a new nation-state, Pakistan. Sajal multi-ethnic composition. Here the notion of Nag says: “Two centuries of divide and rule the nation is posited against a pluralist politics of the colonial state and five decades reality. In this backdrop the States of South of communal mobilisation logically Asia emerged with an emphasis on the culminated in the partition of British India” possibility of an imposition of a rational (Nag 1999:4755). The partition caused socio-political order above multiple ethnic massive bloodshed on both sides. Large scale realities. However, the contradiction between displacements, refugee flows, pain, miseries, the attempts to homogenise and the all generated deep rooted psychic assault resistance directed against it in favour of against the people of both countries. From heterogeneity, determine the future course of 1947 onwards, the leadership of both India South Asian politics. and Pakistan has been very much eager to harp on the cause of division. The problem In India, the contradictory policies of Kashmir has sustained itself as a of colonialists in their dealings with natives ‘symbolic site’ as well as a ‘burning site’ of had given considerable inputs to the that great tragedy, partition. From this point emergence of the nationalist movement. the process of nation-building started in these There were three ‘master narratives’ in countries in diametrically opposite ways, Indian nationalism. One was a secular generating new forms of security issues. A. nationalism propagated by the Indian K. Pasha notes: “Midnights children- National Congress; the other was religious Pakistan and India-remain locked in an nationalism-mainly in two streams: Hindu unending spiral of mistrust, conflict and war. nationalism and Muslim nationalism. The In their political imagination, in mutual third one was caste based assertions of the relations, in constructing national identity, deprived sections (Varshney 2002:55-59). for these intimate enemies security is not All these streams evolved in their opposition simply restricted to the state; it remains a to colonialism. Coincidently, religious durable feature of the practices of civil nationalism progressed in parallel with the society” (Pasha 1996:286). The question of dominant version of nationalism propagated Kashmir is the core determinant of relations by the Indian National Congress. The Hindu between India and Pakistan and the elites of nationalist assertion, especially large scale both these countries have been manipulating mobilisations in the 19th century like the this issue for regime legitimacy. The whole ‘cow protection movement’ by the Arya gamut of intellectual fashioning by Samaj and the Urdu-Hindi controversy, governmental machineries sought to generated ‘insecurity complex’ among the perpetuate stereotypical images about the Muslim elite (Nag 1999). Some eloquent ‘Other.’ Coincidently, the civil society has sections among Indian Muslims demanded a been reproducing these statist projects.

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In India, the nationalist struggle State affairs,’ ‘legitimacy of Muslim enabled the Congress to create an ideological nationalism’ etc… Indeed, Pakistan is not a hegemony in society. In the post-colonial product of a popular struggle, but Muslim period new connotations like ‘national nationalism erected from the ‘fear of the development,’ ‘national interest’ and Hindu majority’ and subsequently, this fear ‘national security’ had totalised the security psychosis has been used by the ruling class thinking in India. In contrast with Gandhi’s for uniting the nation and sustaining regime visions on state and development, Nehru legitimacy. In fact, the Pak movement was a promulgated a new, modern, developmental movement of Muslims rather than Islam nationalism (Chatterjee 1996) which had a 1 ‘silencing effect’ on the society (Mohanan (Amin 2009) , and its national leader, Jinnah and Joshy 2010:1-8). He envisaged a modern was ambiguous on the nature of the political developed India with heavy industrialisation system and what role Islam has to play in the and big dams which were labeled as ‘temples system. The imposition of Urdu as national of development.’ Rightly speaking, he had language is another issue which caused a simplified persisting social realities in India clash between the cultural reality of the State with an argument that ‘heavy and the Statist ideology (Khan 2005:68-77). industrialisation would replace the caste and The creation of Pakistan was legitimised on religious identities with class based the premise that the linguistic and ethnic identities.’ However, this developmental divisions could be surpassed by the dominant nationalism was preoccupied with the Islamic identity. This nationalistic process of nation-building, which envisaged perspective took an intolerant attitude a national identity above pluralist realities. towards hybridism and diversity. However, However, the new developmental culture even though Pakistan remains Islamic, excluded a vast chunk of the population; Punjabi ethnic identity is the core eventually they were evacuated from their determining factor in the affairs of the State. homeland. The dissenting voices were 80 percent of the army and 55 percent of the labeled as ‘anti-national’ and dealt with federal bureaucracy is from Punjab. Punjabi severely. In short, the narcissist practices of nation-building distanced the ‘Other’ both domination in state affairs is being within and outside the territorial boundaries legitimised by equating Punjab’s interest of the nation. Let us discuss the nation- with that of Pakistan’s. The assertion of other building process in Pakistan. ethnic groups is considered as ‘anti-national’, implying that they are pro-Indians (Samad Ideological engineering is an 2009:208-214). Pakistan has had four spells essential aspect of legitimate existence of a of direct and indirect military rule and nation-state, which seeks ‘individuality,’ and several failed coups and each was justified ‘separateness.’ As far as Pakistan is on the grounds of national security (Cohen concerned this has been a daunting task. It 2004:7) meaning threat from India. Indeed, has been facing quite a number of problems the Pakistani national Self is moulded by which varies from the ‘problem of positing India as it’s ‘Other.’ Pakistani ruling differentiating Pak culture from Indian,’ ‘the elite has been using the ‘anti-India card’ for ambiguity regarding the role of religion in regime legitimacy for quite long. In fact,

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 355 Perils of “Security”: Identity and Nation-Building in South Asia there is tension hanging over the constraints its national security from India. The of nation-building, regime legitimacy and the mentality and outlook of the Pakistani State growing urge for democracy. is therefore that of a historically besieged state. That is why conception of national After Jinnah, Pakistani politics has security, defined in conventional military been facing deeper systemic crisis displaying terms, dominates the Pakistani State’s a bewildering array of shifting allegiance and thinking on many issues. Indeed, that is why alliances. In its sixty years of existence, state outlook dominates government policies. Pakistan has been administered by martial That is why Pakistan’s foreign policy runs its law regimes for nearly 30 years. At other domestic policy rather than the other way times, the army has more directly pulled the round. That is why Pakistan’s economy is strings of puppet democratic dispensations. hostage to Pakistan’s Cold War conceptions The great influence of the military always of ‘national security’ rather than being an keeps the Pakistani state as ‘praetorian.’ The integral part of it. That is why Pakistan is State upholds a ‘political economy of more a state-nation rather than a nation-state defense’ over a ‘political economy of (Sethi 1999:7). development’ (Talbot 2003:1-3 and Kukreja 2003:58). The dominant influence of the The State-led nation-building Punjabi ethnic community over the military process in the states of India and Pakistan and the bureaucracy is a major determinant has entered into a crucial period where of the political horoscope of Pakistan. This nuclear weapons have become the symbol of trajectory emanated mainly out of the loss of national honour and security. The decline of East Pakistan (the pre-independent state of the ‘Congress system’ and the ascendancy of Bangladesh) which changed the balance of the Hindu Right forces in India in the late the political power in Pakistan. East Pakistan 80s have changed the security situation in comprised of more moderate Islamists and South Asia. The Hindu Right forces, broadly with its secession Punjabis became the the Sangh Parivar, strictly follow the dominant ethnic community in Pakistan ‘Hindutva’ agenda; and portray the (Cohen 2004:9). Veena Kukreja notes: Muslim/Pakistan as the ‘Other’ of the Hindu “Pakistan’s traumatic and uncertain political ‘Self.’ Through various mobilisations like history exemplifies a struggle between the the Babri Masjid-Ramajanmabhoomi issue, forces of authoritarianism and Common Civil Code, Shah Bano constitutionalism, or a conflict between state controversy, Mandal issues- the Sangh and civil society” (Kukreja 2003:XΙΙ). In this combine has ‘securitised’ the society along scenario, Pakistani elite has been positing the line of insiders/outsiders, India as its ‘Other’ and justifying a purity/pollution, civilised/uncivilsed. The militaristic State. Najam Sethi, a critic of the nuclear explosions became the testing Pakistani State observes: ground of showing “national loyalty” and those who opposed the Bomb were regarded The Pakistani State has come to be as ‘anti-national’ or ‘pro-Pakistani.’ On a fashioned largely in response to perceived hyper-realist ground, the political leaders of and propagated, real and imagined threats to the Hindu Right legitimised the explosions

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(see Singh 1998:41-52).The Sangh Parivar South Asia. A Constructivist approach to the generated a chaonistic nationalism and region would add much flavour to the military jingoism through the Hindu Right understanding of the intricacies and organisations working in civil society. In this complexities of relations in South Asia. scenario, it is evident that the State produces “Security” is the running force for the ‘insecurity complex’ at various levels and legitimate sustenance of the states of the through the realm of civil society this has region and it is inextricably interlinked with been reproduced in umpteen number of ways identity politics. The successive Congress (Joshy and Seethi 2010:163-73). governments in India maintained a ‘national identity’ by inculcating the ‘images’ from the In response to the nuclear Indian nationalist struggle and also the new misadventure of India, Pakistan exploded connotations like ‘national development,’ five nuclear devises. In a post-Chagai ‘national security,’ ‘national interest’ were statement, Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz also employed for the ‘integrity’ of the Sharif said: “Our hand was forced by the “nation.” However, dissenting voices were present Indian leadership’s reckless actions” regarded as anti-national and dealt with (Ram 1998). However, Pakistani nuclear severely. Indeed, the Congress, especially tests strengthened the hands of the Hindu under the leadership of Nehru tried to Right. The ruling elites of both India and transcend the rigid cultural compartments Pakistan benefited from this hasty action. Ian with secular credentials. On the contrary, the Talbot says, ‘fifty years of nation-building Hindu Right forces in India ascended by based on animosity to the neighbouring inculcating a series of issues and the ‘Other’ State culminated in Pakistan’s common denominating factor is the critical ‘settling the account,’ by conducting five notion of “Security.” They questioned the nuclear explosions at a test site in secularism of the Congress and promulgated Baluchistan. Henceforth, Pakistan and India aggressive cultural nationalist sentiments were to face each other across the Wagah through various mobilisations across India. border armed with the Hindu and Muslim The Hindutva politics of representation bombs’ (Talbot 2003:366). legitimises anti-Muslim/anti-Pakistan stance Concluding Observations in the name of ‘securing’ the Hindu body From this discussion it is evident politic at various levels. ‘The Muslim’ is that the notion of ‘Security’ plays a pivotal seen as a ‘threat’ to national, state and role in the process of nation-building. The international security. Likewise, the ruling experiences of India and Pakistan are best class in Pakistan has been sustaining a examples of how the nation-building process stereotypical image about “Hindu/India”, the has been progressing in South Asia. In this ‘historical threat to the nation.’ progression, the minorities are excluded and imaged as the ‘security threat’ to the nation. Notes The dominant discourses of International 1) Amin viewed that the militants of ‘political Islam’ Relations are not sufficient enough to are not interested in discussing religious dogmas. understand the ‘political complexities’ of The ‘Political Islam’ have an unwholly aliance

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Bhabani Sen Gupta: Regional cooperation and Smith, Anthony D. (2005): Nationalism, Atlantic Development in South Asia: Political, Social, Publications, New Delhi. Technological and Resource Aspects, Vol.2, South Asian Publishers, New Delhi. Talbot, Ian (2003): Pakistan, A Modern History, Oxford India Paperbacks, New Delhi. Ram, N (1998): “From nuclear adventurism to appeasement”, Frontline, Vol.15, No.2, June 6-19. Tickner, J.A. (1988): “Hans Morgenthau’s Principles of Political Realism: A Feminist Reformulation”, Samad, Yunas (2009): “Pakistan or Punjabistan: Crisis Millennium 17, 3:429-40. of National Identity”, in Momin (2009). Varshney, Ashutosh (2002): Ethnic Conflict and Civic Savarkar, V.D (1984): Hindu Rashtra Darshan, Veer Life, Oxford University Press, New Delhi. Savarkar Prakashan, Bombay. Walker, R.B.J. (1989): “The Prince and The Pauper’: Sethi, Najam (1999): “Pakistan on the Eve of the New Tradition, Modernity and Practice in the Theory Millennium”, quoted in Mainstream, of International Relations”, in J Der Derrian and Vol.XXXVII, May 22. M. Shapiro (eds.) International/Intertextual Relations: Postmodern Readings of World Sharma, Jyotirmaya (2003): Hindutva: Exploring the Politics, Lexington Books. Idea of Hindu Nationalism, Penguin, New Delhi. Weldes, J (1999): Constructing National Interests: The Sheth, D.L (1989): “Nation- Building in Multi-Ethnic United States and the Cuban Missile Crisis, Societies: The Experience of South Asia”, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. Alternatives, Vol.3, No.4, October. Wendt, A.E. (1987): “The Agent-Structure Problem in Singh, Jaswant (1998): “Against Nuclear Apartheid”, International Relations Theory”, International Foreign Affairs, Vol.77, No.5, pp.41-52. Organisation, Vol.41, No.3, pp.335-70. Sinha, Awadesh Coomar (2008): “Ethnic Engagement in Bhutan and Its Regional Consequences”, in Veena Kukreja (2008).

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Cultural Identities and Regional Cooperation in South Asia: ‘Consciousness & Construction’ (An Indian Perspective) Syed Mohd Amir

Abstract The nurturing and consolidation of democratic institutions and processes in South Asia will essentially be done by domestic actors. In the ultimate analysis, the responsibility for initiating and implementing the multitude of structural, economic, social and political reforms necessary to institutionalize democracy must be taken by South Asians themselves. External players can only play a supportive role and their capacities to bring about fundamental change are necessarily limited. The coming to power of elected governments in a number of South Asian countries in 2008 is the beginning, not the end, of the process of consolidating and sustaining fragile democracies in the region.

I flowed during the twilight days of the British Empire in India, not a drop of foreign Partition/Independence- 15 August masters’ blood could be discerned [sic]; it 1947- was the moment of the establishment was purely South Asian. The British left with of the two new nation states of India and all their prestige and goodwill and their Pakistan. But it was also- and here the date colonial legacy intact (Rao 1996:11). becomes less clear-cut- the moment of the congealing of new ‘identities’, relations, An elemental force had burst its histories, or of their being thrown into confines (on the stroke of midnight on question once again. The irony of history is August 14, 1947) and swept like a flood that the last battle of our war of across the land. Would it also wash away the independence in 1947 was not fought by the cobwebs, the inertia and deadness of foreign rulers, but between the two major centuries? Would it create overnight a brave religious communities living in the new country in which everything would be subcontinent, In the river of blood which perfect? Anything seemed possible. Next

Dr Syed Mohd Amir, Jamia’s Premchand Archives & Literary Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi-110025.

IJSAS 3(2) 2010, pp.360-374. ISSN 0974 -2514 361 Cultural Identities and Regional Cooperation in South Asia morning, on August 15, 1947, the sun rose in fantasy has succeeded in repudiating that the eastern sky to reveal the same squalor, will. Democracy, with all its chaos and the staggering poverty and hunger, the deep anarchy, has not only successfully survived. inequalities as the day before. Myriad of It has thrived beyond the limits of an average flowers, yellow and orange marigolds and Indian’s expectation (The ‘Indian Express’ pink rose petals, lay scattered on the ground, 2000). stale, scentless, trampled. The municipal Why have the experiences of India sweepers came and swept away the street, and Pakistan been so different since their and the blossoms mingled in the dust (Nair independence? Various explanations already 1961:xx). Winston Churchill said that India exist. Although Ayesha Jalal’s emphasis on wasn’t a nation, just an ‘abstraction.’ John the structural and ideational features of Kenneth Galbraith, more affectionately and colonialism in the postcolonial era is valid, more memorably, described it as her attempt to obfuscate the dichotomy ‘functioning anarchy’. Both of them, in my between democracy in India and military view, under-estimated the strength of the governments in Pakistan and Bangladesh ‘India-idea’. It may be the most innovative does not carry conviction. Similarly, her national philosophy to have emerged in the attempt to discover the common strand of post-colonial period. It deserves to be authoritarianism in the political experiences celebrated- because it is an idea that has of India and Pakistan reveals her insensitivity enemies, within India as well as outside her to the important achievements of Indian frontiers, and to celebrate it is to defend it democracy (Jalal 1998:249-50). Ayesha Jalal against its foes (Rushdie 1997). describes India as a “formal democracy” Few years ago the Human resting on the well-worn “authoritarian Development Centre, in Islamabad described stumps” of the colonial state and accuses the South Asia as the ‘poorest, the most illiterate, Indian Government of being too centralized, the most malnourished, the least gender- while attributing success of its “formal sensitive- indeed, the most deprived region in democracy” to the original strength of the the world’. Is the case still the same?1 Congress and the political skills of its leaders. I tend to disagree with this point of At fifty or rather sixty, the crisis of view to a certain extent. In my opinion the the sovereign Republic of India cannot be fact that the Indian Government kept the purely biological. No mid-life crisis this, for Colonial setup’s unitary system intact was sixty years in the life of a nation, is an quite necessary because there was a need for occasion to worry about the cellular stability a strong federal unit to keep all the periphery of nationhood. And India this morning shows states and ethnic minorities from breaking no signs of ‘the state withering away’. away, which was quite likely especially Rather, the Republic is seemingly confident, when the sub continent had just gone through not irredeemably subordinated to tradition, partition (Jalal 1997:135-36). The subaltern and it is not looking back with nostalgia. The historians argue that Indian democracy was popular will still continues to drive national not the outcome of a national popular destiny. No singular man’s paranoia or revolution but a passive one carried out by

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Syed Mohd Amir 362 the Gandhian-led Congress that enabled the human nature has expressed itself in the bourgeoisie to institute its hegemony over different religions, civilizations, and the subaltern groups, but without a formal nationalities into which human culture has confrontation with them. Most other writers come to be articulated in the course of ascribe Indian democracy to a developed history… We shall, however, have to do political culture, viable institutions, dedicated more than just understand each other’s elites, unique organizational skills on the part cultural heritage, and more even than of the Indians, a tradition of compromise and appreciate them. We shall have to value them accommodation, the success of the Congress and love them as being parts of mankind’s in having institutionalized itself in states and common treasure and therefore being ours society and the British role, in having too, as truly as the heirlooms that we bequeathed tutelary democracy to India. ourselves shall be contributing to the Conversely the break down of democracy in common stock (Toynbee 2005:56; Mushirul Pakistan is attributed to a back ward political and Asim 2005:ix). The British historian culture, unseasoned corrupt leaders, ethnic Arnold Toynbee penned these words of and group frictions, weak institutions wisdom. I believed they deserve serious debilitated by further stresses arising from reflection in the present scenario. the exigencies of nation building in a new state, the incompatibility of Islam and II democracy and the contradictions between As far as the ‘Identities’ are the Islamic notions of the community and concerned, they are made of images, be they recently in the instituted idea of electoral of the ‘self, the ‘other’, or the ‘world’ in politics (Farzana 1989:67). which the self must relate to the other. Often In order to save mankind we have to enough, these images exaggerate, filter, learn to live together in concord in spite of distort and falsify reality; the self constructs traditional differences of religion, civilization, itself by imagining inner harmony, unity and nationality, class and race. In order to live even homogeneity much greater than that together in concord successfully, we have to actually exists; the other looms large as a know each other’s past, since human life, figure monolithic and often menacing, drawn like the rest of the phenomenal universe, can in shades contrasting one’s own, and the be observed by human minds only as it world appears more black and white, and presents itself to them on the move through more rough- edged, than it actually is time… For our urgent common purpose of (Chopra, Frank and Schroder 1999:251). An self-preservation, it will not be enough to identity is a feeling of belonging, belonging explore our common underlying human to the same collectivity whether family, nature. The psychologist’s work needs to be village, regional (in the infra-national sense), supplemented by the archaeologist, the national or supranational. These collectivities historian, the anthropologist and the fit one inside the others; the same is true of sociologist. We must learn to recognize, and identities. Consciousness, on the other hand, as far as possible, to understand, the different is something else. This notion is political and cultural configurations in which our common designates the general feeling that a

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 363 Cultural Identities and Regional Cooperation in South Asia collectivity has of the necessity of having a identity or ethnicity are closely tied to the political project. A group can have a strong way in which personal identity is constituted. identity without having a common ‘political’ If ‘Cultural Identity’ is the generic concept, consciousness. This is what happened, referring to the attribution of set of qualities though different nations made different to a given population, we can say that choices. Consciousness here presupposes a cultural identity that is experienced as carried moment or moments of awareness of a by the individual, in the blood, so to say, is necessity; ‘Gradually, by a series of what is commonly known as ethnicity. It is successive awarenesses, the people thus not practiced but inherent, not achieved but become a nation’. Similarly, we propose the ascribed. In the strongest sense this is following hypothesis; Asian Consciousness, expressed in the concept of race, or different from Asian Identity, is a series of biological descent, learned by each and every awareness of the political necessity of individual and distinctive precisely at the building Asia, i.e. passing from the ‘idea’ to level of individual behavior. The latter is the the act. It is not enough to feel Asian, to be most general Western notion of ethnicity. Asian in order to feel the necessity to make The weakest form of such attribution is Asia Strong Cooperative in broad referred to in terms of ‘lifestyle’, or way of perspective. The conditions for the life, which may or may not have a basis in establishment and maintenance of cultural tradition.

Cultural Identity

Race Western (Modern) Traditional Life style Ethnicity Ethnicity

Traditional ethnicity is a very the new community. Cultural identity is different kind of cultural identity. It is based something that individuals have and that is on membership defined by the practice of the basis of a certain kind of social identity, certain activities including those related to but such identity is never the content of the descent. Ethnic affiliation can be easily social institutions of society (Friedman changed or complemented by geographic 1994:27-30). mobility of by change in reference. Where a member of a group changes residence he is Culture is understood here as a adopted or adopts the local ancestors and matrix of meanings that plays a constitutive gods and becomes a practicing member of part in generating and preserving a collective

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Syed Mohd Amir 364 identity. Everything a collective constructs in the object of conflict. The especially order to generate and preserve the collective contentious nature of cultural conflicts stems identity and is then established by actors in a from the fact that they do not primarily hinge communicative situation as its context can be on a clearly definable, interest-based (and assigned to the realm of culture.2 Culture is thus essentially negotiable) objects. Rather, always intertwined with meaning, as Max the actors perceive or assert a fundamental Weber already pointed out: “From the human difference with regard to the framework in standpoint, culture is a finite segment of the which the communication takes place. There meaningless infinity of occurrences in the is thus not only a contrast in interests, but world that has been imbued with sense and Actor A discerns or thinks that Actor B’s meaning.” By restricting the concept of thoughts, feelings and actions are shaped by culture to the realm of identity and meaning, a fundamentally different (culturally and our understanding of culture can be identity-related) context. In conventional, described as a middle-range conception. It is non-cultural conflicts, confrontational thus distinct from sociological concepts of communication addresses a conflict issue culture (culture as a set of standards, values that is expressed in explicit demands as a and norms and their symbolizations) and clearly delineated interest based conflict from broader ethnological concepts of item. Cultural conflicts, by contrast, revolve culture (culture as the epitome of human life- around identity, not interests. The conflict styles). The advantage of a concept of culture issue is determined not by what the actors pegged to identity lies in its practicability: It want or say they want, but by what they are focuses on precisely that section of reality or believe they are. Even if non-cultural that is of interest in the current discourse, conflict items almost always play an namely identities. Political conflict as additional role, communication in a cultural communication is always embedded in a conflict centers on one or several not structural context which forms the framework explicitly formulated identity-related themes for communication and standardizes it, as it (conflict fields). One most objective and makes certain themes and the use of certain excellent example of a multidisciplinary media at certain times by certain actors more study of Muslim communities, with special probable than conceivable alternatives. First reference to South Asia, is Islam, Communities and foremost, it is the socio-cultural (sub-) and the Nation: Muslim Identities in South context that is important for a focus on Asia and beyond (Hasan 1998). cultural conflicts. We can distinguish here III between the social (political, economic, and demographic structures) and the cultural Regional Cooperation however, has context (i.e., culture).As communication, any to succeed in the region, if South Asia wants political conflict refers to its context. to integrate itself into a globalized world. As Cultural conflicts stand out for a one scholar sums up aptly: Cooperation is no particularity: Cultural conflicts do not simply longer an option but a necessity thrust upon refer to the cultural context; in cultural the countries of South Asia as a result of the conflicts the cultural context itself becomes global changes (Rizvi 1993).

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According to Raimo Vayryen, the in the post- Cold War period. The progress term ‘Region’ can be defined as: ‘…spatial towards that goal has,, however, been halting concept which is defined by a combination and often faltering. India, given her greater of geographical proximity, density of geo- strategic presence in the region must, interactions, shared institutional frameworks, initiate the policy of constructive regional and common cultural identities … Regions engagement at a greater pace. Given the are not so much measurable building blocs of changing nature of global politics as well as the international order as spatially defined economics, it has also become quite cultural, economic, and political imperative for other South Asian countries to constructions whose nature and functions are get involved in the process and initiate transformed over time…’ (Vayrynen 1997). reciprocal policy initiatives. The decade of the 2000s has witnessed some signs of such Accepting this definition, the region positive development. The process, however, of South Asia can be characterized as one requires further momentum through as well with the longest history and as coherent as multilateral initiatives. In the words of one political, economic and even administrative scholar : “In the era of economic unity (Kosla 1999:9). All the countries liberalization and all its entails, cooperation belonging to this region and erstwhile parts between small groups- whether between of the Indian subcontinent are geographically states at the regional and sub- regional levels compact (Chaube 1993:1). South Asia also or between communities at the local or the constitutes a coherent environmental region grassroots level- could be one of the major with a conjoint ecological cycle and a measures to safeguard the interests of the common river, ocean and mountain system peoples of Asia against global market forces. (Das 1998:2). The region indeed enjoys an Apart from strengthening the bargaining extremely rich common historical tradition power that united action inevitably brings, and legacy as well as cultural and socio- such cooperation, if directed, could lead to, economic commonalities. According to one among other things, rational and sustainable scholar, the best way to characterize the use of natural and infrastructure resources, region is by accepting it as a ‘security easing of tension and strife levels, economic complex’, which he defines following Barry benefits, empowerment that can mitigate to a Buzan and G. Rizivi as: ‘….a subsystem of large extent social and gender imbalances the international community of states that for (Chowdhury 1998:1). reasons of geography, history and culture are intimately related to each other’ (Vernon India has exerted some degree of 1997:5).3 The interactions of domestic and influence on democracy in developing international state systems, according to countries because its pre-independence them, are best brought out by this reference leadership had a strong commitment to (Vernon 1997:4). democratic values. During the Cold War, India did not have ‘much value’ for Thus, greater regional cooperation democracy as an organizing principle of has assumed greater relevance and international affairs as India found itself significance for the countries in South Asia ranged against the Western democracies on

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Syed Mohd Amir 366 key issues. It attached ‘more weight to the countries to foster cooperation for the anti-Western criterion than the internal protection and consolidation of democracy’ democratic credentials of its Eastern and (Indian Ministry of External Affairs 2002). Third World friends’ (Raja Mohan 1999). India went along cautiously with the US The Indian Government has not ‘hesitated initiative but was ‘not prepared to invest either to support democratic movements or significant political or diplomatic energies occasionally use military force beyond its into it’ (Dormandy 2007:113). In a borders [e.g. East Pakistan] to defend what it significant departure from its traditional considered to be universal values’ (Raja focus on North-South issues, India for the Mohan 2007:113). In recent years, it has first time supported the notion of promoting emphasized the relevance of a pluralistic, democracy at the UN when it supported the liberal, multicultural and multilingual India United Nations Democracy Fund in as ‘a model of democratic practice’ to the September 2005. India is the second largest world. contributor to the Fund after the USA. In its quest for energy sources in Africa and Latin India has been able to achieve America, India, unlike China, does not economic development and poverty pursue this policy to the detriment of reduction while remaining a liberal, secular, democracy or human rights (Dormandy multi-religious democracy, thereby offering 2007:125), although commitment to such an alternative to the Chinese model of norms may at some point conflict with ‘development-without-democracy’. India can national interests of energy security. use its influence to support democracy more actively in other countries. However, it has For India, democracy building also not developed a policy of democracy signifies that the structures of global promotion in its foreign policy. It has only governance, including the G-8, the World been willing to promote democracy Bank, the International Monetary Fund and ‘passively or as part of a larger group’ and the United Nations Security Council, be has been reluctant to assume a leadership made more representative and legitimate. To role (Dormandy 2007:125). India does not most stakeholders in India, Europe is clearly believe in either the ‘export’ of ideology or overrepresented but is in no hurry to reduce the ‘imposition’ of democracy or democratic its overrepresentation. values on any country. Being a firm believer India shares its rich experience, in sovereignty and non-interference in institutional capabilities and training internal affairs, India does not advocate infrastructure with nations that share its either ‘diplomatic activism’ or ‘any form of values and beliefs and which request its political interventionism’ to strengthen assistance and expertise in the areas of democracy in the world. electoral management and administration, As we know that India is one of the electoral law and electoral reform. The ten founding members of the Community of Election Commission of India has also Democracies, launched in 1999 as ‘an provided experts and observers for elections international coalition of the democratic in other countries in cooperation with the

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United Nations and the Commonwealth SAARC trade and joint economic ventures, secretariat (Election Commission of India inadequate information and infrastructure 2008). For example, in 2004, the Election facilities; independent and largely Commission of India signed an MoU to uncoordinated economic policies pursued by assist the UN Electoral Assistance Division each country in the subcontinent and and offered help to fledgling democracies increasing ‘militarization’ and with personnel and expertise to build and ‘religionisation’ of the region are all administer institutions that can function as indicators of lack of ‘region-ness’ and herald election observers. a bleak future for any type of sustainable economic integration. India, for example, is one of the top donors to Afghanistan, providing Notwithstanding all these, whatever development aid of over USD1 billion. This the impetus, any new approach to strengthen includes democracy assistance, inter alia, for relations should be administered by common the construction of the new Afghan economic goals and objectives in order to Parliament building, training of harness existing resources in the region for parliamentary officials, support for the the mutual benefits of one billion people of elections to the Constitutional Loya Jirga, the region. Lessons from other parts of the and so on (Indian Ministry of External world (such as neighboring Southeast Asia Affairs, 2002). India provides the developing and the European Union) prove the fact that world with ‘a model of a democracy’ which regional organizations have thrived mainly zealously protects its ‘Democratic’ processes on cooperation in trade and economic through its own means’. relations. The emergence of several trading blocks and economic groupings all over the IV world clearly indicates that economic South Asia has emerged as a survival and prosperity of any nation in this regional entity in the international political increasingly competitive post-Cold War era system with the creation of SAARC but it crucially depend on their ability to failed to strengthen regional cohesiveness. successfully integrate with other economies. Regional cooperation in South Asia cannot It must also be remembered that without any be said to have evolved into a complete bloc integrated economy none of the South Asian in terms of ‘regionalism and economic countries can ever hope to become integration’ due mainly to the prevalence of significant global players. The realization of conflict over the desire of peace and stability. durable peace and the future of economic Given the historical legacy and integration through SAARC lie on the ability contemporary reality of endemic conflicts and interest of South Asian leaders to resolve and mistrust in the region, the fact that the domestic as well as long-standing formal cooperation process in the region has differences. But how soon and to what extent survived recurrent setbacks is a testimony of they are going to achieve success remains the resilience of the organization. The unclear, which will be judged through action antagonistic nature of relations with large set rather than pure rhetoric of politicians outstanding issues, low levels of intra- promoting regional cooperation. Any

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Syed Mohd Amir 368 realistic assessment of the prospects for the another. At this outset, the concept that full- growth of economic integration depends on scale economic integration will lead to peace as how individual country address existing and hence ‘peace dividend’ thereof is far contentious issues and their commitment in from reality at least in the present setting is promoting regional cooperation given the the case of South Asia (Singh 1993:56-62). extensive heterogeneity of state formation an economic dynamics in South Asia. In fact, India, with 72% of the Complementarities in economic structure are territorial area in South Asia, 77% of its necessary but not sufficient conditions for population and nearly 78% of the region’s the development of economic relations natural resources (Vermon 1997:19), apart among countries. The South Asian from having the largest industrial base, experience has demonstrated that political economy and the fourth largest Territorial factors can cause long-lasting breakdown of Army in the world, simply dominates the establishment of economic links. Moreover, region. South Asia in fact, is argued, to be if peace is to be achieved through integration one of the world’s most complex regions or vice-versa a new paradigm of forward with multi-ethnic societies, characterized by looking process needs to be employed by the striking internal divisions along linguistic, South Asian nations wherein they can regional, communal and sectarian lines, but discuss contentious issues such as Kashmir; externally linked to one another across border problems; distribution of natural national boundaries. Yet, multiculturalism or resources with freely and fairly. pluralism as a guiding principle of governance is hardly adopted into the Despite religious and cultural popular political culture of the region with heterogeneity there is no problem at the India being a probable exception to a large public level in South Asia –whether one extent. Furthering regional cooperation, comes from India or Pakistan, Hindu or however, would require as a prerequisite Muslim they can hug each other without any substantial improvement in regional relations problem. The centre of the problem lies with through resolution of political and strategic ‘politics’ of the nation states and its agencies. differences. Increasing articulation of such Therefore it can be argued that unless these sentiments at the official, as well as, problems are not ironed out even the academic level in India’s neighboring supposed economic integration in South Asia countries would indicate that there is a will not bring peace and the process itself requirement of Indian initiatives in will remain at crossroads. The dilemma with improving bilateral relation. It has been South Asian states is that they aren’t ready argued that integration can be reaped only if for full scaled economic integration for the states of the region are able to reconcile their fear of either being swamped up into Indian political differences on the table (Vermon economy due to its hegemonic behavior or 1997:19; Anoop 2000:123). losing their sovereignty to some extent. They are also literally not ready to solve long Within South Asia, it has also standing political conflicts due mainly to become necessary for regional policy makers their desire to maintain supremacy one over to give due recognition to pluralism, as the

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 369 Cultural Identities and Regional Cooperation in South Asia dominant feature of the region. According to million or about 45% of the world’s poor one analyst, “… The attempt to construct people are to be found in South Asia and nation-states on the basis of exclusionary have yet to fully enjoy the fruits of narratives of the past and univocal visions democracy and development. The poor are for the future has reached an impasse….” either out of the mainstream of development (Shankaran 1999:XVII). He further continues as chronically marginalized people or face to assert that there is a, “need to conceive of hardships on account of anti-poor policies, South Asia as a space marked by highly priorities and institutions. The lack of decentralized nation-states…. and a pluralist democratic participation and its relation to sense of national identity” (Shankaran 1999: poverty in South Asia can be seen in terms of XVIII). Greater acceptance of such regional ineffective political parties, local reality by South Asian policy makers could governments, national parliaments, civil go a long way in resolving vexed issues and society and civil service. In addition, the lack also reduce regional tensions in order to of dynamic and visionary political, create a better political and strategic bureaucratic and business leadership also atmosphere in the region for developing the serve to retard the extent of democratic regional ‘constructive cooperative’ agenda. participation in South Asia, strengthening the involvement of provincial councils in energy. It is a matter of great concern that The prevailing conditions of political and South Asia is in the grip of multifaceted economic insecurity and the need to address crises extenuated by the poor quality of them in a collective manner are compelling governance and its inability to grapple with reasons to forge a strong South Asian the challenges of population explosion, community capable of facing locally and poverty, deprivation, social exclusion, rapid regionally. urbanization, and environmental degradation caused by the forces of V development. The symptoms of this multifaceted crisis are seen in the rise of The nations of South Asia are more political and social violence, militarization alike than they look different. Cultures and of society, pervasive political graft and languages spill across national borders, most corruption, youth alienation and indeed, the of which were created in the colonial era. undoing of democracy itself with the The turbulent past 60 years of South Asia peaceful overthrow of an elected have cost the region dearly. The prospects government by the military establishment for of a region, which could have been a mal-governance. With a population of 1.3 leading geo-political entity in a multi-polar billion or around 22% of the world world, were dampened. Therefore, it is high population, the challenge to governance in time that new solutions and right directions South Asia is immense. The task ahead is are sought, especially with regard to the made more complex by the regional diversity youth of the region. It is they who can borne out of its multi-racial., multi-religious, effectively make an impact with their multi-linguistic and multi-cultural contributions, thus leading to the formation composition. Furthermore, around 550 of a peaceful democratic South Asia.

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So far as the positive meaning of article that the success of the Indian ‘Peaceful-Co-existence’ is concerned, democratic system is a result of the whole namely reaching ethical levels of dialogue institutional framework around the political and agreement on the foundations of living sphere which has evolved over the years and together and conciliation and recognizing how ethnically diverse forces have shaped pluralism, has all been taught by every that process. India's democracy now has an religion. “Peaceful-Coexistence is a kind of institutional framework which is quite cooperation and mutual recognition expansive in its approach and its multi- concerning cultural and human interests and tiered--national parliament and government, exchange of experience, which help mankind state (province) parliaments and to develop the world and spread those values governments, each with its panoply of that are universally recognized as good. All institutions, down to the municipal and of this is a kind of opening the gates of village-council levels are perfectly suitable universal brotherhood. It does not mean for such a vast and diverse country. In this propagation of the views of the other, or the regard, Sumantra Bose says that “The acceptance of its legitimacy in a religious conflicts in Indian society and politics are way but rather the acceptance of coexistence legion, but the system has a capacity to in a secular way for the purpose of opening diffuse (and eventually, defuse) most up dialogue on both religious and secular conflicts by multiplying the arenas of matters”. He categorically supports Cultural contestation to lower levels of government, Co-existence with Non-Muslims in the essay which simultaneously act as arenas of (Salman 2009).4 The Holy Bible says, brokerage.” This means that by producing “Blessed are the peace-makers, for they shall power brokers at all levels which tend to be called the children of God” (St. Matthew, reduce the transaction costs of conflict The Bible 5:9). resolution the Indian political system has evolved a framework both at the provincial India is an interesting example of and local government levels in which there is how a third world country without having the greater scope for resolving social tensions credentials, which the successful without any serious damage to the democracies of the first world possess, democratic system in the sub- continent managed to institutionalize a viable form of (Bose 2010). democracy. In the last decade much criticism has been targeted at India for being In conclusion, one can only argue centralized and that its much touted that there is no universally accepted “democratic federalism” has been corrupted definition of democracy and countries who to a great extent. The recent policy of the have been practicing democracy for more nationalist and ethnically based parties “to than two hundred years continue to debate manipulate” communal divisions among various interpretations of key democratic linguistic minorities is not appreciated at all precepts. Recognizing that the practice of either but the fact that democracy depends democracy around the world is culturally and upon more then just the practices of political contextually embedded, it is important to parties is over looked. I have argued in this highlight several essential features that help

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 371 Cultural Identities and Regional Cooperation in South Asia distinguish democratic societies from those of inclusion, participation, and respect that are not. At its foundation, democratic independent judiciary system, equality society is one where the people are able to legislation, and the recognition of both exercise civic and political rights and elect collective rights of minorities for diversity. government officials to represent their Democracy enables greater societal interests in local and national/international reconciliation to take place via many routes, political structures. A democratic system of including increased civic engagement, rule of government can take many forms and is law, an and the individual rights of citizens. fundamentally based on the principles of Although democracy-building in war-torn participation, representation, rule of law, societies is often correlated with peace and protection of citizens’ freedoms and liberties, reconciliation processes, neither non-violent limitations on the government’s power in the management of societal conflicts private and public spheres, free and fair norintercommunal coexistence can be elections and an independent and transparent achieved by simply ‘launching’ democracy judiciary system. (Jean and Berns 2007). Isabella Jean and Jessica Berns It is idealistic to assume that write that in multi-ethnic and diverse democracy-building is in itself a conflict-free societies, democracy offers strong prospects process and that democracy as an end goal is for managing social and political conflicts. effortlessly realized, or provides the panacea During the last decade, there has been a new to a post-conflict society. Many and important emphasis in scholarly and contemporary societies, but particularly policy realms on conflict- and coexistence those emerging from war, struggle with how sensitive approaches to democracy-building to manage deep-rooted societal divisions. and promotion of good governance. There is Such democratic “essentials” as elections, growing agreement that multi-stakeholder constitutional and security-sector reforms, dialogue and consensus-building is essential and political-party formation can intensify in such efforts as constitutional- and and exacerbate identity-based divisions. electoral-system design, security sector Democracy can facilitate the development of reform, transitional justice initiatives, natural multiple and complementary political resource management, and national identities, and yet it can also polarize them dialogues on minority and language laws. when it comes to political inclinations at the These efforts, when pursued in a ballot box. Moreover, the political agendas participatory and inclusive manner, are as and mandates of the leaders driving these important as the content of the political processes have a tremendous impact on their treaties and normative documents that result conflict-inducing potential. from them. In societies that have endured long-lasting divisions, as well as in Let me briefly also speak about consolidated democracies, the sustainability Afghanistan. We are supportive of the US of conflict-prevention efforts and efforts to fight terrorism in Afghanistan intercommoned coexistence relies on and to bring stability there. We have a democratic practice informed by principles direct interest in Afghanistan, not because

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Syed Mohd Amir 372 we see it as a theatre of rivalry with own prosperity and growth. We have made Pakistan but because of the growing fusion unilateral gestures and extended economic of terrorist groups that operate from concessions such as the facility of duty Afghanistan and Pakistan and their free access to Indian market for imports activities in India. Indeed, developments in from Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Afghanistan over the past few years have Lanka. We have put forward proposals demonstrated in ample measure that peace, multilaterally within the framework of the security and prosperity in today’s world is SAARC where we have assumed indivisible, and that therefore, the asymmetric responsibilities. international community in Afghanistan must stay the course. Indian assistance to Furthermore, the ‘underlying theory’ Afghanistan amounting to over US$ 1.3 of Western democratic consolidation seems billion has helped build vital civil to be that economic growth will help infrastructure, develop human resources consolidate democracy while greater and capacity in the areas of education, democracy will provide the institutional health, agriculture, rural development, etc. underpinnings of sustained growth. Our development partnership, which has However, India feels that there is ‘no received wide appreciation from the correlation, much less causation, between Afghan people, has been guided primarily democracy and development’ since many by the needs of the Afghan government democracies perform well in developmental and people. We stand by this commitment terms as do non-democratic societies. despite the grave threat under which our Democracy should not be viewed as “a personnel and people are working in means to an end, namely development, but as Afghanistan to transform the lives of an end in itself’ because it empowers people ordinary Afghan people. Sixty years into and unleashes individual creativity. India’s life as a vibrant democracy, what is A key challenge, according to some the transformation we see in India’s global South Asian analysts, is that modern role? M.K. Rasgotra put it succinctly the democracy and democratic institutions have “transformation of India into one of the been transplanted to South Asia and have not world’s leading economies, , a responsible evolved through the political, economic and nuclear weapon power with demonstrated cultural processes that combined to give birth scientific and technological competence, to democracy in developed countries – which and a stable democracy is a truly over time were able to create an active civil phenomenal achievement of our time”. society, and the value systems and the rules What were the well-springs of India’s of the game that discipline the contest for foreign policy as we began life as an 5 power. South Asia has ‘taken over the independent nation? institutions and the systems without the Today, with sustained high processes, the value systems and the culture economic growth rates over the past in which they had evolved’. The Western decade, India is in a better position to offer liberal democratic paradigm has been a significant stake to our neighbors in our inadequate in dealing with the complexity of

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 373 Cultural Identities and Regional Cooperation in South Asia the multitude of religio-cultural and ethnic 5. Quoted in ‘Rao on India’s Global Role’, at identities and immense linguistic and cultural ‘Annual Harish Chandra Mahindra Memorial Lecture’, South Asian Initiative, at Harvard, USA, diversity in the region. 2010, from the article, Rasgotra, M. K,“ Foreign The nurturing and consolidation of Policy: New India’s Global Role”, Sept. 13, 2010. democratic institutions and processes in References South Asia will essentially be done by Al-Odah, Salman (2009): “Cultural-Co-existence”, Al- domestic actors. In the ultimate analysis, the Wasat (Bahraini Daily), 14 August. responsibility for initiating and implementing Anoop, S. S (2000): “Regional Integration in South the multitude of structural, economic, social Asia ‘Chasing A Chimera’”, Regional Studies, and political reforms necessary to Vol. XVIII, No.4, Autumn, Institute of Regional institutionalize democracy must be taken by Studies, Islamabad, p.123. South Asians themselves. External players Balfour, Rosa (2006): “Principles of Democracy and can only play a supportive role and their Human Rights: A Review of the European capacities to bring about fundamental change Union’s Strategies Towards it Neighbors”, in Sonia Lucarelli and Ian Manners (eds.), Values are necessarily limited. The coming to power and Principles in European Union Foreign of elected governments in a number of South Policy, London, Routledge, pp.118-119. Asian countries in 2008 is the beginning, not Bose, Sumantra (2010): A Culture of Corruption: the end, of the process of consolidating and Democracy and Power in India, Ralf Dahrendrof sustaining fragile democracies in the region. Fellow & Lecturer in Comparative Politics, London School of Economics & Political Science, London. Notes Chaube, S.K (1993): “Understanding South Asia: A 1. Quoted, in The Economic Times (US), (Editorial), Super Structural Analysis”, in Ramakant (ed.), 22 May 1999. South Asia: Some Reflections, South Asian 2. Richard, A Shweder & Byron God (ed.), ‘Clifford Studies Centre, University of Rajasthan, Aalekh, Geertz by his Colleagues, The University of Jaipur, p.1. Chicago Press, Chicago, 2005, Chap. IX, pp.63- Chopra, H. S; Frank, Robert and Schroder, Jurgen 75. “Identity” is the result of a self-referential (1999): National Identity and Regional attribution of meaning, i.e., the, self-image “that Cooperation, Manohar Publishers & Distributors, arises from the combination of the coherence of New Delhi, p.251. the defining features (“identity” in the narrower sense) and difference as demarcation vis-à-vis Chowdhury, Aditi (1998): “‘Reflection on Sub- others” (“alterity“). Regional Economic Alliances in the Asia-Pacific’ ARENA - Introduction”, Asian Exchange, Vol.14. 3. Chaube, S.K, ‘Understanding South Asia: A No.1, Clear Cut Pub. Hong Kong, p.1. Super structural Analysis’ in Ramakant (ed.), South Asia: Some Reflections, South Asian Das, Suranjan (1998): “Regional Security Through Studies Centre, University of Rajasthan, Aalekh, Constructive Bilateralism: Prospects for Indo-Pak Jaipur, 1993, p.1. Economic Cooperation and South Asia Stability”, Occasional Paper 3, Peace Studies Group, 4. Al-Odah, Salman: “Cultural-Co-existence”, an Department of History, Calcutta University, article published in ‘Al-Wasat’ (Bahraini Daily), Kolkata, p.2. on 14 August 2009. He categorically supports Cultural Co-existence with Non-Muslims in the Dauderstaedt, Miachel and Lerch, Marika (2005): essay. “International Democracy Promotion: Patiently

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Distributing Power”, International Politik und Nair, Kulsum (1961): Blossoms in the Dust, London, Gesellschaft, Vol.4, pp.170-171. p.xx. Dormandy, Xenia (2007): “Balancing Interests and Raja Mohan, C (1999): “India and the Concert of Values: India’s Struggle with Democracy Democracies”, The Hindu (Newspaper), 5 August. Promotion”, Washington Quarterly, Vol.30, No.3, p.113. Raja Mohan, C (2007): “Balancing Interests and Values: India’s Struggle with Democracy Dormandy, Xenia (2007): “Is India, or will it be, a Promotion”, Washington Quarterly, Vol.30, No.3, Responsible International Stakeholder”, The p.113. Washington Quarterly, Vol.30, No.3, p.125. Rao, Rashid (1996): Snobs and Spices: The True Face Farzana Sheikh (1989): Community and Consensus in of Pakistani Politics-1990-1996, Lahore, p.11. Islam: Muslim Representation in Colonial India, 1869-1947, Cambridge, p.67. Richard, A Shweder and Byron God (ed.) (2005): Clifford Geertz by his Colleagues, The University Friedman, Jonathan (1994): Cultural Identity and of Chicago Press, Chicago, Chap. IX, pp.63-75. Global Process, Sage Publication, New Delhi, pp.27-30. Rizvi, Gowher (1993): South Asia in a Changing World Order, Sage, New Delhi, p.89. Hasan, Mushirul (1998): Islam, Communities and the Nation: Muslim Identities in South Asia and Rushdie, Salman (1997): Times (Editorial), 11 August. beyond, Manohar Publishers & Distributors, New Shankaran, Krishna (1999): Post Colonial Insecurities: Delhi. India, Sri Lanka and the Question of Nationhood, Hewitt, Vermon (1997): The International Politics of Oxford University Press, New Delhi, p.XVII. South Asia, Manchester University Press, UK, Singh, G. N. (ed.) (1993): The Economy of the p.19. SAARC Nations, Anmol Publications, New Hsasn, Mushirul and Roy, Asim (ed.) (2005): Living Delhi, pp.56-62. Together Separately, Oxford University Press, St. Matthew, The Bible, 5: 9. p.ix. Tharoor, Shashi (1997): India: From Midnight to the Isabella Jean and Jessica Berns (2007): “Focus on Millennium, Viking, New Delhi. Coexistence and Democracy-building”, CI (Coexistence International), Brandeis University, The ‘Indian Express’, 26 January, 2000. Waltham, Massachusetts. The Economic Times (Editorial), (US), 22 May 1999. Jalal, Ayesha (1997): “Ideology and the Struggle for Toynbee, Arnold Joseph (2005): A Study of History, Democratic Institutions”, in Victoria Schofield (1934-1961), Vol. III, Oxford University Press, (ed.), Old Roads New Highways, Karachi, pp.135- p.56. 136. Vayrynen, Raimo (1997): Post Hegemonic and Post Jalal, Ayesha (1998): Democracy and Authoritarianism Socialist Regionalism: A Comparison for East in South Asia, Karachi, pp.249-50. Asia and Central Asia, Joan B. Kroc Institute for Kosla, I.P (1999): “SAARC and India: An Overview”, International Peace Studies, August. South Asian Survey, Vol.6, No.1, January-June, Vernon, Hewitt (1997): The New International Politics Indian Council for South Asian Cooperation, of South Asia, Manchester University Press, UK, p.5. Sage, New Delhi, p.9.

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Pakistan, Democracy and The Myth of Sisyphus L Premashekhara

Abstract Pakistan has been moving back and forth on democratic path and it has been the fate of its people to roll the democratic boulder uphill and helplessly watch it rolling back just like the mythical Sisyphus and, to repeat this at least thrice so far in their six decade long history as independent nation. The reasons for this Sisyphean futility are rooted in the way Pakistan was created and subsequently managed. The Homeland for Indian Muslims was not for the masses, their voices were not to be heard, their aspirations were not to be recognized and respected, and to sum it all, there was no place for democracy in Pakistan. This explains Pakistan’s Sisyphean futility as far as democracy is concerned.

Perhaps no other Asian event has towards the Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean attracted more curiosity and concern, beyond; second, desires of a few selfish comments and laments, debates and aristocratic Indian Muslims gathered under discussions, researches and analyses than the the bandwagon of Muslim League to have a partition of India in 1947. The volume of sovereign political set up for themselves in arguments justifying the need of Indian predominantly Muslim areas in the northwest Muslims to have their own homeland is and northeast of the subcontinent for indeed overwhelming and intimidating. They securing political power and perpetuate their all talk of brute Hindu majority out to gobble socio-economic status which they thought, up the minorities once the colonial masters would not be guaranteed in Congress-ruled, left the country. All these arguments, `Hindu-dominated’ independent India. Thus, however, are mere facades to the two hidden Pakistan was conceived and created to reasons behind the emergence of Pakistan on safeguard the interests of, on one hand, a 14-15 August 1947. They are - first, British colonial power which calculated that its design to have a politically friendly, strategic interests in the altered international strategically reliable and militarily weak1 political scenario could be best served by independent political set up in the northwest Asianizing the future Asian wars and of India to check Russian/Soviet advance sponsoring them as and when required and,

L Premashekhara, Assistant Professor, Department of Politics and International Studies, Pondicherry University, Pondicherry - 605 014, India. E-mail: [email protected]

IJSAS 3(2) 2010, pp.375-398. ISSN 0974 -2514 L Premashekhara 376 on the other, a small set of elite who dreamt complex and inconclusive subject.2 It is of carving out a political space for rather an impossible and needless task too. themselves in order to perpetuate their socio- However, a `peep’ into this subject in a economic status with political power, the rather unorthodox way and highlighting the new country was to exist and serve these two aspects of the same that are necessary to purposes only. This boils down to one bitter prepare the reader to follow the arguments truth: Pakistan was not meant for the people put forth in the subsequent pages is very of the land. Since the Homeland for Indian much required. Muslims was not for the masses, their voices Internal Elements behind Pakistan’s were not to be heard, their aspirations were Creation not to be recognized and respected, and to sum it all, there was no place for democracy In the words of Mushirul Hasan: in Pakistan. This explains Pakistan’s Sisyphean India’s independence in August 1947 futility as far as democracy is concerned. was the culmination of a prolonged and It is not the objective of this paper to sustained movement. The birth of present the evolution of politics in Pakistan neighbouring Pakistan, on the other in a chronological order emphasising on hand, would seem to be an aberration, a individuals and events. Rather, the questions historical accident caused by a of why Pakistani politics is the way it is; configuration of forces at a particular what are the historical roots of historical juncture. Even at the most authoritarianism, Islamization and, heavy euphoric stage, the campaign for a dependence on external patron or patrons, `Muslim’ nation was hardly embedded that have become the ostensible faces of in the `historical logic’ of the two nation Pakistan are addressed here. Accordingly, theory. this paper has been divided into three (Hasan 2001:1) sections. The elements that were responsible for the creation of Pakistan and their In other words, Pakistan, unlike intentions in the division of India in 1947 are India, earned its freedom not through mass looked into in the first section. The sources based freedom movement based on the of Pakistani politics especially the legacy left concept of nationalism and common behind by its founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah historical identity, values like liberty and are analysed in the subsequent section. The representative democracy and, not even third section is the logical continuation of the through rejection of alien rule. Instead, the first two and an attempt is made there to link leaders of Muslim League relied upon the the historical experience of Pakistan to the British colonial masters for a share in the `undemocratic’ nature prevalent in its political power which they were unsure of politics. gaining on their own and for which they willingly cooperated with the latter. They Creation of Pakistan pledged loyalty to the Crown and in return It is not the aim of this paper to demanded job quotas and separate electorate probe the creation of Pakistan, a vast, for Muslims in what was described as policy

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 377 Pakistan, Democracy and The Myth of Sisyphus of positive discrimination. The very fact that they could make the obligatory experiment the Muslim League was founded in 1906 of living according to the shari`ah”, and after a meeting between the then viceroy, second, “Muslims must live and work with Lord Minto and the Simla Deputation non-Muslims for the realization of common organized by the Muslim elites of northern ideals of citizenship and culture” (Mujeeb India who felt that their interests were under 2001:403).5 They, however, could not choose threat from British educational policies, between these two diametrically opposite bureaucratic reforms and powerful `Hindu viewpoints decisively and, that failure was, revivalist campaigns’3 (Ibid 4); and colonial in the final count, responsible for the mighty policies thereafter were tilted towards the Indian Muslim community splitting into two Muslims through legislations like the Minto- nationalities on 14-15 August 1947 and into Marley Reforms reveal beyond any doubt the three on 16 December 1971. collaboration between the Muslim elite and the British colonial rulers. To a dispassionate observer Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of a The League’s base was very narrow Pakistan was a man with both religious and with only the Muslim elite as its members secular credentials which made many and decision makers. The common Muslim wonder whether these credentials were 4 masses were conveniently kept out of it. The dubious6 and, if they really were, did they consequence of this faulty approach was a cover his hidden agenda of serving, along rude shock to the League when, in the with his own, British interests. His calculated elections of 1937, it failed to secure popular arguments, passionate appeals and colourful mandate even in Muslim majority provinces oratory as the occasion demanded like the Punjab and the North West Frontier compounded the persistent suspicion about Province (NWFP). Things changed, albeit his real intentions and that is the reason why slowly, and with the pro-separatist activities his role in Indian’s freedom struggle is still a of the League and its leaders especially hotly debated subject.7 Mohammad Iqbal and Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the attractive picture of the Muslim Jinnah started his political career in homeland the former painted, and the the 1910s with secular mindset and was support the latter received from the British rightly identified as an “Ambassador of rulers in the 1930s, the dream of a separate Hindu-Muslim unity. When in 1925, to a state for Muslims appeared realizable. This question, the Raja of Mahmudabad answered `dream’ tempted more and more Muslims that he was a Muslim first and then an into the fold of the League and its support Indian, Jinnah corrected him: “My boy, no, base gradually widened. Still, a vast majority you are an Indian first and then a Muslim” of Muslims, both elite and otherwise, (Mahmudabad 2010:420-21). He once again consciously stayed away from it. There were exhibited the same secular mindset when he two viewpoints among the Muslims of India successfully created Pakistan almost single- during the 1930s and 1940s regarding their handedly and delivered his first presidential future. First, Indian “Muslims must have a address to the Constituent Assembly of the territory of their own, a homeland, where new nation on 11 August 1947. He declared:

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If you change your past and work faced with regard to India’s future. They had together with a spirit that everyone of made a calculated determination to create a you, no matter what is his colour, caste dependent state in the northwest of India or creed, is first, second, and last a during the turn of the twentieth century citizen of this State with equal rights, following Russian moves across the Pamirs. privileges and obligations, there will be The British had clearly realized the extent of no end to the progress you will make… danger from the northwest and took adequate We should begin to work in that spirit and measures to minimize the same. They did in course of time all these angularities of something no Indian ruler had done earlier. the majority and minority communities, They demarcated the Indo-Afghan boundary the Hindu community and the Muslim and formalized the same with a written treaty community, because even as regards in 1893. Though the British failed to extend Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, India’s north-western frontier up to the Shias, Sunnis, and so on, and among the Hindukush Line, the line that ran along Hindus you have Brahmins, Vaishnavas, Kabul, Ghazni, and Kandahar, the scientific Khatris, also Bengalees, Madrasis, and so boundary line for the defence of northern on, will vanish… You are free; you are India, they succeeded in delineating the free to go to your temples, you are free to India-Afghanistan border (the Durand Line) go to your mosques or to any other places that firmly placed in their control the Khyber of worship in this State of Pakistan. You Pass that, for millennia, had been the may belong to any religion or caste or gateway to the Indus plains from the creed—that has nothing to do with the northwest. The Durand Line followed the business of the State. eastern limits of the “Hindukush-Khyber (Khan 1987:159; Ali 2008:43-44) Corridor” (Premashekhara 2008:22). What happened during the It was the activities of the Imperial intervening period is a subject of endless Russian Army that prompted the British to inquiry and debate. The fact, however, go for delineating Indo-Afghan border and to remains that he perennially, till the last year strengthen their positions there. The defence of his life, switched between the two of the Punjab plains assumed importance in diametrically opposite standpoints of secular 1888 when the Imperial Russian army under outlook and commitment towards United the leadership of Captain Grombechevsky India on the one hand, raise the bogey of reached Hunza in northern Kashmir. The Hindu communalism and imperialism and, British apprehension and their threat demand the creation of a homeland for perception vis-à-vis Imperial Russia were Indian Muslims on the other, with demonstrated by Durand, the experienced remarkable ease and eloquence. frontier expert, when he said, “the game had begun” (Woodman 1969: 72). The Russians External Elements behind Pakistan’s were, if allowed, capable of threatening the Creation security of the densely populated Punjab On the other hand, the British which was not only the wheat bowl of the imperialists didn’t have the dilemma Jinnah crown colony but also the largest supplier of

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 379 Pakistan, Democracy and The Myth of Sisyphus men to the imperial army. The British India Act of 1935 which all ensured the administration overcame this menace by Muslim League a share in the power were formally delineating Afghanistan’s border based on this approach. Jinnah turned this first with India in 1893 and with Russia in British policy to his own advantage: the Pamirs two years later. The two The fact that Pakistan separated from European powers who were involved in the India on the issue of religious politics “Great Game” in the northwest of India reveals one of the effects of British rule made significant moves towards ‘peace’ by that nationalism has not yet been able to signing a treaty on 11 March 1995. submerge. Encouragement of political Accordingly, a narrow corridor called organization within the framework of “Wakhan” was created between the Russian religion had, after the First World War, controlled Tazhik territories and the princely become the principal British device for state of Jammu & Kashmir of the British splitting the onslaught of a united Indian Empire, and the same was placed nationalism. British official and under the control of Kabul. Further, with the semiofficial literature persisted in Anglo–Russian Convention of 1907, London referring to a supposed Hindu Congress succeeded in getting Moscow accept long after All-India Congress had made Afghanistan as a buffer between Russia and it a major policy to stress the union in India and never to cross it. Not fully nationalism of people of different convinced of Russian sincerity, the British religious faiths. Mohammed Ali Jinnah rulers took from the State of Jammu & developed the momentum of his political Kashmir the Gilgit region8 that shared career by turning this British policy to common boundary with the Wakhan his own advantage. Corridor, and placed an army unit there in (Lattimore 1949:184) order to monitor the movement of the Russian army across the Corridor and deter In this regard, the divergent attitudes any possible Russian adventure. Still not of Congress and Muslim League towards the convinced of the security of their Indian British during the Second World War proved empire and control over Indian Ocean they to be decisive: calculated to create an independent state in the northwest of India which would accept During the war when the hub of the British military presence on its soil and serve British Empire was fighting for its as their base against the Russians.9 Since the existence, the Congress Party of land where the proposed new state was to Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal come up consisted of a Muslim majority, it Nehru demanded immediate became quite imperative for the British independence so that a free India could colonial masters to tilt towards the Muslim determine whether it should participate community in India. Indian constitutional in the war effort. The British were developments of the 1920s and 1930s, the angered by the request and refused. The Minto-Morley reforms and the Montague- Congress contemptuously broke off Chelmsford Reforms and the Government of relations with the British and boycotted

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its institutions. The colonial power was Sources and Aims of Politics in Pakistan even less pleased when after the fall of Since Pakistan was created by a few Singapore to the Japanese in February elites, one man to be precise; and a foreign 1942, Gandhi proposed and launched power, it drew strength from these elements “Quit India” movement in August. An only, and its purpose was to serve their offer from the British cabinet pledging interests only. The only change that occurred independence at the end of the war was after the creation of the Muslim state was rejected with a biting phrase-“a blank that, internally local elite replaced the Indian cheque from a failing bank,” retorted Muslim elite who had brought the state into Gandhi who was convinced the British being and externally, US and, to a lesser would lose in Asia... In polar contrast, the extent China, replaced Britain. In other Muslim League had always remained on words, the scenes and casts changed the British side. It was firmly supportive of periodically, but the stage and story war efforts. The British responded in kind. remained the same. Ideas and methods to Pakistan, was in effect, a big thank-you create a new, vibrant, modern state with present to the Muslim League. Had the domestic democratic political system and Congress Party adopted similar strategy independent foreign policy did not emerge the result might well have been different. and, policies and approaches of initial (Ali 2008:32-33) leadership especially Jinnah himself were largely responsible for this. It has become a Thus, it was a British policy to create joke in streets as well as in academic circles Pakistan for its strategic needs and Jinnah especially in South Asia that Pakistan is and the Muslim League used this for their ruled by three `A’s- Allah, the Army and end. The British strategic experts were quite America; and if they are taken as symbols of content with their half a century old scheme Islamization, authoritarianism and, external in the subcontinent neared its logical end patron respectively, their origin can be traced when the creation of Pakistan became certain to the policies and attitudes of one man - by the middle of 1947. A top secret report Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of prepared by the chiefs of staff on 7 July 1947 Pakistan. reveals: Jinnah’s Legacy The area of Pakistan [West Pakistan or the northwest of India] is strategically Jinnah was not democratic. For all the most important in the continent of his ideals repeatedly stated eloquently in India and the majority of our strategic colourful and mesmerising language, he requirements could be met... by an never behaved democratically as head of the agreement with Pakistan alone. We do state. From the moment of Pakistan’s birth, not thereafter consider that failure to he assumed, without any seeming inhibition, obtain the agreement with India all key levers of power and decision making [Hindustan] would cause us to modify in the new state with three most important any of our requirements... positions in his hand. He was not only the (Sarila 2009:28) governor general, but also president of the

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Muslim League and chairman of the Jinnah did not favour a political Constituent Assembly. Being the founder of system based on the principles of Pakistan he had such a massive authority in constitutional checks and balances as a basis his hand, few dared to challenge him and, the of political development. An “unusual” process of Jinnah assuming authoritarian resolution passed by the Pakistani cabinet of power in Pakistan was very swift and in a Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan on 30 sense, continuation of his pre-Partition December 1947 testifies to this. It states: “no attitude and approach towards Muslim question of policy or principle would be League of which he was the undisputed decided, except at a meeting presided over leader. Leading a separatist movement is one by the Quaid-e-Azam. In the event of any thing but, leading an independent state is difference of opinion between him and the quite another. The problems of multi-ethnic Cabinet, the decision of the Quaid would be and multi-lingual Pakistan which comprised final and binding” (Lambah 2003:154). This of two distinct geographical units which had gave absolute power to Governor General nothing in common except religion and Jinnah. He, however, was not there to separated from each other by twelve hundred exercise this power for long as he succumbed mile-long hostile Hindu territory were many to tuberculosis and cancer on 11 September fold, multi-layered and the task of nation- 1948 barely thirteen months after the building demanded accommodation and creation of Pakistan; and this power was democratic approach. Jinnah on the other transferred to his successors who kept it hand, chose to address these challenges intact. When the Constituent Assembly through authoritarian approach with his attempted to change the provision that had misplaced judgment that the internal given the governor general powers above the problems rooted in the demands of different prime minister and the cabinet, it was regional and ethnic groups for political and dissolved by the then governor general, economic power could be extinguished Ghulam Mohammad. The constitutions of through diverting the attention of the people 1956 and 1962 kept the provision intact. The towards external threats, real or assumed. In 1973 Constitution, the brainchild of Zulfikar this regard, he demanded unopposed and Ali Bhutto, did omit that and made the complete loyalty from every section of the president a figurehead, but, barely four hours politico-administrative set up and citizens of after its proclamation Bhutto issued an all shades in order to enable him to ordinance that placed president’s powers effectively counter and protect the Muslim above the prime minister’s. Zia-ul-Haq homeland of which he was the founder and brought it back into the constitution in 1985 saviour. This way, in the name of defending with the notorious Eight Amendment and the the country Jinnah set out to create a system first victim was Mohammad Khan Junejo in of centralized or authoritarian powers in his 1988. Since then it has been used by every own hands and his “framework was president to dismiss every cabinet till 1996 presidential or imperial” (Jalal 85:50); and with Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif this is what exactly every successive ruler of earning the dubious distinction of getting Pakistan –military or civilian- did. dismissed twice each. Thus, the policy of

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 L Premashekhara 382 placing head of state above head of was widely seen as his personal army. He government, a `tradition’ set by Jinnah in the used it against his political opponents, many very first year of Pakistan’s existence, still of whom were harassed and some even haunts that country. murdered (Ibid:381; Talbot 1999:219). His daughter Benazir Bhutto demonstrated scant Jinnah argued, along with Liaquat regard for democratic values by bequeathing Ali Khan, that Pakistan could not afford the the party headship to her son Bilawal Bhutto luxury of an opposition in politics (Rajan and Zardari through a will treating the PPP as her Ganguly 1981:113-16). In a fitting corollary, personal fiefdom, Ayub Khan, the general who staged Pakistan’s first military coup in October In the same manner the ascendency 1958, seized power and didn’t let it go out of of Islam in Pakistani life can also be traced his hand for full eleven years maintained: to Jinnah. His attitude to Islam was dubious “The Western type of parliamentary and questionable. When he was campaigning democracy could not be imposed on the for Pakistan, he used religion to garner people of Pakistan” (Khan 1967:208). support for his scheme. He used Islam as bait to attract Muslim provincial leaders, tribal Bureaucrats turned politicians chieftains and individuals who mattered. He Ghulam Mohammad and Iskander Mirza10 wrote to Amin ul Hasanat, the Pir Sahib of repeatedly and blatantly abused their powers Manki Shariff in NWFP in 1946 that as governor general and president in early Pakistan would be an Islamic State and 1950s. From Ayub Khan to Parvez Islamic laws ordained by Shariat would be Musharraf, all the military rulers who followed. His real intentions were, however, assumed positions like president or chief contrary. Iskander Mirza states: marshal law administrator took Before we left Delhi, I said to the Quaid- authoritarianism to newer heights and abuse e-Azam one day, “Sir, we are all agreed of power during their regimes was total and to go to Pakistan; but what kind of blatant. This tendency was not limited to polity are you going to have? Are you military rulers alone. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the going to have an Islamic State?” civilian leader Pakistan saw after thirteen “Nonsense,” he replied, “I am going to years of military rule following the breakup have a modern State.” of the country in 1971 was equally (Khan 1987: 158) autocratic. He demanded complete loyalty from his party and the nation. He used His contradictory attitude towards Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) as a tool to place of Islam in Pakistan continued even achieve his personal ambitions. Those who after the Homeland for Indian Muslims came disagreed with him were removed from party into being. As mentioned earlier, in his first position, and many were imprisoned too on address to the Pakistan Constituent one other charge (Ziring 1998: 380). Bhutto, Assembly on 11 August 1947, he called upon much to the discomfiture and dismay of the the people of Pakistan to work together Army generals, created a paramilitary outfit forgetting to what caste, community or creed called Federal Security Force (FSF) which they belonged. He changed his approach

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 383 Pakistan, Democracy and The Myth of Sisyphus rather soon. The touch of secularism in his Muslims. So, when they began their speeches in 1947 gave way to recognition of determined campaign to purify Pakistan of the utility of Islam in Pakistani politics as a all its un-Islamic influence, the first victim cementing factor against internal divisions was, ironically, the creator of Pakistan (Rajan and Ganguly 1982:113). Addressing himself. In this way, the Orwellian double- the agitating crowd in Dhaka on 21 March speak with regard to secularism and Islam 1948 he said: Jinnah had adopted to create Pakistan made him irrelevant in the state he created before Have you forgotten the lesson that was he was consumed by consumption and taught to us thirteen hundred years ago? cancer barely one year after it came into Who were the original inhabitants of being. His tactics worked in pre-1947 India Bengal-not those who are now living. So but, failed miserably in Pakistan. The what is the use of saying “we are Pakistan Constituent Assembly attempted to Bengalis, Sindhis, or Pathans, or define both the state and the idea of Pakistan Punjabis”. No, we are Muslims. Islam in the Objective Resolution it adopted in has taught us this, and I think you will 1949. According to this Resolution Pakistan agree with me that whatever else you “was to be a federal, democratic, and Islamic may be and whatever you are, you are a entity, but there was no mention whatsoever Muslim. If I may point out, you are all of a secular Muslim life, a secularized Islam, outsiders here. or even the term `secular’” (Cohen 2006:57). (Jinnah 1963: 84) It is this Resolution that had guided Pakistan Thus, again he set a trend. Most of all these years, not the speech Jinnah his successors did exactly what he did and delivered in the Constituent Assembly on 11 relied on Islam when challenged by problems August 1947. that required political and constitutional The activities of Maulana Maududi solutions. The spectre he unleashed grew and his followers created worst anti- into a Frankenstein monster very soon with Ahmadiya riots in the Punjab in 1953 that Jamaat-e-Islami spearheading Islamic brought the Army into action in Lahore. revivalism in Pakistan. Jamaat’s leader Pakistan officially became an Islamic Maulana Maududi, in fact, had opposed the Republic with the promulgation of its first creation of Pakistan as “un-Islamic” on the constitution in 1956 and there was relative ground that ascribing different nationalities calm for more than two decades as the to Muslims of the world was against Islamic country grappled with more serious problems values as the religion Holy Prophet preached like provincialism that threatened its very considered all Muslims as citizens of one survival. Islamization came back in a big nation. He, however, chose to migrate to way in what was left of Pakistan in the Pakistan on its creation and began opposing 1970s. Ironically it was the civilian prime Jinnah’s initial secular talk. To him and his minister, Z. A. Bhutto who in 1974 followers, it was a sin to talk of secularism implemented three of the long-standing and equality of all religions in a country demands of the Islamists; banned alcohol, created in the name of Islam and for converted Friday in the place of Sunday as

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 L Premashekhara 384 official holiday and, declared the Ahmadiyas patron with money who could assume the as non Muslims. He, like Jinnah, was a non- mantle of patronage of the Muslim nation as practicing Muslim11 and turned to Islamists its emergence became imminent by early for support when the combined opposition 1947. An assessment the US State challenged his authority following his Department made with inputs and reports victory in the rigged elections of March from New Delhi based American mission to 1977. Bhutto’s approach was elevated to the US Secretary of State on 2 May 1947 reveals level of a state policy by Zia-ul-Haq who Jinnah’s mind: usurped power from him in a coup in July On 1 May Mohammed Ali Jinnah, 1977. By promulgating the Hudood Leader of the Muslim League, received Ordinance which made several Islamic two American visitors at his Bombay practices mandatory and imposed severe residence. They were Raymond A. Hare, restriction on women and their status in Head of the Division of South Asian society, allowing religious schools or Affairs, Department of State, and Thomas Madrasas to come up in thousands all over E. Weil, Second Secretary of the US the county, he hastened the process of Embassy in India. Jinnah asserted that Islamization in Pakistan and earned the under no circumstances would he accept distinction as “Soldier of Islam.” He the concept of an Indian Union since the defended his actions vehemently saying: Muslim League was determined to “Pakistan which was created in the name of establish Pakistan. He sought to impress Islam will continue to survive only if it sticks on his visitors that the emergence of an to Islam. That is why I consider the independent, sovereign Pakistan would introduction of [an] Islamic system as an be in consonance with American essential prerequisite for the country” interests. Pakistan would be a Muslim (Talbot 2000:196). He also declared that country, Muslim countries would stand preservation of the ideology of Pakistan and together against Russian aggression. In the Islamic character of the country was “as that endeavour they would look to the important as the security of the country’s United States for assistance, he added. geographical boundaries” (Talbot 2000:201). Jinnah coupled the danger of ‘Russian As far as the third “A” i.e. America aggression’ with another menace that is concerned, the process of taking Pakistan Muslim nations might confront. That was closer to US also began by Jinnah himself ‘Hindu imperialism’. The establishment and he did it even before Pakistan came to of Pakistan was essential to prevent the existence as an independent state. Although, expansion of Hindu imperialism into the Britain initiated the process of creating Middle East, he emphasised. Pakistan for its strategic needs in Asia, its (Foreign Relations 1972:154–5) power and position in global politics weakened, a process hastened by the Second It is clearly evident that Jinnah had World War, before its “Pakistan Scheme” analysed the prevailing international scenario reached its logical end. This made Jinnah in 1947, grasped US need to possess search for alternative, a dependable foreign dependable allies in its campaign against

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Soviet expansionism in the Balkans and the and his sister were disappointed that we Middle East, and planned to turn it into had been unable to purchase Pakistan’s advantage. Once Pakistan was “Flagstap.” created, however, his attention changed, (Ali 2008:41-42) rather expanded, to include his desire for Sadly, it was not a good beginning personal material benefit as well. Paul H. and `Flagstapping,’12 meaning turning Alling, first US ambassador to Pakistan ‘American connection’ for personal benefit, reveals, in his report to the then Secretary of became rampant among politicians and State John Marshall on 22 March 1948, a senior army personnel when after the end of rather unusual portrait of Jinnah. According the brief Jinnah – Liaquat era13 a transfer of to Alling, he was invited for a picnic with power occurred within Pakistan from the Jinnah and his sister Fatima. Assuming that “Indian Muslims” to the “pro-US, pro- important matters of state might be military” bureaucrats and the first among discussed, Alling prepared himself as best he them was Ghulam Mohammed who headed could. Discussion went otherwise. Jinnah the country as its third governor general and his sister probed the possibility of selling during 1951-55 (Burki 1986:48). In fact, their house “Flagstap” to the US mission. In Ghulam Mohammed and, Iskander Mirza the words of Alling: who succeeded the former as the country’s fourth head of state, had been in contact with Both he and his sister... inquired the US government since Pakistan came into whether we were interested in their being and, actively seeking for developing a house “Flagstap” which he had told me Pakistan-US alignment against India and the a few days previously was available for Soviet Union. It was Ghulam Mohammed’s purchase. I explained that our concept that massive dependence on the US negotiations for the purchase of an was necessary to meet the “administrative Ambassador’s house... had progressed expenses” of Pakistan, especially in the so far... that it had proved impossible to “field of defence” (Venkataramani 1982:16). withdraw. Iskander Mirza was regarded as reliable and He then asked if “Flagstap” would not co-operative by US officials (Ibid:144). be suitable for the use of other Ghulam Mohammad-Iskander Mirza duo’s personnel of the Embassy. In reply I attempts were successful when Washington said that we had, of course explored that made a decision to develop strategic ties with possibility but that our building expert Pakistan to ‘contain’ India in September felt he could not justify the purchase of 1949, a month before the Indian premier such an extensive property for any of the Jawaharlal Nehru’s visit to the US capital. subordinate personnel. I added that With this, the US had replaced Britain as actually we were interested only in Pakistan’s main foreign patron. purchasing a few small houses or flats Elite Interests whereupon he said he would send us details of one or two such properties. I Following their success in achieving could sense, however, that Mr. Jinnah Pakistan without a politicized mass base,

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 L Premashekhara 386 struggle and sacrifice, and instead, with The League failed to provide active support from the ruling foreign power, effective political leadership to Pakistan. The Pakistani rulers continued to rely upon new nation’s first generation of politicians foreign powers and domestic elite for support was inexperienced and unable to face the while formulating their domestic and foreign daunting challenges of the new nation. About policies. Jinnah was stranger in West them, Ata Rabbani, Jinnah’s aid d’ camp Pakistan, nor did his party have any strong writes: base there before 1947. This led him to ...our senior politicians had little simply confirm provincial landlords, feudal experience of the running of a chiefs in power as representatives of his government for they had spent most of party there. The result was that Muslim their lives criticising governments in League, the party that spearheaded the power. Now saddled with the Pakistan movement in India with responsibility they took the easy way considerable mass support, failed to acquire out. Instead of applying themselves to a mass base in West Pakistan and what the task and working hard to learn the remains as Pakistan today, and consequently ropes they relied on the adivice of senior the ruling elite in Pakistan never possessed a bureaucrats. reliable political party capable of controlling the masses. Jinnah was surrounded by (Rabbani 1996: 142) “swarm of young men” that were in the habit Because of the inability of the of talking of a “new spirit” without ever politicians, the power, as explained by being able to explain what it meant (Ali, Rabbani, inexorably slipped into the hands of 2008: 35). Thus the Muslim League soon Pakistan’s small cadre of highly educated became a “church of corrupt and quarrelsome civil servants, the only people capable of caciques” who discredited it permanently. delivering any semblance of governance (Ibid:43). The Muslim League’s support base during the initial chaotic years. Jinnah, being was limited to only the elite who bothered scornful towards the politicians, too more about their well being rather than the recognized the central place of the state. The League’s condition during those bureaucracy in the administrative, political, days, in the words of Chaudhri Mohammad and economic life of Pakistan, a policy Ali, Pakistan’s fourth prime minister was: continued by his successors. Pakistan was The pillars of society, the landlords, the thus from the very beginning “firmly well-to-do lawyers, the rich business- dominated by its civilian bureaucracy and the men, and the titled gentry were its main army, both of which had faithfully served the support. With some exceptions, they British” and they exercised “political were not men noted for their total paramountcy” in Pakistan (Ali 2008:43). The commitment to any cause. Their CSP (Civil Service of Pakistan) comprised a willingness to sacrifice their personal closed oligarchy of five hundred interests or comfort for the sake of the functionaries commanding the state (Ibid.). nation was often in doubt. Both Ghulam Mohammad and Iskamder (Ali 1967:371) Mirza were co-opted directly from its ranks.

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Thus, the Pakistani elites, both the Both had scant regard for the parliament and politicians and bureaucrats, inherited and were “shocked by what they regarded as the adopted the British colonial model of corruption, selfishness, opportunism and administration with a strong authoritative disloyalty of the politicians in public office” executive. This filled the power vacuum, (Wilber 1964:126). They were also ‘in close created by the withdrawal of British colonial touch with commanders of the armed forces, power, at the top but failed to address the and when they faced tests of strength with issues concerning the masses-political, the politicians, believed that the army would economic and social change that would bring intervene on their side to assure public order empowerment of the masses, in other words, and stability” (Ibid.). Thus, they manipulated democracy. the token parliamentarism to such an extent that they not only discredited it but also The Army discredited the very concept of civilian rule Pakistan has been under military rule itself and set the stage for military takeover for more than half of its existence so far. which did happen in 1958. Authoritarianism which the military rule symbolises can be traced to the attitudes and Because of all these, army became approaches of the initial leadership. Jinnah’s increasingly involved in political decisions authoritarian and autocratic approaches were and it delivered where civilian administration continued by his successors with the possible failed. It was frequently called upon to fulfil exception of his immediate successor Khwaja functions like maintaining law and order Nazimuddin, a Bengali with a soft nature. He which normally was the responsibility of was, in fact, a puppet in the hands of Ghulam police. When Lahore witnessed anti- Mohammad who relegated him to the position Ahmadiya riots in 1953, General Azam Khan of prime minister and assumed the governor- restored order swiftly and the army soon generalship himself in October 1951. became the only organization in the country capable of maintaining law and order. Ghulam Mohammad and his Moreover, General Azam Khan’s “Cleaner successor Iskander Mirza demonstrated least Lahore Campaign” too became highly tolerance for opposition and brazenly abused popular among the people of the metropolis, their powers as governor general and the cultural capital of Pakistan. By asking the president. In 1953, Ghulam Mohammad set army to manage a political crisis the civilian an unfortunate precedent when he dismissed regimes undermined their own authority. Khwaja Nazimuddin’s government citing its Thus, the Ghulam Mohammed-Iskander failure to resolve the difficulties facing the Mirza duo paved the way for General Ayub country and installed Mohammad Ali Bogra. Khan’s military coup in 1958 which When Bogra tried to limit the governor surprised few. Thereafter it did not take long general’s powers Ghulam Mohammad for the army to grow into the biggest and dismissed him too. Ministries came and most organized political player in Pakistan. went. There were seven prime ministers in as many years during 1951-58 i.e. regimes of All these factors - authoritarianism, Ghulam Mohammad and Iskander Mirza. dragging religion to solve social political and

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 L Premashekhara 388 economic problems, placing power in the After this, it did not take long for personal hands of the elite, allowing army to occupy aggrandizement and autocratic rule to centre stage in country’s politics and, playing become the hallmarks of Pakistani politics client to external powers created a condition and they brought about infighting among in Pakistan that was not conducive for the members of Pakistani elites irrespective of growth of democracy. In other words, the their credentials - military or otherwise. political culture that evolved in Pakistan has These constant struggles for power with its been anti-democratic. accompanied features of backstabbing, deceit, and intrigue never allowed a Political Culture in Pakistan particular political ideology or practice to The consequence of the attitudes and become the guiding principle. Nor did it approaches adopted by the initial leaders and allow any political personality or bureaucrats towards politics in Pakistan, personalities to become trend setters and dealt with in the previous pages, was two- show a particular path to the future fold: one, haunting structural dilemma in generation of leadership to follow. Leaders organizing internal power relationships and, were scorned at and consigned to the dustbin second, failure to find a stable and legitimate of history the moment they left office. They basis for political and constitutional didn’t become icons and national heroes and arrangements in a nascent nation which was help develop a Pakistani nationalism or struggling to have an identity not only of its identity. Consequently, the post-1947 own but also markedly, if not totally, generation in Pakistan groped in the dark different from that of India.14 In the process, searching for its national identity and finally the “Indian Muslims” who created Pakistan found past Muslim glories and reactionary were marginalized gradually and replaced by religious traditions as reservoirs of local or “Pakistani” elite. With this, the stimulants for Pakistan’s nationalist secular tendencies the founders of Pakistan conceptions, and successive generations in adopted during their formative years in the Pakistan have been doing exactly that.15 pluralistic society of `Hindu’ India and brought to Pakistan in 1947 were the first Having failed to produce its own casualty. In their place came the feudal national heroes, Pakistan, tragically, looks at values like the patron-client relationship foreign military heroes like Mohammad based on centuries-old religious and social Ghazni, Mohammad Ghori and Ahmad Shah practices with which the local elites were Abdali as its own heroes, and Pakistani comfortable in a predominantly agrarian missile directed at India are named after Muslim society and, they became the driving these warriors. The historical fact is that forces of Pakistan’s domestic politics in the these Afghan warriors of yester centuries did years to come. They were freely adopted not not differentiate between what are now India only to organize power relationships at both and Pakistan when they raided the lands provincial and central levels but also to south of the Khyber. This speaks volumes advance the economic well-being of the about the flight path nation-building has dominant elite groups (Callard 1959:27-36). taken in Pakistan.

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There are other negative trends that means to violently crush Bengalis’ legitimate emerged in Pakistan and hindered the right to form the government at the centre. process of democratization and helped Six years later, Bhutto found himself at the strengthen authoritarianism further. Anti- receiving end when the opposition parties majority or rejection of majority voice is one and the Army refused to accept his PPP’s such and it was so deeply ingrained in the victory in the general elections of 1977. A psyche of the Muslim League and supporters decade later, his daughter Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan movement that they could not and her political adversary Nawaz Sharif of shed it off even after achieving Pakistan, and Pakistan Muslim League suffered the same this tendency continued unabated much to fate repeatedly when the governments they the detriment of the state and its people. It established with popular mandates were was displayed in an extremely unabashed initially respected but dismissed after a while manner when the issue of choosing an by the presidents again and again. This official language for Pakistan came up in political farce continued for a whole decade early 1950s. Despite the fact that majority of till General Parvez Musharraf staged a coup Pakistanis, about sixty percent of the total and seized power in October 1999. The population, lived in East Pakistan and spoke present post-Musharraf era too continues to Bengali, a forceful attempt was made to be dominated by the Army albeit it wields impose Urdu on them. Bengalis, unlike any power indirectly. In this way, the Army has other linguistic group of West Pakistan, continuously refused to play apolitical role. resolutely refused to permit any Thus, anti-majority theme has become a downgrading of their language. That was the central feature of Pakistan’s political culture beginning of East – West divide. The since its inception and it has been dominating minority West which controlled military, Pakistani elite thinking ever since. bureaucracy and political leadership treated Another notable negative aspect of the majority East as a colony and resorted to Pakistani political culture has been the its economic exploitation. Thus, the majority undemocratic mode of transfer of power and was prevented from playing a role in the it has been dominated by intrigue. In the national life of the new state and determining words of Indian diplomat S. K. Singh: “State its future. The result was, Pakistan’s future power in Pakistan has all along been became bleak and it split into two in violent attended by Machiavellian intrigue and upheaval in 1971. violence, resembling curiously all that had Even electoral verdicts and majority followed in Arabia after the death of the parties’ right to government formation were Prophet, when violence attended all but one seldom respected in Pakistan. The popular of the Caliphs who succeeded the Prophet. verdict accorded in favour of Sheikh Mujibur (Singh 2003: 14). Almost all governments of Rahman’s Awami League in the first ever Pakistan -both civilian and military- have general elections conducted in December been sent out of power unceremoniously 1970 was not respected by Zulfikar Ali either by dismissal or toppling by military Bhutto and the military ruler General Yahya generals.16 Liaquat Ali Khan, the first prime Khan. Instead, they resorted to military minister was assassinated in 1951 while

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 L Premashekhara 390 addressing a rally, a murder which has not India, Nigeria and Ghana have provided been solved. The speculation is that he died an assessment of the future of these at the order of Ghulam Mohammed nations, especially the principles and (Venkataramai 1982:190-82). The man who philosophy that motivated the founding shot Liaquat Ali Khan was himself shot dead fathers, the intrinsic national character by a police officer, and the plane carrying the and grit of those who followed these forensic samples from Rawalpindi to Karachi early leaders and the ethical values and blew up in mid air and with that crucial human attitudes of the societies that evidences were lost. The case of Zia is emerged as nation states. similar. Although he died in a plane crash it (Singh 2003:9) is widely speculated that it was an act of sabotage. A crate of mangoes loaded into the Even in this count Pakistan fairs plane at the last moment is suspected to have poorly. Treatment of leaders who lost power contained explosives. Z. A. Bhutto’s end and position in Pakistan has not been worth came through execution on controversial emulating. The first thing Ayub Khan did grounds. About two decades later Nawaz following the coup he enacted in 1958 was to Sharif faced similar fate but escaped gallows put deposed president, Iskander Mirza into a by Saudi intervention. waiting plane and sending him to London with a one way ticket. Shortly after this, Proper treatment of leaders after they former prime minister, H. S. Suhrawardy fled demit their offices is an important value to Beirut where he was murdered under civilization has taught Mankind and it mysterious circumstances. It is alleged that reflects the culture a nation has evolved over the act of murder was carried by Ayub Khan’s centuries of historical experience. To quote intelligence personnel on his order. About diplomat S. K. Singh again: half a century later, former Prime Minister, While assessing the resilience and Benazir Bhutto was assassinated while durability of new sovereign states, addressing an election rally in Rawalpindi historians and political scientists often and it has not been convincingly solved yet. make a review of the way their peoples Ethnicity-based provincialism is have accorded respect or otherwise to another negative feature of Pakistani politics. the heroes and founders of such new It raised its ugly head rather early, during states and nations; those who had Jinnah’s life-time itself. He recognized from wielded the supreme or sovereign state the beginning and “knew better than anyone power during the early days of their else that the greatest threat to Pakistan’s existence. An analytical review of the survival would be internal not external’ (Jalal story of the early decades of a new state 1985:50). He advised his countrymen against indicates a great deal about the this on 21 March 1948 during his first and character, idealism and ideology of its last visit to Dhaka: people. Studies of post-1776 USA, or post-1917 Soviet Union, or of the You belong to a nation now; you have leaderships of post-colonial Indonesia, now carved out a territory, vast

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territory, it is all yours. It does not Bhutto’s execution by the Zia regime. But belong to a Punjabi, or a Sindhi, or a the problem of the army is that it is too big Pathan, or a Bengali; it is yours. You for Pakistan’s political needs and too small have your central government where to manage hostile neighbours. This sense of several units are represented. Therefore, insecurity the army possesses makes it if you want to build yourself into a vulnerable to any extra-regional power’s nation, for God’s sake, give up this overtures to expand its own strategic provincialism. interests in the region. This explains the ease with which the US and China have been (Jinnah 1963:84) successful in maintaining continued military His appeal was in vain. Divisive influence in the South Asian region. The tendencies gained firmer ground in East process, on the other hand, has led to Pakistan as, along with the language issue, Pakistan Army overly dependent on these by the mid-1950s, the Punjab and feudally two countries for military capability and dominated Pakistani civil and military elites political ideas, and in turn willingly working began depriving the Bengalis of their as their client. The feudal value of client- economic and political rights. The result was patron relationship which is ingrained in the 1971 war and dismemberment of Pakistani thinking is thus extended to Pakistan. Later, other ethnic minorities in the Pakistan’s foreign policy as well. It is an remnant of Pakistan began to highlight the established practice that a feudal lord treats domination by Punjabis in the national one below him as client and demands affairs and the five sub-nationalities of complete loyalty on one hand, accepts the Punjabis, Sindis, Baluchis, Pathans and one above him as patron on the other and Mohajirs (Muslims migrated from India extends similar loyalty. Pakistan Army during Partition) are at constant odds since behaves as feudal lord within the country and then. The ethnic and regional sub-nationalist acts like a client in foreign relations where it forces with competitive interests and images is the client and, the US and China are the of the future are constantly threatening the patrons. This client-patron approach had its survival of Pakistan.17 own toll on Pakistan’s foreign policy As far as army occupying the centre- decision-making and it “was never to be a stage in Pakistani politics is concerned, it is question of objectively evaluating Pakistan’s true that the army delivered where civilian real needs. As in the case of its British administration failed and many Pakistanis predecessor, U. S. interests were prefer army rule for civilian leaders who, paramount.” (Ali 2008:32). This needs some right from Ghulam Mohammad to present elaboration as it has tremendous bearing on Asif Ali Zardari, are known for brazen what ails Pakistan today. corruption. Popular opposition to military Washington enlisted Islamabad as an rule is least and, in other words, general important cog in its global strategy against public have been indifferent towards civilian the Soviet Union. The Ayub Khan Regime regimes toppled by the army. They did not allowed the US to establish a top-secret base express any visible opposition even to at Badaber near Peshawar in 1959 from

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 L Premashekhara 392 where, in May 1960, the U-2 spy plane took strong British and French support to Turkey, off, flew over the Soviet territories till the towards Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea during Russians chose to down it. the second half of the 19th Century. They were, however, effectively prevented by the It was Pakistan’s geography, as in British through a series of moves that the case of Anglo-Russian rivalry decades involved less force and more diplomacy ago, that guided US policy towards Pakistan. (Premashekhara 2008:22). Moscow’s recent The utility of Pakistan’s location came to the attempt to advance towards the eastern fore in a big way in 1979 when Soviet troops Mediterranean through Dardanelles in 1946- entered neighbouring Afghanistan. The US 47 failed miserably as Truman covert involvement in Afghanistan, in fact, Administration reacted forcefully.18 Against began five months after the Iranian these historical experiences and present revolution of February 1979. Establishment geopolitical and geo-strategic realities, it was of anti-American Islamic regime in Tehran unlikely for Moscow to attempt again given played a major role in hardening American the massive US presence in the Indian Ocean stand on Afghanistan where communist region. The odds against Soviet Union in infightings had considerably weakened 1979 were far greater than what they were in Moscow’s influence much to the concern of the 19th Century and late 1940s. Kremlin. Washington initiated its secret aid to anti-communist and anti-Soviet elements Fiercely nationalist and anti- in Afghanistan in July 1979 five months communist Khomeini’s Iran was not going to before the actual entry of Soviet troops into allow Moscow’s expansion towards the that country. (Mamdani 2004:123-24). The Persian Gulf. The only other route left for Carter and Reagan Administrations supported Soviet Union was towards the Arabian Sea the Afghan Mujhahideens openly and via Baluchistan province of Pakistan which massively throughout the eight years of was an impassable path given US clout in Soviet military presence there. Interestingly, that South Asian country and American contrary to its support to secular Iraq against military strength present in the Indian Ocean fundamentalist Iran, here in Afghanistan, region. The ailing Soviet economy was not Washington chose to support Islamic capable of overcoming US resistance should resistance movement against the Soviet Union Kremlin attempted to cross the Durand Line. for the simple reason that these Mujhahideens In fact, Kremlin threatened to attack Pakistan were regarded as an effective barrier to only when the US attempted to extend anti- prevent Moscow’s attempted expansion Soviet Islamic guerrilla war from towards the Indian Ocean in order to fulfil Afghanistan into the Soviet Central Asian Russia’s age old dream of acquiring a warm Republics of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan water port. (ibid:129). It was an act of self-defence. Notwithstanding these facts, Washington It is a historical fact that Imperial adopted Pakistan as its frontline ally in the Russia indeed tried to move, first, towards Afghan war and committed nearly $ 7 billion Mediterranean Sea at the cost of the Ottoman in military and economic aid to Islamabad Empire and later, when failed because of between 1981 and 1988 (Weaver 2002:59).19

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Consequently, Afghanistan became Soviet of April 1978. As it happened eight to nine Union’s Vietnam as predicted by Zbigniew decades ago, the southern frontiers of Brzezinski, Carter Adminstration’s national Afghanistan assumed great geo-strategic security adviser (Woodward 1987:78-79). importance and the US moved into Pakistan Moscow suffered setbacks and withdrew its which possessed NWFP following the forces from that country after more than political developments in the Indian eight years of war. Subcontinent in 1947. This happened after a brief period of chillness in the US – Pakistan Whenever Afghanistan became geo- relations. strategically important for the West, Pakistan, or the territory where it is located Following the thaw in the in, invariably assumed tremendous superpowers relations in the 1970s, importance. When Czarist Russian forces Pakistan’s strategic importance to the US marched into Central Asia in late 19th reduced considerably. Moreover, disturbed Century, Britain, the then supreme military by the military takeover in Islamabad in July power in the region took all means to prevent 1977 and the subsequent execution of former Russian dominance in and around the Prime Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pamirs. The British Indian army marched Washington had distanced itself from into the tribal areas of what later came to be Pakistan, its erstwhile Cold War ally in Asia. known as “North West Frontier Province” But the entry of Soviet forces into (NWFP) and annexed the same to the Indian Afghanistan instantly brought back the Empire. Competing with the Russians in strategic importance Pakistan had lost a few what was described as the “Great Game,” the years earlier. NWFP became the scene of British even attempted in vain to establish hectic activities with Pakistan and the US control over southern Afghanistan, and when using that territory as training field and failed, followed the path of diplomacy and transit route for Afghan guerrillas fighting convinced the rulers of Kabul to maintain the Soviet forces. As it has been already neutrality between Russia and Britain mentioned, Pakistan became a “Frontline (Woodman 1969:47-107). Further, London State” in US strategy against the Soviets in initiated series of negotiations with the Asia and received huge economic and Russians which finally culminated in the military aid from Washington. Interestingly, signing of the “Anglo-Russian Convention” the major component of military hardware to in 1907 thereby getting Moscow’s Pakistan was the sophisticated F-16 fighter commitment to a buffer Afghanistan planes which had no use either for the (Premashekhara 2008:22). Afghan guerrillas or for the Pakistani army in its ‘anticipated’ fight with the Russians in Afghanistan assumed significance the rugged mountains of NWFP. The once again to the West now represented by Pakistani army never faced such an the US when the Soviet influence in that eventuality as the Soviets never had any country, political and economic initially and serious plan of crossing the Durand Line. It’s shortly afterwards military, increased now well established that Islamabad used its following the communist Spring Revolution sudden elevation to the position of a strategic

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 L Premashekhara 394 partner in US game plan to enhance its fire Washington’s attention towards that country power against India with Washington’s once again. US Air Force was in action in active encouragement. Thus it was the Afghanistan within a month and Washington, developments in Afghanistan that helped to fight its war in that mountainous country, Pakistan to get closer to the US again and once again chose Pakistan as an ally. In all achieve its own hidden agenda of not only these cases it has been geography that has gaining military parity with India but also to favoured Pakistan.20 undermine India’s stability by encouraging Washington was forced to opt for dissidence which Islamabad did in Punjab for Pakistan as an ally and Islamabad was, a substantial part of the decade of 1980s. ironically, forced to fight Taliban which it The US turned cold towards Pakistan had propped up all these years. There was once again when the war in Afghanistan reversal in Washington’s Pakistan policy ended in 1988. Shortly afterwards, Pakistan’s which prompted reversal in Islamabad’s strategic importance to the US dwindled Taliban policy. Of late, Washington has not greatly with the formal end of Cold War. The been satisfied with Pakistan’s efforts to US literally abandoned Pakistan and moved dismantle Taliban’s support bases in NWFP. swiftly to establish greater economic ties Taliban, basically a Pushtu speaking ethnic with India which offered great opportunities Pathan band, finds friends and allies in the to the US following the economic NWFP which is also a predominantly Pathan liberalisation drive initiated in 1991-92. US territory. Media is periodically abuzz with military aid to Pakistan ended and the news about the presence of the remnants of economic aid dipped to the low. Joint Taliban and Al Qaeda in the rugged exercises involving Indian and American mountains of the tribal areas of this Pakistani forces that were unheard of during Cold War province where Islamabad’s authority is era became regular in the 1990s. The Clinton being challenged again and again over the Administration was categorical in expressing last nine years. Bickerings over these issues its disapproval of Pakistan’s Kargil is straining the relations between the two misadventure in May-June 1999 and allies. US missiles and drones periodically successfully exerted pressure on Islamabad target Taliban bases within Pakistani to withdraw its forces and honour the territory. One such attack sometimes in July sanctity of Line of Actual (LOC) thereby 2008 either injured or killed Ayman al- supporting Indian position on the crisis. Zawahiri, Al Qaeda’s second highest leader Washington further distanced itself from and believed to be the mastermind of 9/11 Islamabad when General Parvez Mushsrraf attacks (New Indian Express 3 August 2008). seized power by overthrowing the democra- Moreover, there are veiled threats from tically elected Nawaz Shariff government in Washington that its ground forces would October 1999. At this moment of Pakistan’s enter Pakistan if situation warranted. reduced importance, Afghanistan came to its Pakistan finds itself in an extremely rescue again as it did during 1979-80. The discomfort position and this is what the 9/11 events and the alleged presence of Pakistani leaders have achieved by accepting its perpetrators in Afghanistan turned the US as patron for what mattered to

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Washington most was not democratic religious extremism and Pakistani Talibanis Pakistan but a client Pakistan. In the words are gaining ground in urban Pakistan as well of Stephen Philip Cohen: as rural areas. There are indications that, for the first time in Pakistan’s history, there has The American agenda was clear: a pro- emerged a movement involving the masses. Western Pakistan, a stable Pakistan, a This process, apart from raising disturbing prosperous Pakistan, and a democratic speculations about the future of the country, Pakistan were all desirable, but in that makes one wonder whether this is the path order. When democracy threatened to the masses are taking to turn the table against remove a leadership that was less than those who denied them a say in the nation’s pro-American, the U.S. Embassy affairs all these years. conveyed this priority to Pakistanis and for decades got a hearing-over the years The present ‘democratic’ regime of the embassy, and most ambassadors, Zardari-Gilani combine is gasping for breath, have been major participants in the under constant danger of being either toppled Pakistani political process, even when by the army or ravaged by religious they did not seek such influence. extremist surge. Not many will shed tears if it really comes down as many feel a strong (Cohen 2006:56-57) military ruler will restore order in disorderly Conclusion Pakistan. The army, on its part, is battling the Six long decades have elapsed since religious extremists in the hills and gorges of the dream of Homeland for Indian Muslims the NWFP. In such a delicate domestic was realised; that dream has now turned into situation, the US, which distorted a nightmare. Pundits contemplate branding Islamabad’s foreign and military policies and Pakistan as a failed state. Pakistan has impeded Pakistan’s internal political become sick man of South Asia. development by supporting power elite and military regimes with no mass base, is now Pakistan’s politics does not draw threatening to send its troops into Pakistani strength from masses, so there is no territory. Pakistan finds itself in an extremely democracy there. Politicians, generals and, discomfort position. civil servants who have participated in Pakistan’s political affairs -domestic as well What went wrong? Israr Ahmad, a as external- have been motivated by personal tourist guide in Lahore, undoubtedly a man ambitions and sheer selfish goals. They came from the masses, might possibly guide us to and went, gaining power through fortunate find answers: circumstances, intrigue and, losing it because He [Musharraff] is good for the country, of weakness in their character and power but not for democracy. He has base. They all ignored their historical fundamentalism under control. The world responsibility of reforming Pakistan’s political does not realise how complex Pakistani system along democratic lines on long-term politics is. Indira Gandhi did a very good strategy. The perennial bad governance has thing with the non-aligned movement, provided a fertile ground for the growth of which is why Indian foreign policy is

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sound. India knew that there would be 4. This was the case even after the League succeeded problems in Afghanistan because of the in creating Pakistan. The new nation’s first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, himself a member of Taliban so it did not openly support it. the landed gentry of the United Province made Our fault is that not only did we align open statements that Muslims of Delhi and UP with the western bloc and become its should stay where they were, implying that there puppet, but we also supported the was no place in Pakistan for middle and lower Taliban regime, we were with them. We middle class Muslims. See: Ali, Tariq (2008), The Duel: Pakistan on the Flight Path of American are simpletons. America that has all the Power, Simon and Schuster, London, p.30. sophisticated equipments in the world, 5. This was the topic of a frank discussion between could not find WMDs, and it wants us to Mohammad Iqbal, the author of the “two nation go and look for Osama among 150 theory” and Mohammad Mujeeb, former vice million people. Why should we look for chancellor of Jamia Milia Islamia University, New him? He is not our problem. We were not Delhi in 1935. While Iqbal stuck to the former involved in 9/11. Who knows, he must viewpoint, Prof. Mujeeb, on the other hand, recognized the latter, the principle, according to have shaved his beard and must be doing Prof. Mujeeb, Jamia Milia was established with. some farming in Kabul. See: Mujeeb, Mohammad (2001), “The Partition of (Versey 2008:272) India in Retrospect” in Hasan, Mushirul (2001): India’s Partition: Process, Strategy and Notes Mobilizaion, Oxford University Press, New Delhi. 1. It has been British policy in Europe and elsewhere 6. While Jinnah was hailed by the Muslim League as to support weak powers against strong ones in Qaid a Azam, Moududi of the Jamaat-e-Islam-i- order to establish balance of power. At the same Hind ridiculed him as Kafir e Azam. time in Pakistan’s case, London preferred it to be militarily weak so that it would not hesitate to 7. Ayesha Jalal presents a brilliant argument that he accept British dependency. Such a `dependency’ was not for partition and his demand for Pakistan was very much needed by London to carry on its was just a bargaining chip he intended to use in “Great Game” against the Russians in Central Asia his campaign to secure the interests of Indian and prevent them from reaching the Arabian Sea. Muslims. See: Jalal, Ayesha (1985): The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the 2. Some excellent works that deal with subject in demand for Pakistan, Cambridge University divergent ways and together provide a wider and Press, Cambridge balanced picture of the Partition are: Kaura, U., (1977): Muslims and Indian Nationalism: The 8. It was called “Gilgit Agency” during the British Emergence of the Demand for India’s Partition, period and as “Northern Territories” under 1928-1940, South Asia Books, New Delhi; Pakistani rule and was under the direct rule of Wolpert, Stanley (1984): Jinnah of Pakistan, Islamabad till recently. However, these regions Oxford University Press, New York; Jalal, Ayesha have been rechristened as “Gilgit – Baltistan” and (1985): The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim political processes to create a legislative body League and the demand for Pakistan, Cambridge with members elected by the people of the region University Press, Cambridge; Sarila, Narendra are underway these days. Interestingly, this region Singh (2009): The Shadow of the Great Game: was and is not a part of Azad Kashmir or Pakistan The Untold Story of India’s Partition, Occupied Kashmir or POK as it’s known in India. HarperCollins Publishers India, New Delhi; Godbole, Madhav (2006): The Holocaust of Indian 9. This is diligently analyzed in Sarila, Narendra Partition: An Inquest, Rupa & Co., New Delhi. Singh (2009): The Shadow of the Great Game: The Untold Story of India’s Partition, Harper 3. Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha. Collins Publishers, New Delhi.

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10. Ghulam Mohammed (1893–1956) was in official 18. After succeeding in communizing and establishing service of the British Indian Empire from 1923 to firm politico-military control over Eastern European 1947; Finance Minister of Pakistan from 1947 to countries of Poland, Hungary, Romania, and 1951; and Governor-General of Pakistan from Bulgaria in the spring and summer of 1945, and 1951 to 1955. Iskander Mirza (1899–1969) joined inching towards the eastern Mediterranean Sea, the Indian Army in 1921 and was selected for Moscow encouraged communist insurgencies in political service in 1926; was Defence Secretary Greece and Turkey which were the final barrier of Pakistan in 1947; Minister for Home Affairs in between itself and the Sea. Establishment of 1954; Governor-General in 1955 and President of communist regimes in Athens and Ankara would Pakistan from 1956 to 1958. have given free access to Moscow to the Mediterra- nean through Bosporus and Dardanelles. Sensing 11. Like Jinnah he too indulged in un-Islamic the danger US interests would face in eastern Med- practices of drinking etc. When ridiculed by the iterranean which was key to Washington’s link to opposition about implementing Islamic rules West Asia, should those waterways fell into while being un-Islamic in personal life, he Moscow’s hand, President Harry S. Truman of the quipped: “I drink wine, not anyone’s blood.” United States initiated firm moves to nullify Soviet 12. I have borrowed this word from London base efforts with what has been described as “Truman Pakistani journalist Tariq Ali. Ali, Tariq (2008), Doctrine.” He declared on 11 March 1947: “I The Duel: Pakistan on the Flight Path of American believe that it shall be the policy of the United Power, Simon & Schuster, London, p.42. States to support free people who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by 13. Jinnah died of cancer and tuberculosis in external pressure.” Massive military and economic September 1948 and Liaqat Ali Khan was assistance to the beleaguered regimes of Greece and assassinated in October 1951. Turkey were initiated and consequently the comm.- 14. In the words of novelist Salman Rushdie, who unist insurgents crushed. In fact, this was the begin- traces his heritage back to both India and Pakistan, ning of US policy of “containment” which event- “to build Pakistan it was necessary to cover up ually culminated in the creation of North Atlantic Indian history, to deny that Indian centuries lay just Treaty Organization (NATO) two years later. beneath the surface.” See: Rushdie, Salman (1983): 19. Within days of Soviet entry into Afghanistan, Shame, Jonathan Cape, London, p. 87. President Carter announced a $3.2 billion military 15. For an excellent analysis of Pakistan’s search for aid to Pakistan. an identity through fabricated history, see 20. In fact, when the US ‘identified’ its enemy and “Chapter 6” titled “History and Local Absence” in there were rumours of American air strikes at Ayres, Alyssa, (2009): Speaking like a State: suspected bases of Al Qaeda in Afghanistan, India Language and Nationalism in Pakistan, Cambridge voluntarily came forward to offer its air base at University Press, New Delhi, pp. 105-137. Avantipur near Srinagar for use by US Air Force. 16. Liaqat Ali Khan, the first prime minister was Washington didn’t take this offer and instead turned assassinated. Feroz Khan Noon, Z. A. Bhutto and to Pakistan. Though this action of Washington was Nawaz Shariff were toppled in military coups. All viewed as continuation of its traditional pro- other prime ministers were dismissed by heads of Pakistan policy and resented, in India, anyone with state, governor general or president. Benazir the minimum knowledge of geography would Bhutto and Nawaz Shariff have the dubious easily understand the rationale behind the American distinction of being dismissed twice. choice. If Afghanistan bound US bombers take off from any Indian air base, they are, invariably, 17. For details on the various aspects of linguistic and forced to cross Pakistani air space. In such a situation regional nationalism in Pakistan, see: Ayres, avoiding Pakistan in any war against Afghanistan Alyssa, (2009): Speaking like a State: Language would be impossible and Pakistan obviously and Nationalism in Pakistan, Cambridge becomes indispensable for any extra-regional University Press, New Delhi. power that targets Afghanistan from the south. At

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the same time, in any war against Afghanistan, Mamdani, Mahmood (2004): Good Muslim Bad Pakistan’s long border with that country would Muslim: Islam, the USA and the Global War serve as a suitable launching base and transit zone. Against Terror, Permanent Black, New Delhi. Pakistan can be kept out of the war only at the cost of losing all these advantages. Thus Washington Mujeeb, Mohammad (2001): “The Partition of India in was forced to opt for Pakistan as an ally and Retrospect”, in Hasan, Mushirul, India’s Islamabad was, ironically, forced to fight Taliban Partition: Process, Strategy and Mobilizaion, which it had propped up all these years. There was Oxford University Press, New Delhi. reversal in Washington’s Pakistan policy which Mahmudabad, Raja (2001): “Some Memories” in prompted reversal in Islamabad’s Taliban policy. Hasan, Mushirul, India’s Partition: Process, Strategy and Mobilizaion, Oxford University References Press, New Delhi. Ali, Chaudhry Muhammad (1967): The Emergence of Premashekhara, L (2008): “Three Frontiers Theory: An Pakistan, Columbia University Press, New York. Explanation to India – Pakistan Animosity”, International Journal of South Asian Studies, Ali, Tariq (2008): The Duel: Pakistan on the Flight Path Vol.1, No.1, January–June, pp.13-32. of American Power, Simon & Schuster, London. Rabbani, Mian Ata (1996): I was the Quaid’s ADC, Burki, Shahid Javed (1986): Pakistan: A Nation In the Oxford University Press, Karachi. Making, Westview Press, Boulder. Singh, S K (2003): “Pakistan”, in Dixit, J N (ed.) Callard, Keith (1959): Political Forces in Pakistan, External Affairs: Cross Border Relations, The 1947–1959, Cathay Press, Hong Kong. Lotus Collection, Roli Books, New Delhi. Cohen, Stephen Cohen (2006): The Idea of Pakistan, Talbot, Ian (2000): Inventing the Nation: India and Oxford University Press, New Delhi. Pakistan, Arnold, London. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1947, III ------(2009): Pakistan: A Modern History, (1972): Washington. Foundation Books, New Delhi. Hasan, Mushirul (2001): India’s Partition: Process, Varsey (2008): A Journey Interrupted: Being Indian in Strategy and Mobilizaion, Oxford University Pakistan, HarperCollins Publishers India, New Press, New Delhi. Delhi Khan, Mohammad Ayub (1967): Friends not Masters: Venkataramani, M S (1982): The American Role in A Political Autobiography, Oxford University Pakistan, 1947–1958, Radiant, New Delhi. Press, Karachi. Wilber, Donald N (1964), Pakistan: Yesterday and Khan, Wali (1987): Facts are Facts: The Untold Story Today, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York. of India’s Partition, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi. Woodman, Dorothy (1969): The Himalayan Frontier: A Political Review of British, Chinese, Indian and Jalal, Ayesha (1985): “Inheriting the Raj: Jinnah and Russian Rivalries, Barrie and Rockliff, London. the Governor-Generalship Issue”, Modern Asian Studies, Vol.19, No.1, February, London. Woodward, Bob (1987): Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA, 1981-1987, Simon and Schuster, London. Jinnah (1963): Speeches, Pakistan Publication, Karachi. Ziring, Lawrence (1998): Pakistan in the Twentieth Lambah, S K (2003): “Democracy in Pakistan” in Century: A Political History, Oxford University Nayyar, K K and Schultz, Jorg (eds.), South Asia Press, Karachi. Post 9/11: Searching for Stability, Rupa and Company, New Delhi, pp.154-59. Lattimore, Owen (1949): The Situation in Asia, Little Brown and Co., Boston.

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Democratic Experience in South Asia: Case Study of Nepal Mukesh Kumar Srivastava & Arundhati Sharma

Abstract Nepal has been struggling to consolidate a democratic process for more than half a century yet it has not been able to formulate a working constitution. To understand the transition process towards democracy in Nepal, it is imperative to look into the two democratic movements (Jana Andolan I & II). The paper seeks to highlight the circumstances and factors that led to the democratic surge in 1990. It further attempts to underline as to what caused the failure of democracy in Nepal in the past? Taking account of the current political climate it seeks to find as to where Nepal’s party politics is heading? How is consensus possible under the internecine party politics to achieve the desired national goals? What are the future prospects for democratic consolidation?

The wave of democracy has revisited On the other hand, Nepal continues South Asian region in the last few years with to grapple with political instability in the Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan and Maldives transitional phase to democracy. Since the undergoing the experience of restoration of multiparty system, which was democratisation. While both Pakistan and the progeny of the first peoples movement Nepal has had the intermittent experience of (Jana Andolan I), Nepal has experimented democratic governance, Bhutan and with almost all forms of democratic Maldives are experimenting the governance - one-party dominated to coalition establishment of democracy for the first government. However, the multiparty system time. On one hand, Pakistan has had some degenerated in a decade into authoritarian success in installing democracy this time monarchy, corruption and instability. As a with a, more or less, stable functioning consequence, the Jana Andolan II emerged elective government, though challenges to to challenge the existing abysmal situation the development of credible democratic and usher in democracy. Though many institutions persist. celebrated the dawn of democracy,

Mukesh Kumar Srivastava, Research Scholar, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi-110067, India. E-Mail: [email protected] Arundhati Sharma, Research Scholar, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi-110067, India.

IJSAS 3(2) 2010, pp.399-410. ISSN 0974 -2514 Mukesh Kumar Srivastava & Arundhati Sharma 400 the failure to meet the deadline to formulate space for democracy to thrive. Despite such the Constitution and the political rigmarole efforts, the individual party leaders in their seems to have evaporated much of the hope. own capacity continued their struggle Nepal confronts the challenge to hold on to demanding reforms in the Panchayat System, its promise of democracy. In this context, the lifting ban on political parties and restoration paper attempts to assess the two democratic of democracy in the Kingdom. Underground movements and why movements in the past political activities were started by some of have failed to sustain democracy. It seeks to the communist parties and groups by find as to where the Nepal’s party politics strengthening their bases, grooming of party heading? How is consensus possible under cadres and opening of the party offices the internecine party politics to achieve the outside the country (Upreti 2007:35). desired national goals? What are the future prospects for democratic consolidation? The first serious movement against the policies of the Panchayat government The Peoples’ Democratic Movement in Nepal broke out in 1973-1974, represented by In order to establish democracy, youths and peasants. In 1976, Nepali Nepal has witnessed two democratic Congress Leaders, B.P. Koirala and Ganesh movements. The First Peoples Movement Man Singh gave impetus to the democratic popularly called the Jana Andolan I, of 1990 forces to launch a nationwide movement was a milestone in the history of the demo- against the Panchayat System. The student cratic movement in Nepal. It culminated to agitation in 1979 played a catalyst role. The the restoration of democracy by overthrowing students organized a massive demonstration the 30 years of ‘party-less Panchayat system’ on 6 April 1979 in Kathmandu, (Snellinger by compelling the monarchy to accept consti- 2005:24) protesting against the educational tutional reform. However, recurrent political reform and the assassination of Zulfikar Ali instability soon made its inroads leading to Bhutto in Pakistan. The merciless repression authoritarian monarchical government. This of the demonstration by the police sparked paved the way for the second democratic off unrest in other parts of the country which movement, Jana Andolan II, in 2006. responded by staging strikes and protests. The demand became political and the masses Jana Andolan (Peoples’ Movement) I: joined the students in their struggle for From Absolute Monarchy to Multiparty democratic reforms. The movement swelled Democracy in numbers and magnitude culminating into a Jana Andolan I was the first potent major demonstration in Kathmandu on 23 expression of democratic sentiments emanating May. The crowd reached the royal palace, from the accumulated grievances under the setting fire to several government buildings “Party-less Panchayat System” of over a on the way (Snellinger 2005:12; Kumar decade. The banning of political parties and 1980). The movement took a wider turn with leaders and usurpation of supreme executive political forces joining it articulating the power and extensive discretionary and demand for establishment of a multi-party emergency powers by King Mahendra left no system replacing Panchayat System.

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Realizing the gravity of the situation, Gorbachev’s commitment to the spirit of King Birendra announced a national ‘glasnost’ and ‘perestroika’2 and also the US referendum in the country. He said that the global concern for human rights and people should be given the choice of either to democracy encouraged the opposition in introduce the multi-party democracy or a Nepal to struggle for multi-party democracy. reformed Panchayat System. Referendum (Hachhethu1990:192) The concept of took place in May 1980, but the victory of Gorbachev’s glasnost and perestroika led to a King Birendra in the referendum, through rethinking of traditional, ideological 54.7 vs 45.2 percent votes fissured the moorings and political reassessment among democratic forces to arrive at any common the leftist party in Nepal. They decided to platform (Reaper & Hoftun 1992:12-13; bypass, if not drop altogether, the ideological Upreti 2007:36). Consequently, the parties opposition to an alliance with NC (Chaddha failed to bring back multiparty democracy in 2000:121-122). All these factors worked the country. together to flare up the democratic sentiment. The bridging of the persisting mutual As a result, on 18 February 1990, the distrust and non-cooperation among the first formidable democratic movement was parties, particularly differences between the launched by the NC and the ULF. Huge Nepali Congress and Communist Parties, in crowds came on the streets protesting against late 1980s and early 1990s led to the resurr- the autocratic rule. People in large numbers, ection of the movement for democracy in the professionals such as teachers, university country (Upreti 2007:37). In April 1990, the students, lawyers, writers, poets, medics, Panchayat System was dismantled in the paramedics associations, and industrial wake of peoples’ movement for democracy workers staged strikes in different parts of and human rights by the NC and a ULF1 the country in support of democracy consisting of seven communist parties. (Thapliyal 2008:78) demanding multiparty system and an interim government Besides the development at the (Hachhethu 1994:2). domestic level, significant regional developments also acted as a catalyst for the Nepal since the Establishment of movement. At the regional front, the Multiparty Democracy economic hardships faced by the Nepali The major driver of the peoples’ People due to the expiry of trade and transit movement was the national convention of the treaty with India in 1989 ( Koirala 1990:136) Nepali Congress on 18 January 1990 for and the political change in Bangladesh and establishment of democracy against the Pakistan towards a democratic order Panchayat System (Hachhethu 1994:52). The encouraged the democratic forces of Nepal. pro-democracy movement forced King At the international front, the process Birendra to lift the ban on political parties of Globalisation, Liberalization and and dissolved the 30 years of Party-less Democratization since the beginning of the Panchayat System introduced by the King. eighties favoured the democratic forces in An interim government comprising various Nepal. According to Hachhethu, parties and King’s representatives was

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Mukesh Kumar Srivastava & Arundhati Sharma 402 formed with the cabinet under the multi- November 1994 - May 1999. In this context, party system headed by Krishna Prasad Michael Hutt observes, “between 1995-1999, Bhattarai as the Prime Minister. On 19 half dozen different coalitions came to power, November 1990, King Birendra declared the involving some very unlikely bedfellows, and Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal. The the popular perception quickly spread and new constitution framed by representatives that the political parties were interested only of the NC and ULF as well as by the King’s in clinging to power, and that their leaders nominees to the Constitution Recommendation were taking every opportunity to feather Commission attempted to translate the spirit their nests before they were ousted by the of peoples’ movement into a legal document next incongruous coalition” (Hutt 2004:4; which would become the supreme law of the Kumar 2000). country (Hachhethu 2007:133). By this The Maoists Insurgency Constitution, the sovereign power of the state was transferred from the palace to the people Amidst the political rigmarole, the for the first time. The constitution also Maoist wing of the Communist Party of ensured popular sovereignty, constitutional Nepal (CPN-M) launched a revolutionary monarchy, multi-party parliamentary system, insurgency against Nepal’s democratically and fundamental rights of the citizens were elected government in 1996 (Joshi 2008: made unamendable (Hachhethu 2007:133-4). 765). The movement termed as “Peoples’ The Constitution declared the King as the War” (Janayudhha) was led by Pushpa symbol of Nepalese nationality and the unity Kamal Dahal, alias Prachanda and Baburam of the Nepali people and represented different Bhattarai. The Maoist insurgency began with multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi- attacks on police posts in Rolpa, Rukum, religious groups. The King had no executive Jajarkot, Gorkha and Sindhuli districts and other powers except mentioned at ‘his (Sharma 2004:38). Politically, it sought to discretion’ without ‘advice and recommen- establish a secular state or, more accurately, dation’ and the consent of the council of a communist state (Maharjan 2000; Thapa & ministers and some constitutional bodies. Sijapati). The 40-point agenda submitted by Theoretically, the King had no other role Maoists to Prime Minister Sher Bahadur except making palace rules for royal family Deuba had three key demands - people- members and palace bureaucracy. But the centered governance, a self-reliant economy, King was not satisfied with his limited role and nationhood. Politically, it called for an and was looking for an opportunity to be an end to the special privileges of the King and active King after 1990 (Adhikari 2008:66-67). the royal family. They wanted to end the social and political inequalities, ethnic/caste However, political instability on disparities, and discrimination against account of intra and inter-party divisions in minorities and disadvantaged groups. political parties, lack of consensus3 within Economically, insurgent demands included a and between political parties and nationalization of private property and a opportunism led to recurrent changes in redistribution of land through revolutionary governments. Eight different governments land reforms (Thapa 2009:209). In February were formed in a span of five years during

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1996, when the Congress-led government Thus, due to the Maoists’ ‘Peoples’ War’ and had failed to respond to a list of 40-point the failure of political parties to resolve the demands submitted by the UPF (United insurgency, Nepal had suffered economically, Peoples Front), Maoists launched the socially, culturally and politically. Peoples’ War (Hutt 2004:5). Royal Palace Massacre and the Political Flux A large number of people were The Royal Family massacre of June killed in the unprecedented armed conflict 2001 turned the political dynamics of Nepal. between the Maoists and the government King Birendra and many members of the security forces. They argued that they were royal family were shot and killed by Crown fighting for the cause of the downtrodden Prince Dipendra. With the death of prince and to pull the country out of internal and Dipendra , Prince Gyanendra, the younger external subjugation (Muhammad 2006:15). brother of King Birendra, was then crowned The Maoists not only tried to disturb the the new King of Nepal on 4 June 2001 activities of the elected government from the (Whelpton 2005:212-213). With a new very first day of the formulation of the incumbent to the throne, the political government but also joined hands with the development in Nepal took a new direction. monarchy to make the ‘democratic forces’ Following his assumption of power, he weak and defamed (King joined hands with alienated the political parties committed to a the Maoists since monarchy also wanted to constitutional monarchy, pushing them make parliamentary political parties closer to the anti-monarchist Communist illegitimate in the eyes of people). When Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) (Thapa & monarchists and the Maoists found enough Sharma 2009:208). weaknesses of the mainstream political parties then they came together and started Amid growing political flux, Girija lobbying against the mainstream political Prasad Koirala resigned on 19 July 2001, and parties. While doing so, the target of the Nepali Congress MPs elected Sher monarchists and the Maoists were not only Bahadur Deuba as his successor (Hutt the then parliamentary political parties but 2004:9-10). This was because of the also leaders and the system of the multiparty controversy of the attempt of deploying the democracy (Adhikari et al 2010:44-45). The Royal Army against the Maoists. Deuba’s Maoists declared a parallel government of attempts to revive dialogue with Maoists their own at the district level and in those broke down with the adamancy of the latter areas where they had already formed a on the issue of Constituent Assembly. With stronghold. Nepal Police was mobilized to the collapse of the first session of peace talks contain the rebellion. The Maoist escalated between the government and the Maoists in their violent activities like extortion November 2001, violence escalated. campaigns, killings and abductions. Maoists' Consequently, the government declared a targets were the local feudals, the corrupt, National State of Emergency on 26 informants, police, banks and occasionally November 2001, as the Maoist attacked an party workers of major political parties army barrack in Dang, Western Nepal, and (Political Development in Nepal: 2000 n.d.). the King declared the Maoists as terrorists

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Mukesh Kumar Srivastava & Arundhati Sharma 404 and deployed the Royal Nepalese Army government and ended a bilateral cease-fire against them for the first time (Hutt that was signed in January 2003 (Nepal: 2004:11). As a response, the rebels Historical Chronology n.d.; Nepal’s Political intensified their campaign, and the Development: Political Development in government responded with equal intensity, Nepal n.d.). In 2004, Surya Bahadur Thapa killing hundreds of Maoists, the largest toll resigned as Prime Minister after weeks of since the insurgency began in 1996. protests by opposition groups. Later on, the King appointed Sher Bahadur Deuba as In May 2002, Deuba agreed to a Prime Minister who was sacked in 2002 for second extension of the emergency and King alleged incompetence to hold election on the Gyanendra immediately dissolved the House announced date (Timeline of Constitutional of Representatives on his advice and fresh Development in Nepal n.d.). In August 2004, elections were called amid political the Maoists blocked Kathmandu for a week, confrontation over extending the state of depriving it of supplies of food and fuel. emergency. In July 2002, the local bodies were dissolved and replaced by officials. The The Royal Takeover and the Incipient mid-term election did not materialize stage of Jana Andolan II however, and on 4 October 2002, King Taking advantage of the political Gyanendra sacked Sher Bahadur Deuba conundrum the King on 1 February 2005 government, (Pokharel 2003:74) alleging dismissed the parliament and Deuba from the him of being ‘incompetent’ to hold the position of prime minister and assumed election within the given deadline and took executive power, and declared state of over executive power, sovereignty and emergency (Hutt 2006:364). He dissolved his nominated Lokendra Bahadur Chand as the own nominated government and took the new Prime Minister (Timeline: Nepal 2010; post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers Nepal: Historical Chronology n.d.; Nepal’s and held full discretion in appointing or political development: Chronology of displacing the members of his formed political events n.d.). The King emerged as cabinet. In this context Hachhethu the real executive of the state by misusing maintained that King Gyanendra was not and misinterpreting Article 127 of the satisfied with the position of the King in the constitution.4 Constitution of 1990. His whole efforts were On 29 January 2003, a dialogue was concentrated to discredit the democratic held with the Maoists and a ceasefire was forces and to regain the executive power of announced. On May 2003, Lokendra the institution of monarchy. He had tried his Bahadur Chand resigned after months of best to justify his acts of taking over power protests led by political parties demanding by citing the failure of multi-party restoration of parliament and appointment of governments both in countering the 'peoples’ representatives'. Later the King insurgency and tackling the Maoists nominated Surya Bahadur Thapa as Prime (Hachhethu 2007:1830). The February 2005 Minister. In August 2003, the Maoist rebels proclamation is all about accusations against withdrew from peace talks with the political parties and their leadership.5

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Following this, the King imposed Development in Nepal n.d.). This set the strong press censorship (Hutt 2006:120). stage for the Jana Andolan II in 2005. Such severe situation was responsible for the Jana Andolan (Peoples’ Movement) II: movement for restoration of democracy. All Revisit of Democracy the political parties came together against the authoritarian monarchy and they formed an Jana Andolan II marked not only the alliance called the Seven Parties Alliance beginning of a journey towards a new Nepali (SPA). The seven parties were Nepali democratic state but also a radical departure Congress, Nepali Congress Democratic, from the long years of monarchy. Besides, CPN-UML, Janamorcha Nepal, Sadbhavana CPN (Maoist), an insurgent group, becomes Party, Nepal Workers and Peasants Party and a legitimate political force in the transitional Bammorcha Nepal). And finally they decided arrangements to democracy. In addition, to begin the nation-wide protest against “the Jana Andolan II is considered more vibrant King’s autocratic regime”. SPA got much than Jana Andolan I because in Jana support from the civil society such as the Andolan II people from every walk of life media, lawyers, journalists, intellectuals, participated in the movement. It is said that students, etc. the movement was ‘historical’ in terms of peoples’ participation as about 3-4 million There were discussions between the Nepalese came out daily and took part in the SPA and the Maoists for a joint but peaceful street protest (Hachhethu et al 2008:1). Most movement for democracy. In the meantime, of the actors of civil society played a crucial the Maoists also internally discussed whether role in this democratic movement. it would support the King to sideline the political parties or to support the pro- The abrogation of the constitutional democracy movement started by the SPA. monarchy led to the 12-point Memorandum Initially, a majority members of the Maoist of Understanding (MoU) on 22 November party along with its chairperson Puspa Kamal 2005. The Agreement stated that “autocratic Dahal (Prachanda) were inclined to alienate monarchy” was the main obstacle to achieve the political parties and share the power peace, progress, and prosperity in Nepal under the King’s regime. That is why, the (Hutt 2006:122). As per the 12-point MoU, Maoists party decided to take action against the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) called for a Baburam Bhattarai and his allies who were protest movement and the Communist Party for the alliance with political parties (Singh of Nepal (Maoist) supported it. This led to a 2004; Pyakurel 2007) to defeat the King. But countrywide uprising that started in April in April 2005, the Maoists revisited their 2006. This is popularly called the Jana earlier decision and decided to go with the Andolan II. All political forces including SPA. In September 2005, the Maoist rebels civil society (lawyers, doctors, academicians, declared unilateral cease-fire, which ended in media, trade unions, student unions etc.) January 2006. The Maoists and SPA came actively galvanized the people. This resulted together and signed a 12-point agreement in in massive and spontaneous demonstrations November 2005 to fight against the and rallies held across Nepal against King Monarchy (Timeline of Constitutional Gyanendra’s autocratic rule (Nepal n.d.).

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Due to intense public pressure the King parliamentary political parties and the reinstated the dismissed House of Maoists. Among the competing forces, Representatives on 24 April 2006 and G.P. which sought to carve its own position in the Koirala became the Prime Minister. On 18 post-1990 ethnic upsurge, the CPN (M) May 2006 the parliament declared Nepal a became more successful both in mobilizing secular country. the ethnic capital and in giving a political framework for ethnic demands-autonomy Secularization of the state was one of and federalism (Hachhethu 2007:1830). But the key demands of the CPN (M) during their after Nepal was declared a secular country, Peoples’ War: the 18th of their “40 points the organizations representing indigenous demand” asserting that Nepal should be ethnic groups, mainly groups representing made a secular nation (Upadhyay 2006). Buddhist and a small section of the Christian This demand was never abandoned in the minority welcomed it. But the Hindu different rounds of talks they had with the community and organizations expressed government during the insurgency. As a outrage. According to BBC news, thousands result, when they finally came to power, the of people in Southern Nepal protested Maoists’ priority was to put an end to the against a parliamentary decision to declare Hindu monarchy of Nepal, and the interim Nepal as a secular, rather than a Hindu government proclaimed Nepal to be a secular Kingdom. The Hindu protestors in the state. On May 2006, the parliament declared southern town of Birgunj had declared a that Nepal was no longer a Hindu Kingdom general strike in their area. Eyewitnesses in but a secular country, greatly reducing the Birgunj stated that the town had been closed powers of the King, and took away his down by an alliance of local Hindu groups, control over the army (Cailmail 2008:17). In with some 6,000 marching in protest its very first meeting, the House removed the (Haviland 2006). However, the declaration institution of Monarchy and nationalized the of Nepal as secular and a republic nation was King’s property in August 2007 (Upadhyay a key step towards the restructuring of the 2008:82). This became the cornerstone of the state. election of the Constituent Assembly on 10 April 2008 (Nepali & Pyakurel 2009). The The Constituent Assembly of Nepal and NC, the oldest and most influential centrist Constitution-Making party, changed its stand from neutrality to As a result of the election held on 10 demand for a secular state (Hachhethu April 2008, the Nepalese Constituent 2007:1830). Assembly, a unicameral body of 601 The rise of ethnic groups and members, was formed and entrusted to draft nationalities in the past, particularly during the constitution (Sengupta 2008). The the 1990 referendum, was used for the Maoists emerged as the single largest party survival of the then Panchayat regime. But in the Constituent Assembly elections. CPN the Monarchy’s clout among the ethnic (M) got 210 seats, Nepali Congress-110, groups lessened during the post-1990 Jana UML-103 etc. (EC declares PR results; Andolan period by the installation of Maoists bag 100 seats, NC 73 and UML 70)

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On 28 May 2008 the newly elected led government sacked him (Nepal: Constituent Assembly declared Nepal a Historical Chronology n.d.). federal democratic republic, abolishing the The political rigmarole reached its more than 200 years old monarchy. On 15 crescendo with the resignation of Prime August 2008, the Maoist chief, Pushpa Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal on 30 June Kamal Dahal known as “Prachanda” was 2010 after being in power for 13 months. elected as the first Prime Minister of the The resignation came in wake of the political Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal. He impasse and intense pressure from the was sworn in on 18 August 2008. opposition Maoists to make way for a After the Maoist led coalition "consensus" national government. The government was formed, renewed inter and resignation has not enabled an end to the intra party differences as regards the form of longstanding political deadlock and Nepal government and army integration hindered has not been able to form a national the smooth functioning of government. government till date. However, the rift on the issue of the Challenges Ahead complete integration and rehabilitation of former Maoist combatants with the Nepalese There are many issues that are major army, failed the Maoist Prime Minister hurdles to the establishment of democracy. “Prachanda” on 4 May 2009 to resign after Until these issues are resolved Nepal will not the President called the army chief, be able to translate the vision and build a dismissed earlier by Prachanda, to resume road map to democratic destination. office. PM Dahal said, “To resolve this Party Politics: Democratic Deficit difficult situation and to create a positive environment to save democracy, nationalism, Intra and inter-party politics have and peace process, I announce my been a major determinant of political resignation” (Marasini 2009). Following the stability in any country. In Nepal, the resignation, another coalition government continuous political dissension and under the leadership of CPN-UML leader wrangling has destabilised democracy. Madhav Kumar Nepal was formed. On 1 Considering the current political stalemate it September 2009, the constitutional can be said that the consensus underlying the committee which was given the task of twelve-point agreement and Comprehensive preparing the final constitution draft from the Peace Agreement (CPA) was based more on submission of 11 thematic committees met a temporary convergence of interests than on for the first time since the new government a deeply shared vision for reshaping Nepal was formed. On 23 October 2009, the (Nepal’s faltering Peace Process 2006). The Maoists gave the government until 1 party positions on different issues have November to meet their demands for a drifted further apart in more recent days. The parliamentary debate on civilian supremacy stability of the government and timely and the role of president Ram Baran Yadav preparation of new constitution requires in reinstating former army chief consensus among political parties on the Rookmangud Katawal after Dahal’s Maoist- major issues of state restructuring.

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Problem of Army Integration parties need to rise above political opportunism and be neutral. In addition, The impasse over the integration of there should be consensus within and among the army is another issue that has remained the political parties on issues relating to the unresolved. Although Article 146 of Interim democratic governance in the country. The Constitution stipulates the rehabilitation and most important challenge that is confronting integration of former Peoples’ Liberation Nepal till date is to form a consensus-based Army (PLA) soldiers verified by the UN national government by mitigating the Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) into the Nepali political differences of the parties. Until and Army (NA), this has been a major issue of unless a stable government is formed, other political contention (Housden 2009: 4). problems can not be resolved and with these Problem of Federal Structure unresolved issues, Nepal would not be in a Another key tension within the position to draft and institute a Constitution constitution writing process is the debate and move the country ahead. Thus, one may over federalism. Given that the Interim be compelled to conclude that even though Constitution has committed Nepal to a Nepal has embarked on a journey towards its federalist structure, the issue in hand is not long cherished democracy, the lack of whether Nepal will be federal, but the commitment on the part of political parties grounds on which federalism would be has hindered to institutionalize the based. accomplishments of the past and promises for the future. Delay in Constitution-Making Notes After the post constitution assembly election which brought the Maoists to power, 1. Initially, the United Left Front (ULF) consisting the nine communist groups [Nepal Communist a deadline for formulating a constitution was Party (Amatya) 4th Convention, Nepal Communist agreed on by the political parties. However, Party (Verma), Nepal Communist Party the government failed to draft the (Manandhar), Nepal Workers’ and Peasant constitution on the stipulated date of 28 May Organization (Rohit) etc] which came down to 2010 on account of the differences. The seven. deadline for constitution-making has been 2. It refers to the “Open Door Policy” adopted by postponed for one more year. The delayed Gorbachev USSR to ensure freedom and restructuring of the Soviet political and economic writing of the constitution has adversely system. affected the government’s capability to ensure stability. 3. Communist Party of Nepal, Unified Marxist- Leninist (UML)’ minority government (November Conclusion 1994-September 1995), NC led Center-Right coalition government with RPP and Nepal Nepal’s fledgling democracy is at a Sadbhavana Party (NSP) (September 1995-March critical juncture at this point of time. In order 1997), RPP led Right-Left government with UML to solve the multifaceted problems in Nepal and NSP (March 1997-October 1997), RPP led Right-Center government with NC and NSP there is a need for a strong and forward (October 1997-April 1998), NC’ minority looking political leadership. The political government (April-August 1998), NC led Center-

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Left government with Communist Party of Nepal, Pokharel, Tilak (2003): “Monarchy in Democratic Era: Marxist-Leninist (ML),a new splinter party out of Need for Urgent Reform”, in Threat to Nepali the UML, and NSP (August- December 1998), Democracy, the Forum Plus Medium “Open Mind NC’ minority government (December 1998) and Plus Medium”, Forum Discussion, Integrated NC led Center-Left government with UML and Organization Systems (IOS), Kathmandu. NSP (December 1998-May 1999). Pyakurel, Uddhab (2007): Maoist Movement in Nepal: 4. Article 127 of the Constitution of Kingdom of A Sociological Perspective, Adroit Publisher, Nepal, 1990-power to remove difficulties: “If any New Delhi. difficulty arises in connection with implementation of this Constitution, His majesty Reaper, William and Martin Hoftun (1992): Spring may issue necessary Orders to remove such Awakening: An Account of the 1990 Revolution in difficulty and such Orders shall be laid before Nepal, Penguin Books, New Delhi. parliament. Selin, Tove and Kristina Vainio (eds.) (2010): 5. Text of His Majesty King Gyanendra’s Royal Oligarchy by Elections: The State of Democracy Proclamation, on 1 February 2005. in Asia, Like, Helsinki. Thapa, Deepak and Bandita Sijapati (2003): A References Kingdom under Siege: Nepal’s Maoist Insurgency, 1996–2003, The Print House, Books Kathmandu. Chaddha, Maya (2000): Building Democracy in South Thapliyal, Sangeeta (2008): “Transitional Democracy Asia, Lynne Rienner Publishers, London. in Nepal: Role of Civil Society”, in V.R. Hachhethu, Krishna (2007): “Nepali Politics: People- Raghavan (ed.) Civil Society in Conflict Parties Interface”, in David N. Gellner (ed.) Situations, Chennai, Centre for Security Analysis, Resistance and the state: Nepalese Experiences, India. Berghahn Books, Oxford. Upadhyay, Ujjwal (2006): Insurgency Affected People Hachhethu, Krishna and et al. (2008): Nepal in of Nepal: Rehabilitation, Kaushila Foundation for Transition: A study on the state of Democracy, Peace and Innovative Initiatives, Kathmandu. International IDEA, Kathmandu. Upreti, B. C. (2007): Nepal Democracy at Cross Hutt, Michael (ed.) (2004): Himalayan People’s Roads: Post-1990 Dynamics, Issues and War': Nepal's Maoist Rebellion, C. Hurst & Co., Challenges, Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi. London. Whelpton, John (2005): A History of Nepal, Cambridge Karki, Arjun and Devid Seddon (eds.) (2004): The University Press, United Kingdom. People’s War in Nepal: Left Perspectives, Adroit Articles Publishers, New Delhi. Hachhethu, Krishna (1990): “Mass Movement 1990”, Kumar, D. P. (1980): Nepal: A Year of Decision, Contribution to Nepalese Studies, Vol.17, No.2, Vikash Publications, Delhi. July, pp.177-201. Kumar, Dhruba (ed.) (2000): Domestic Conflict and Hachhethu, Krishna (2007): “Legitimacy Crisis of Crisis Governability in Nepal, Kathmandu: Centre Nepali Monarchy”, Economic and Political for Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan Weekly, Vol.42, No.20, May 19-25, pp.1828-33. University. Hutt, Michael (2006): “Nepal and Bhutan in 2005: Panandiker, V. A. Pai and Rahul Triphati (eds.) (2008): Monarchy and Democracy, Can They Co-exist?”, Towards and Freedom in South Asia: Asian Survey, Vol.XLVI, No.1, January/February, Democratization, Peace and Regional pp.120-124. Cooperation, Konark Publishers, Delhi.

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Hutt, Michael Things (2006): “That Should Not Be Haviland, Charles (2006): “Nepal Hindus in Secular Prot- Said: Censorship and Self-Censorship in the est”, BBC News, 25 May. Accessed on 15 May 2010. Nepali Press Media”, The Journal of Asian http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/5015456.stm Studies, Vol.65, No.2, May 2006, pp. 361-392. Housden, Oliver (2009): “Nepal: Failing State or a State in Joshi, Madhav and T. David Mason, (2008): “Between Transition”. Accessed on 8 October 2010. http://w Democracy and Revolution: Peasant Support for ww.ipcs.org/pdf_file/issue/RP19-OliNepalFailing.pdf Insurgency versus Democracy in Nepal”, Journal of Peace Research, Vol.45, No.6, November “Nepal: Historical Chronology”. Accessed on 28 2008, pp.765-782. December 2009. http://www.securitycouncil Koirala, Niranjan (1990): “Nepal in 1989: A Very report.org/site/?c=glKWLeMTIsG&b=2802311 Difficult Year”, Asian Survey, Vol.30, No.2, Nepal’s political development: Chronology of political February, pp.136-143. events. Accessed on 24 December 2009. Muhammad, Ayaz (2006): “Nepal: Jana Andolan and http://www.nepalcaportal.org/EN/political- Its Challenges”, Nepali Journal of Contemporary development/chronology-events.php Studies, Vol.VI, No.2, September 2006, pp.1-20. Nepali, Rohit Kumar and Uddhab P. Pyakurel (2009): Snellinger, Amanda (2005): “A Crisis in Nepali “A Study of Nepal’s Constituent Assembly Election: Student Politics? Analyzing the Gap between The Influence of Civil Society and the Multi- Politically Active and Non-Active Students”, lateral System”. Accessed on 27 October 2009. Peace and Democracy in South Asia, Vol.1, No.2, http://www.fimcivilsociety.org/en/library/ pp.18-44. RNepali2009.pdf Thapa, Ganga B. and Jan Sharma (2009): “From Nepal’s Faltering Peace Process (2009): Asia Report Insurgency to Democracy: The Challenges of No. 163. Accessed on 8 February 2010. http://ww Peace and Democracy-Building in Nepal”, w.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/ International Political Science Review, Vol.30, nepal/163_nepal_s_faltering_peace_process.ashx No.2, pp.205-219. “Political Development in Nepal: 2000”. Accessed on Upadhyay, Prakash (2008): “Quandary in Nepal: A 23 December 2010. http://www.fesnepal.org/ Conflict Perspective”, Himalayan Journal of reports/2000/political_reports2000.htm Sociology and Anthropology, Vol.III, Sept, pp.73-85. “Timeline: Nepal”, BBC News, 20 January 2010. Websites Accessed on 25 May 2010. http://news.bbc.co.uk/ 2/hi/south_asia/1166516.stm Cailmail, Benoit (2008): “The Fall of a Hindu Monarchy: Maoists in Power in Nepal”. Accessed “Timeline of Constitutional Development in Nepal”. on 20 May 2010. http://www.ifri.org/files/centre_ Accessed on 15 May 2010. http://www.undp.org asie/AV12.pdf .np/constitutionbuilding-archive/elibrary/history/ Timeline.pdf Development of Political Event in Nepal (2009): “Nepal: Historical Chronology”. Accessed on 28 December World Institute for Asian Studies, “Nepal”. Accessed 2009. http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/site on 20 December 2009. http://www.worldinstitute /?c=glKWLeMTIsG&b=2802311 forasianstudies.org/nepal.html “EC declares PR results; Maoists bag 100 seats, NC 73 News Paper and UML 70”. Accessed on 22 May ’10. http:// www. Marasini, Prerana (2009): “Prachanda Quits as Army nepalnews.com/archive/2008/apr/apr25/news08.php Chief is asked to stay”, The Hindu, 5 May. Hachhethu, Krishna (1994): “Transition to Democracy Sengupta, Somini (2008): “Polls Open in Nepal the in Nepal: Negotiations behind Constitution Day after Violence Killed 8”, The New York Making, 1990”. Accessed on 2 March 2010. http Times, 10 April. ://www.uni-bielefeld.de/midea/pdf/harticle4.pdf

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy Abu Salah Md. Yousuf

Abstract Political parties are an indispensable institution of parliamentary democracy. Bangladesh, a nation was born in 1971, with a desire to get democratic system of governance in the country. Though the country started to run with a parliamentary form of government, its journey towards democracy was never smooth. The one party system and latter a long period of military rule prevented the apt growing of the democratic institutions of Bangladesh. However, the desire of the people renovates democracy in the country. But, the role of political parties is still in question in reference of practicing democratic norms. In this respect, the objective of the paper is to understand the evolving process of the dominant political parties in the country, their ideology, framework and role for furthering parliamentary democracy in Bangladesh. The paper also evaluates the lacunas of the political parties to ensure the proper functioning of parliamentary democracy in the country.

Introduction Bangladesh was to establish a democratic system of governance in the country. After Political parties are the first and independence, Bangladesh chose a foremost institution for any democratic parliamentary form of government. But, the system of government. In the Westminster party which fought twenty four years for model of governance, political parties are an establishing democracy during Pakistani indispensable part of democratic system. It is military rule over Bangladesh Awami league widely accepted “that political parties (AL) failed to continue with a democratic created democracy and that modern system in the country. The party established democracy is unthinkable save in terms of “a one party authoritarian rule” by banning parties” (Katz 2006:34). Bangladesh was all other political parties in 1974 (Ahmed born in 1971 after nine months of fight 2003). The decline of popular support and against the military rule of Pakistan. One of the emergence of political instability led the the core visions of the freedom struggle of party to take such a decision, which was a

Abu Salah Md. Yousuf, Research Fellow, Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS), 1/46, Old Elephant Road, Ramna, Dhaka-1000, Bangladesh. E-mail : [email protected]

IJSAS 3(2) 2010, pp.411-432. ISSN 0974 -2514 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 412 total reverse of its ideology and struggle elections did not get any legitimacy; the BNP (Ahmed 2003). The normal ways of transfer was compelled to amend the constitution and of power were blocked and non-democratic establish the caretaker government system forces got the opportunity to intervene in the permanently.1 Since then, caretaker political process of the country. The military governments organised elections in coup of 1975 killed the most popular leader Bangladesh in 1996 and 2001. But the of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and system was again challenged in 2006. The established a continuous de facto military opposition parties under the leadership of AL rule in the country till 1990. Though military raised the voice that the BNP, prepared rulers organised many elections during 1975 government mechanisms for “election to 1991, all such attempts were eyewash and engineering” and AL denied to participate in a desire to strengthen military control in the the elections under the caretaker government. political process of the country guided them. They alleged that the person, who was going In 1990, after a tough popular upsurge, the to be sworn in as chief of the caretaker military left power and civilian government government, had partisan political identity returned to the country. tilted towards the BNP. A political upsurge grappled the whole country. At the end, a de The fall of the military regime in facto military coup established an interim 1990 opened the “third wave of democracy” government. The interim government ruled (Huntington 1991) in Bangladesh. The the country for two years with the backing of election in 1991 was held under a new one military. One of the prime objectives of system of government known as non-party the interim government was to ensure the care taker government. The Chief Justice of reform of the political parties in the country. Bangladesh took an oath as the President of But the government itself was criticised for Bangladesh and organised free and fair its partisan and non-democratic policies. election in the country. The political parties Confusions emerged that the military might agreed on such a system to avoid influence take over power. The chief of the military of the military in the elections. However, declared for an “own brand of democracy” in after the elections, the Bangladesh Bangladesh. However, all the confusions Nationalist Party (BNP) came to power as ended on the 28th of December 2008 when the largest party to country. But the the ninth parliamentary elections were functioning of parliamentary democracy organized in the country. The AL came to came under question during the 1991 to 1996 power with absolute majority in the tenure of BNP. The opposition parties raised parliament. the voice against a politicisation of political institutions of the country. Confusion rose But the institutionalisation of amongst the opposition parties that free and democracy in Bangladesh is still progressing fair elections were not possible under the very slowly. The country gradually turned ruling party. The opposition demanded the into an “illiberal democracy” (Zakaria 1997). establishment of a caretaker government in Without hotly contested parliamentary the country. BNP denied it and held a one elections, other features of parliamentary party election in February 1996. The democracy are missing. The parliament

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 413 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy never functioned properly. The opposition the country is mostly dominated by two most of the times did not participate in the major parties, the AL and the BNP and two parliament. The governments were also least more parties remain relevant in the political interested in the proper functioning of the system for the cause of their alliance with the parliament. Rounaq Jahan correctly AL and the BNP. One is the former military described it that “power was concentrated in ruler, General Ershad’s party, the the hands of the chief executive, the prime Bangladesh Jatiya Party (JP) and another is minister” (Jahan 2008). The vertical Bangladesh Jammat-e-Islami (JI) thereafter accountability of the parliamentary system of has a political tilt towards BNP. In 2008 like the electoral system worked better than election, AL came to power with grand the horizontal accountability (Jahan 2008). alliance of the fourteen political parties. However, political parties are mainly alleged Apart from the JP all other alliance partners for the malfunctioning of democracy in used the election symbol of AL. The smaller Bangladesh. The dynastic leadership of partners of AL mostly left oriented, have Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, the lacuna very limited role in the politics of of democratic practice within the party Bangladesh. But, during the election the organisation, the severe deference of national smaller partners become relevant for identity and national heroes, the emergence mobilising the voting field. On the other of muscle and money power in parties and hand, the BNP lead a four party alliance unscrupulous corruption by political leaders including JI. Apart from the JI two political are preventing the flourishing of parties used the symbols of the BNP during parliamentary democracy in Bangladesh. In the elections. For mobilising religious this context, the main objective of the paper emotions, the partners of the BNP were is to study the insight political agendas of the relevant to the political game. In this regard, political parties of Bangladesh, their the present paper will focus on the four functioning and role in the parliamentary dominant political parties of Bangladesh process in the country. with respect to the continuities and changes of their political ideologies. Political Parties of Bangladesh a. Bangladesh Awami League (AL) The political landscape of Bangladesh is crowded by many political Following the formation of Pakistan parties. The Election Commission of in 1947, political polarisation started based Bangladesh registered 32 political parties on region, class, community and culture in during the last parliamentary elections of Pakistan. Muslim League (ML), the party Bangladesh in 2008. The election that led the independence movement of commission made it compulsory for political Pakistan failed to articulate the will of the parties to register by defining some different sections of the country. Pakistan prerequisites to participate in the election was born with two geographical parts, West process. However, the long lists of political Pakistan and East Pakistan. Apart from parties are not necessary to understand the religious similarity both parts of Pakistan political scenario of Bangladesh. Because, were different in culture, habit and beliefs.

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 414

Furthermore, the understanding and position in the political circle. Though, the practicing of religious values was also word ‘Muslim’ still remained in the party, different. However, the first controversy but the party was more concerned towards arose between West Pakistan and East the betterment of people, instead of religious Pakistan with the issue of the State slogans. The formation of the EPAML was a Language. Only 3% people of Pakistan were successful attempt to organise an activist speaking in Urdu in 1947. But, Pakistani group for Bengali Nationalism as a political Leadership declared Urdu as the State platform (Molla 2004). Language of Pakistan by identifying Urdu as an Islamic language. It was a total shock for However, the West Pakistani power the people of East Bengal.2 The mother elites’ continuous political and economic tongue of the East Bengali people was negligence to the Bengali people made Bangla. Hence, it was impossible for them to EPAML the main voice of the people of East receive a totally unknown language as a state Pakistan. Particularly, on 21 February 1952, language. Furthermore, the Bengali Pakistani military killed Bengali students for intelligentsia easily understood that the move suppressing the language identity of Bengal; was to make the Bengalis permanently it was a shock to the people of East Pakistan. subservient to the West Pakistan. Bengalis The EPAML extended their organisational brought the issue before the political capability to challenge the Pakistani power leadership of Pakistan. But, Pakistani leaders elites. In this respect, the election of 1954 instead of political solution started to use came as an opportunity for the party. The party organised an alliance, named Unite muscle power. Pakistani military attacked 3 peaceful processions of Bengali students in Front (UF) , to compete with the ML. The 1948. election was a great victory for the EPAML. UF bagged 223 seats among the 309 Muslim The negligence of the ML leaders seats, where EPAML alone won 143 seats. towards the students uprising undermined the The UF formed the government in the centre legitimacy of the party in East Bengal. and in the West Pakistan province. The UF Muslim League became an elite oriented government was aware of addressing the party. The interests of the common people issues discriminating against the Bengali were not in their consideration. Rather, a people. But in 1958, the President of conservative leadership engulfed the party Pakistan dismissed the UF government and with a desire to grasp the power. In this later Pakistan came under the control of context, the progressive workers and mid military rule. level leaders of the party felt an urgency to formulate a party that could address the In the third council meeting of the issues of the middle class and masses. They EPAML held in Dhaka from 21-23 October convened a two-day conference 23 June 1955, the word 'Muslim' came to be dropped 1949 and formed a party – East Pakistan out from the name of the party to make it Awami Muslim league (EPAML). The party sound secular. The party adopted welfare- came as a new platform for Bengali people. oriented economy as their ideology. It It gained mass support to strengthen their became a front organisation among students,

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 415 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy labourers, peasants, youth and women. In Suhrawardy. But, during the Six Point 1957, the party faced a split over the issue of movement the party again transformed as a foreign policy. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy mix of pro-west and pro-socialist ideology. and Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, However, the independence war of two main leaders, had a difference of opinion Bangladesh was supported by India and the for quite some time, the former favoured former Soviet Union. Hence, the pro-Soviet strong links with the West, particularly with socialist portion of the party became America, while the latter was in favour of a dominant in the decision making of the party Non-Aligned foreign policy. The rift and pro-West groups became marginalised eventually led to the formation of a new after independence of Bangladesh. The political party named National Awami Party shaping of a newly independent country (NAP) headed by Maulana Bhasani. But the came as a challenge for the AL. The popular main force of the party remained with the slogans of AL for democracy and Awami League (AL) and Sheikh Mujib development got a chance for emerged as a charismatic leader in the party. implementation. The political leadership of In 1966, Sheikh Mujib declared Six Points the AL choose parliamentary democracy for demanding the clear autonomy of East the country. Sheikh Mujib received the Pakistan and started a movement for holding charge as prime minister and multi-party popular elections in the country. A long democracy was introduced in the constitution struggle for the Al under the leadership of of Bangladesh in 1972. Sheikh Mujib compelled the Pakistani But parliamentary democracy did not military Junta to declare an election in 1970. get to stay for long in Bangladesh. In 1974 The election result was a signal towards the AL was facing challenges from the leftist split of Pakistan. AL emerged as the majority organisations to remain in power. In party of Pakistan. But the party became addition, Sheikh Mujib was failing to address dominant in East Pakistan and Pakistan the emerging challenges of a newly Peoples Party (PPP) under the leadership of independent country. In 1974 the country Zulfikar Ali Bhutto emerged as the dominant was engulfed by starvation and instability. leader in West Pakistan. Sheikh Mujib Political oppositions were using extremist demanded a handover of power to him as a elements to destabilise the country. The pro- leader of the majority party. But Pakistani Soviet tilt of international level made the military and power elites denied and attacked country isolated from the West and Bengali people. That led the Bengalis development and progress in the country got towards an independence war in 1971. stagnated. However, the fall of law and order Bangladesh emerged as an independent compelled Sheikh Mujib to amend the 1974 country under the leadership of AL. constitution. He organised a political party The ideology of the party also known as Bangladesh Krishak Sramik transformed in many ways. Though the party Awami League (BAKSAL) and banned all emerged as a voice for the Bengali people, other political parties in the country. He took the split of 1957 gave the party a tilt towards charge as president. All power was the West under the leadership of transferred to the president including judicial

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 416 powers. Leaving aside four state controlled merged into one party. The desire for newspaper all other newspapers came to be democracy of the people got stalled. Peaceful banned. The parliament became less transfer of power was locked by one party important. The democratic institutions system. Diagram 1: Organisational Structure of AL

President

Working Committee Advisory Council Presidium

National Committee Municipal Committee National Council

Ward Committee Town Committee District Committee

Thana Committee Ward Committee Union Committee

Ward Committee

Village Committee

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 417 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy

A brutal military coup in 1975 killed history of Bangladesh. The party led the Sheikh Mujib. The glorious history of AL people of the country throughout political was diminished by its one party rule. transformations. The party was formed in Military came into power and General Zia 1949 to establish democracy and secularism. took control of the state General Zia emerged Hence, the party still considers herself to be from the military to become a political leader the real protector of democracy in the in the country. He legalised multi-party country. The party has a mass base all over democracy. AL again returned in the Bangladesh. The central committee of the political process of the country. It party looks after the total policy making of participated in the 1979 election and bagged the party. The constitution of the party gives 25 seats in the parliament. The election was an organisational structure for the party under the control of the military. Hence, it throughout the country. was a challenge for AL to emerge as a major The history of the AL is synonymous party. In addition, the power of the country with the history of Bangladesh. Since had remained in the hands of the forces independence the AL has historical having historical antagonism with AL. contribution. The major achievements of the General Zia was killed in 1981. His party party are remarkable at all levels of political BNP was ruling the country. But again in history of Bangladesh. 1982, by a bloodless coup, General Ershad acquired power. The democratic process AL is still considered as the largest again got derailed by the military and AL party of Bangladesh. Since 1991, when faced a political vacuum due to the military. parliamentary elections were re-introduced, However, AL participated in the general the party has always proved to be the single election of Bangladesh in 1986 and emerged largest party in the country. The party’s local as one of the influential opposition parties in base is strong and it represents all sections of the parliament. But later the conflict between the society. The party’s main slogan is still military and political forces led the country linked with the poor and their economic to an upsurge against the military. In 1990, development. However, in 2008 elections the General Ershad left power and after a free party’s slogan for “Digital Bangladesh” got and fair election in 1991, AL emerged as the huge popularity and bagged two-thirds largest opposition party. The parliamentary majority of seats in the parliament. system again came to be included in the b. Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) constitution of the country by the 12th amendment. In 1996, AL won the election Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and formed the government till 2001. In the is one of the largest political parties in 2008 national elections the AL again got a Bangladesh. The party was organised on 1 chance to rule the country. However, the September 1978 by the incumbent military history of AL is linked with the political ruler General Ziaur Rahman.

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 418

Table 1: Achievements of Bangladesh Awami League

Time Remarkable Achievements Period The foundation of Al as the first opposition party of Pakistan and the party was supporting 1949 to the students movements against the decision of government to impose Urdu as a language of 52 Pakistan AL formed UF Alliance and won the election in the framework of alliance with UF and 1954 formed the government in the state and centre AL removed the ‘Muslim’, from Awami Muslim League to Awami League to prove the 1955 party as secular one 1958 to AL emerged as the vanguard of Autonomy for East Pakistan and in 1966 the party declared 1969 6 point movement, which led the history towards independence of Bangladesh AL emerged as the single majority party in the Pakistan National Assembly with 167 seats 1970 out of a total of 313. When West Pakistani military rulers were denying to handover power to the AL, the party 1971 started movement against the decision and latter led the independence war of Bangladesh for 9 months 1972 The party formed the government and introduced parliamentary system in Bangladesh 1974 The party changed the constitution and introduced one party system in the country 1986 The party participated election under military rule 1990 The party was one of the leading contributor to remove the military regime from Bangladesh The party emerged as the opposition in the parliament of Bangladesh and demanded to 1991 include caretaker government as a part of the constitution of Bangladesh The party formed the government. The main success of the party is considered the 1996- Chittagong Hill Tracts Treaty with Chakma people and the Water Sharing Treaty with India. 2000 However, the party was criticised for the cause of violation of law and order in the country. The party lost the election and as opposition party the party was very critical about the 2001 to corruption and fundamentalist forces. The party struggled to prevent an election which was 2006 perceived as pre-planned to return the incumbent party, BNP, in power again 2007 to The caretaker government was trying to split the party and to change the leadership of the 2008 party. Bu they failed. 2008 to The party again formed the government present

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 419 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy

The military coup of 1975 led the country right, left and centre, mainly with a view to towards the military rule. However, the making it a broad based nationalist party. failure of the AL to ensure political stability, More than 45 percent of its leaders and democratic system and the introduction of workers were not only new entrants, but also one party system gave legitimacy to the young (Banglapedia 2003). When General military rule in the country. General Zia Zia was forming BNP as a political party, the emerged not only as a military ruler, but also nation was not only divided on the basis of as a political leader. Furthermore, his ideology, earmarked as right, centre and left, position in power helped him to organise a but also on the basis of pro-liberation and political party. On the other hand, a political anti-liberation forces. As a result, the social vacuum gave him the opportunity to prove forces of the country like teachers, students, himself as a political leader. In addition, his intellectuals, professionals, cultural contribution during the independence war of community and academia felt to come into Bangladesh legitimised him to be a leader in the BNP for establishing a greater national the military as well as in political circles. consensus. The party identified its main objectives as: economic development, On the other hand, during the AL democratic advancement, national unity on regime, political opposition was submerged the basis of Bangladeshi nationalism and and corruption and political nepotism of the generation of a spirit of self-reliance in the party created a field where General Zia people. The party declared a 19-point proved himself the right person to motivate programme and amended the constitution for the minds of people. Though General Zia four fundamental principles of state policy: came as a military ruler he attempted to absolute trust and faith in the Almighty prove himself as a champion of democracy. Allah, nationalism, democracy, and He introduced multi-party democracy in the socialism meaning economic and social country and restructured political justice. However, many of the new comers of institutions. He cancelled the ban on the the party were not tilted towards a reframed publication of newspapers and gave the ideology of national identity and permission for creating political parties in the fundamental principles of BNP, but they country. However, his new policy created an accepted it as a process of reconciliation and opportunity for those who were against the national development. On the other hand, the independence war of Bangladesh. The religious groups exploited it as an policies of Zia created an opportunity for opportunity for their rehabilitation in politics. him to establish himself on the national level as well as in the international arena. He got After the formation of the party it the support of the countries who were against was easier for General Zia to popularise the the independence war of Bangladesh. party by using the state machinery. Hence, the party emerged as a rival to the AL BNP emerged as a party of ‘open politically as well as ideologically. The armed policy’ (Asiatic Society of assassination of Zia in 1981 by a brutal Bangladesh 2003). BNP invited political military coup ended the regime of Zia and leaders and workers holding political views power was captured by another military

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 420 person General Hussain Muhammad Ershad. towards chaos and conflict. In such a Within this time BNP was established as an situation, the military intervened in politics influential and popular political party in the and a new government was formed by a country. Hence, General Ershad in his nine civilian leadership with the backing of the year long military rule failed to dismantle military on 11 January 2007. The Caretaker BNP. The fear of splitting the BNP was started an agenda of political reform in the prevented by its leaders by inviting General country and arrested the top leaders of the Zia’s wife Khaleda Zia as party chief. Since party. Khaleda Zia remains the leader of the party and enjoyed the longest period as prime However, at the end of 2008, the minister in the county till present. military backed government organised national elections and BNP bagged only 30 Though BNP was born as a military seats in the parliament. It became a political party, but Khaleda Zia turned the party into a disaster for BNP and the party is now champion of democracy. The party did not fighting for survival within the political participate in any election under the military conundrum of the country. The party is regime. Particularly, in 1986 when the party highly criticised for the autocratic and did not participate in an election organised dynastic leadership of General Zia’s family, by General Ershad, its leader Khaleda Zia but the family still enjoys unchallenged stood as an icon of democracy. Later, the legitimacy within the party. The party wants party organised the democratic forces of the to prove herself as a liberal and democratic country including the AL for movement force in the country. But its tilt towards pro- against the military regime. Hence, the Islamic forces is still questioned by secular military regime ended in 1990 and in the forces of the country. On the other hand, in elections of 1991, the party emerged as the the political conundrum of the country it is majority party in the parliament and formed difficult for the party to make itself totally the government till 1996. In the national isolated from pro-Islamic forces. In this election of 1996, the party became the largest respect, it will remain as a challenge for the opposition party in the parliament, but failed party to make a balance between Islamic and to play any substantive role in the modern forces of the country. parliament. In 2001 the party again returned to power with two third seats in the The party has been criticized not for parliament. But in 2006 when the party was arranging national councils for a long time. leaving power to the Caretaker Government, However, in 2009, the party organised its a political controversy arose vigorously in fifth national council. However, all power the country. It was alleged by the opposition remains in the hand of the chairperson. that the to-be the chief of Caretaker Hence, the practice of democracy is very Government had a political tilt towards the limited within the party. As it is mentioned BNP before joining as Justice in the High above, the party still is a platform for Court of Bangladesh. The opposition rightists, leftists and secularists. The party doubted free and fair elections in the country. still is very concerned about national identity Hence, a political movement led the country and integrity.

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 421 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy

Diagram 2: Organisational Structure of BNP

Chair Person

Standing Committee Chairperson’s Advisors

National Council National Committee

District Committee Municipal Committee

Town Committee Thana Committee Municipal Ward Committee

Ward Committee Union Committee

Ward Committee

Village Committee

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 422

Table 2: Achievements of BNP

Time period Achievements 1978 The organisation of the party 1979 Organisation of multi-party election in the country 1986 to 1990 Leading the democratic movement in the country 1991 to 1996 The formation of the government 1996 Arrangement of one party system and compelled to leave the power by people movement, after the election the party emerged as largest opposition party in the country 2001-2006 Second term of the formation of government 2007 to 2008 A political debacle for the cause of pressure from the military to divide the party 2008 The party got only 30 seats in the parliamentary election 2009 Many years latter the party organised its national council, but no major change in the leadership. c. Jatiya Party him to create a permanent political stagnant situation in Bangladesh. Like other military Jatiya Party was formed by the rulers of the time he also felt a necessity to General Hussain Muhammad Ershad on 1 legitimise his regime by organizing a January 1986. The party still remains as one political party and by arranging eyewash man party under the leadership of Ershad. elections. In this respect, in 1983 he declared After the assassination of General Ziaur the 19 Point Program and assembled political Rahman, the political leadership of BNP figures from AL and BNP to organise a became weak to continue the democratic rule party. The new comers got an opportunity in the country. Hence, on 24th March 1982, within the military regime of the country and General Ershad made a bloodless coup in the finalised the party procedures. country and emerged as the Chief Marshal law Administrator. He influenced the The formation of the party did not political circles of the country to ensure his give any thing new in comparison to the AL strength and position in the political arena. In and the BNP. It was a duplicate copy of the fact, he was serious to contain any BNP. The party also took national identity as democratic movement in the country. But the ‘Bangladeshi nationalism’. The party was internal political uprising as well as eager to mobilise religious emotions of the international pressure made it difficult for people and accepted plough as party symbol

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 423 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy to make the party popular to the farmers of agenda of the party. However, like all other the country. General Ershad was always parties, it has also an organisational structure eager and conscious to forge a good relation and committee system. The splits in the party with the West, particularly the USA to made it weak. The failure of ideological ensure international support for its regime. In strength is making the party irrelevant. But 1986 General Ershad declared the the popularity of Ershad still remains in the parliamentary election. Among the major party’s organisational structure. As part of political parties BNP did not participate in the alliance of the AL, the party has also a the election. The result of the election was minister in the present cabinet. manipulated by the military personnel and the election did not get any legitimacy at the However, in recent times the party national and international levels. At the end, fails to form most of the local committees for a political upheaval compelled General lack of its support. The party is still criticized Ershad to leave the power in 1990. A for alleged corruption and human rights Caretaker government was formed under the violating during the military regime of leadership of Chief Justice of Bangladesh Ershad. The civil society and media are very and a free and fair election was held in 1991. critical about the party. It incorporated Islam as the state religion in the constitution of the During elections Ershad was in jail. country, when it was in power. Hence, the But the result of the election was a bit pro-secular and progressive forces feel satisfactory for him as the party bagged 35 uneasy with the party. But the political seats of the 300 parliamentary seats of calculation gave it an opportunity to form the Bangladesh. Hence, the party emerged as the alliance with AL during the election of 2008. third largest political party in the country. In this respect, the party feels herself more Though the party is known as national party, secure since it’s leaving of power in 1990. the party is mostly influential in the northern part of the country. It is the area where The party has no unique ideological Ershad was born. But the party is losing its identity in the country and it has less popularity in the region also. In the elections influence all over country. Rather, it became of 1996 and 2001 the party failed to secure a regionally influential party. However, the its position in the region as was expected. In party leader Ershad is trying to secure his 2008 elections with the alliance with AL the position by expressing his unconditional party regained its position in the region. support to the AL. Though the party emerged The party has very less ideological as a military party, now it is always vocal support in the political circle of Bangladesh. about democracy and progress of the The will and decisions of Ershad are still the country.

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 424

Diagram 3: Organisational Structure of Jatiya Party

President

Presidium

National Committee

District Committee Municipal Committee

Town Committee Thana Committee Ward Committee

Ward Committee Union Committee

Ward Committee

Village Committee

Table 3: Achievements of the Jatiya Party

Time Period Achievements 1986 The formation of the Party, the amendment in the constitution and receiving Islam as the state religion of Bangladesh 1990 A political upsurge compelled the party to leave the power 1991 The party emerged as a regional party 2008 The party became a partner with the grand alliance of AL and became a partner in the government

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 425 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy d. Bangladesh Jammat-e-Islami Complete Code of Life’. Hence, Islam can solve all the problems of humanity in the Among the many Islamic political areas of social, political and economic. The parties in Bangladesh, Jammat-e-Islami is the party is ideologically tilted towards Egyptian most influential in the country. Though the Islamic clerics like Hasan-al-Banna and party has less support base, it is ideologically Sayed Kutub, those are known for the spread spread all over the country and it has a strong of Islamic revivalism in the Middle East. The dedicated and indoctrinated support base in party has strong links with the banned the middle class religious oriented people of political parties of the Middle East, but at the the country. However, the party also same time it gets huge financial help from succeeded to accommodate a number of the Saudi Kingship. western educated people in the party including academia, journalists and bureaucrats. The One of the major allegations against popular support of the party is very less, but the party is that the party acted against the the supporters of the party are dedicated to independence war of Bangladesh. In the their ideology and less interested about name of ‘Integrity of Pakistan’, the party materialistic benefits. But the top brass of the supported the military crackdown in party is alleged for exploiting religious Bangladesh by the Pakistani military. emotions of the people to ensure their power During the nine months independence war and position in the country. of Bangladesh, its leaders collaborated with the Pakistani military and it is alleged that The party was established in 1941 in the party leaders oppressed and killed the the undivided India by an Islamic thinker freedom fighters of the country. Hence, Maulana Maududi in Lahore of Pakistan. after independence it faced a strong trial The motto of the party is to establish ‘Islamic from the people and with the ban of Sharia’ in the constitution of the country. religious parties, the party was also banned. Hence, the party is known as a religious After the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur fundamentalist organisation to the secular Rahman, the party again started organising. forces of the country. The party believes: In the period of General Zia, when he “Islam is the only code of life revealed by withdrew the restriction over Islamic Allah, The Lord of the Universe. This code parties, Jammat again got the chance of of life encompasses the whole gamut of revival. The assassination of General Zia human life. It does not only prescribe beliefs did not influence them in any way and but also the norms of behaviour. Its guidance General Ershad did not contain them. covers all spheres of human activities, both Hence, the party got an opportunity to spiritual and material.”4 In this context, the mingle with the leading political parties of party wants to establish Islamic religion and the country and represented herself Sharia Law in the country. The leaders of the influential in the political conundrum of the party identify themselves as a democratic country. The pro-liberation forces were also force; they want to deny the allegation of less critical about their uprising. Rather, extremism and fundamentalism against they were eager to exploit partnership with themselves. They believe that ‘Islam is the Jammat to gain power. In this respect,

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 426

Digram 4: Party Structure of Jamaat-e-Islami

Ameer

Secretary General

Central Executive Committee

Central Working Committee

Majlis-e-Surah

District Committee

Town Committee Thana Committee Municipal Committee

Ward Committee Union Committee Ward Committee

Ward Committee

Village Committee

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 427 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy

Jammat got the opportunity to emerge as a party. The cadre hierarchy of the party are party politically and established many based in four layers: financial institutions those are directly Diagram 5: Jammat-e-Islami - Cadre controlled by the party people. The financial Hierarchy solvencies also made the party more relevant in the country. In 1991, the BNP formed the government with the support of Rukon the party. But later from 1991 to 1996, Jammat became an important partner of the AL to struggle against the BNP. Worker In 2001 the alliance with BNP opened the opportunity for Jammat to share the cabinet ministry in the country. Member However, it came as a shock for the pro- liberation forces of the country. The emergence of the party challenged the Supporter existence of some of the leftist organisations and AL also understood that the emergence of the party is a challenge for The party maintains its hierarchy in them politically and ideologically. Hence, a very rigorous way. Majlis-e-Surah is the the issue of war crimes came on table and at main decision making body of the party. present the top leaders of the party are Every local committee has its own Majlis- facing trials for their war crimes in the e-Surah. But, the decision making process country in 1971 undertaken with the of the party lacks democratic practice. collaboration of the military of Pakistan. Every unit of the party has an Ameer and But the opposition BNP thinks that it is a he is the real decision maker of the unit. move of the AL to submerge the political However, the party elects its Ameer every opponents in the country. three years by election. The party leaders are said to have fundamentalism and Jammat has a very good extremism in the country. The top brass of organisational structure in the country. The the party is still controlled by the leaders party is alleged as supporting terrorist those were against the independence war of organisations in the country. It has Bangladesh. extensive Islamic books those can influence fresh and young minds easily. The middle The future of the party depends on class students in the universities are the present crackdown against the party. If influenced by the books of Jammat and join the party leaders get trail, it will be difficult the students wing of Jammat-e-Islami. for them to emerge again in the political Jammat –e-Islami is a cadre based political scenario of Bangladesh.

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 429 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy

Table 4: Brief History of the Party

Time Period Remarkable Developments 1941 The party was established by Maulana Maududi 1971 The party directly participated against the independence war of Bangladesh 1972 The party was constitutionally banned by the government 1979 The party reorganised 1986 participated in the election and bagged 10 seats 1991 participated in the election and gained 18 seats 1996 again lost its influence in the national election of Bangladesh 2001 Formed alliance with BNP and shared the governemnt with BNP 2008 The party lost its influence in politics and facing trial for their alleged war crimes during the independence war of Bangladesh

Role in Parliamentary Democracy conundrum is always criticised by the civil society and democratic forces of the country. In a parliamentary democracy, the Though all the parties have taken to political parties are the main contributor to implement parliamentary democracy as their the system. Political parties’ participation in political agenda, most of the parties are the parliament and constructive opinions and criticised for the deficit of democratic criticisms make parliamentary democracy practice within and outside of the party. The effective. However, the internal political present section will examine certain elements dynamics of political parties in terms of of the working machinery to understand the democratic practice and freedom of role of political parties in the parliamentary expression also influence the political democracy of Bangladesh: process of a country. Political parties are the most important institution for mapping the a. Democratic practice within the party democratic credentials of a country. Since the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the The leading political parties of country has been facing huge obstacles in the Bangladesh fail to prove their credential in process of institutionalisation of democracy. the democratic practice within party A will for parliamentary form of government organisation. Most of the parties follow the still remains the prime agenda of the people dynastic policy of leadership selection. After of Bangladesh. But the formation of political the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman parties and their role in the political in 1975, his daughter Sheikh Hasina emerged

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 429 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy as the party leader. Since her swearing in as party workers. Hence, loyalty to the party the president of the party, she remains the leadership is considered as the main source chief of the party. The constitution of the of power. The central authority of the party party describes that the ‘national council’ of decides every thing and the lower rung of the the party would decide the president of the party have to follow the directions of the party, but in practice Sheikh Hasina upper stairs (Gomes 2008). However, the remained the unchallenged leader of the political culture of every society is party. It needs to be clarified here that the influenced by the social culture of that party supporters and workers view Hasina as society. The traditional society of their legitimate leader. If any one raises Bangladesh is based on hierarchy in terms of fingers at her credibility as the party leader wealth, social position, educational he has to face the expulsion form the party. background, seniority, and gender. Party On other hand, Khaleda Zia, the wife of politics are also influenced by such social former President Ziaur Rahman remains as phenomena (Moniruzzaman 2009). The party chief since she had taken the charge of grassroots political activists and leaders have the party after the assassination of Ziaur relationships with the district level or central Rahman. General Ershad is his party chief level leaders of the parties, and such since the organisation of the party. The relationships are based upon some exchange Jammat-e-Islami holds the election for of influence, power and resources. Hence, a electing party chief after every three years. political culture has developed in Bangladesh But there is no change in the party leadership based on money and muscle. Politics means for a long time. Hence, the lack of practicing sharing of resources and party means the democracy within the party hampers the ganging up to grasp the resources in any proper blossoming of parliamentary way. At least, political culture of the last democracy in the country. The party units are twenty years proved that the gaining of mostly declared by the upper body of the power means using the state power to ensure party. Furthermore, there are very limited the control of resources of the country. The examples that the decisions of the party are party culture is based on a top-to-down taken in a democratic manner, rather the structure and the lower rungs of the party decision always comes from the top have to be loyal if they want to benefit from leadership of the party. The opinions of the the state mechanism. Such political culture lower layers of the party get very less has created an over politicization of all kinds attention in every decision making process. of institutions of the country including the military, bureaucracy, academic institutions, b. Political Culture police, media and civil society also. Without The political culture of the country electoral democracy, the practice of itself lacks democratic norms. Political democracy is submerged by party stalwarts workers are not habituated to act in a and at the end democratic regimes become democratic manner. Party workers always crueler and violation of human rights reaches want to get the support of the top leadership, in the level of authoritarianism. The political instead of taking support from the field level parties and its stalwarts are the beneficiaries

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 430 of the system. But it makes the state weaker antagonism of the people towards the as the other state institutions are depending government and that will ensure their return on these political stalwarts. It’s not the to power. Instead of parliamentary debates qualified citizens who take decisions, its the members of parliament want to ensure muscle men who select the leadership of the their visibility on the streets. They believe vital institutions of the country. In such a that it is sacrifice made for the party and the system, promotion of parliamentary next time when the party comes to power this democracy is facing stern challenges. Elected dedication would open for him more parliamentarians do not consider themselves opportunities within the party. Recently, a loyal to the voters. The loyalty remains trend has developed that the opposition party rather, in the hands of money and muscle. members write their resignation letters from the parliament and the top leader of the party c. Participation in the Parliamentary preserves it. It is a document of loyalty to the Proceedings top most leader of the party. Hence, the In a parliamentary democracy members of the parliament are not able to parliament is the main house for all kinds of play any role in the parliament without the dialogue and debate. The parliamentary consent of the party leadership. That committees scrutinize the bills coming to the hampers the effective working of the parliament. But, in the last twenty years of parliament and it is against the spirit of parliamentary experience of Bangladesh, it parliamentary democracy. failed to bring any qualitative change in this d. Transparency and Accountability respect. The ruling party of the country never bothers about the parliament. Most of the Transparency and accountability are times the parliamentary sessions face the prerequisites for any form of democracy. In quorum crisis. The debate over real issues is the parliamentary form of government, always avoided by parliamentarians. Rather, transparency and accountability are the first they are more interested in criticizing and and foremost demands from political parties. irritating their political opponents. The Without transparency political parties cannot speaker of the parliament of Bangladesh act in a democratic manner and fail to prove expressed many times his dissatisfaction themselves as reliable to the people. The about the ‘language’ of the parliamentarians. parties have to be accountable to the people All the decisions are taken by parties’ top and the party leadership has to be leaderships and the members of the party accountable to its workers. However, the always only shout ‘yes’, in every issue taken political parties of Bangladesh always lack by the government. Since 1991, the transparency. The funds and their opposition parties never were eager to go to expenditures are always kept secret. Hence, the parliament. Rather, they feel that the black money remains the main source for movements on the road are very effective for party activities. And the person, who can them to make the political condition difficult bring in money is considered as the most in the country. The opposition believes that powerful leader in the party by the party political instability may bring out the stalwarts. However, there are allegations that

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 431 Political Parties of Bangladesh: Ideology, Structure and Role in Parliamentary Democracy the political posts of the party are allocated strength and the other parties are eager to based on the donations to the funds of the receive them to lead the debacle of the party. In recent years, the Election opponent party. But if the low level workers Commission of the country is trying to change their parties, they have to face the ensure transparency in the right funds of the anger of the party and other parties will not party. But still the progress in this respect is be interested in recruiting them. Hence, the very less. The lack of transparency and affiliation with a party creates a compulsion accountability in the party affects for the workers to remain with the party. parliamentary democracy in many ways. The Leaving the party may create problems in his leaders emerge in such a way that any life. The mid level party workers are mostly transparency in their activities is assumed to engaged with many illegal activities. Hence, be a threat to their position. Hence, it is impossible for them to leave the party. If parliamentary proceedings and activities fail they leave the party, they have to face many to reach in a transparent system and that legal challenges. In this respect, the workers hampers the proper flourishing of of the party have a kind of compulsion to parliamentary democracy in the country. remain with one party, like it or not. e. Patron-Client Relationship In this respect, the political parties of Bangladesh represent a very limited value of In a democratic system the voters democracy. Overtly, the parties always and the workers of the party are considered pronounce the necessity of democracy and patrons. They decide who will lead the party all the parties are engaged in the war of and the country. Especially, the decisions go tongues to prove themselves as the upholders up from the lower tiers. But in the party of democracy in the country. But in practice, structure of Bangladesh, the workers and the dynastic leadership, the use of money and voters are the clients. They can barely muscle in politics, marginalisation of honest influence the policy making levels. The leadership, over politicisation of national workers of the party have to work for the institutions, and the top leaderships’ control man who is selected by the upper body. The all tiers of the party prohibit the proper workers and voters have very less to say blooming of democracy in the country. The against party decisions. If any one becomes lacuna of democratic practice within the aggrieved in any party decision, he is not party prevents them to introduce democracy able to express his opinion in the party forum in the parliament. Hence, parliamentary or any where else. He can only cast a secret democracy is dominated by a Prime vote against the party during the election. It Ministerial Dictatorship. does not in any way hamper the position of Conclusion the party. Furthermore, engagement with a party is considered as workers ideological Political parties are the heart of bondage. Hence, if he wants to change the parliamentary democracy. The practice of party, it is considered as betrayal to the party. democratic norms and values within the However, if the top level leaders change party can make the parties capable of parties, it is considered their political working in a democratic manner in the

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Abu Salah Md. Yousuf 432 country. In other words, the success of 3. The alliance or front composed mainly of four parliamentary democracy depends on the parties of East Bengal, namely Awami League, Krishak Sramik Party, Nizam-e-Islam and practice of democracy within political Ganatantri Dal. parties. Dialogue and debate in the party makes the party leadership more capable to 4. The Constitution of the Party. work in the parliament. Transparency in References party activities leads them to ensure the transparency in governance mechanism. In Katz, Richard S (2006): “Party in Democratic Theory”, in Katz, Richard S and Crotty, William (eds.), this respect, political parties of Bangladesh Hand Book of Party Politics, Sage Publications fail to prove themselves as upholders of Ltd., London. democracy in the country. The dynastic Ahmed, Nizam (2003): “From Monopoly to leadership, the undemocratic process of Competition: Party Politics in Bangladesh selecting leadership and the use of money Parliament (1972 to 2006)”, Pacific Affairs, and muscle in politics are preventing the Vol.76, No.1, Spring, pp.55-77 promotion of parliamentary democracy in the Huntington, Samuel P (1991): Democracy’s Third country. A hierarchical political culture of Wave”, Journal of Democracy, Vol.2, No.2, the country creates opportunity for Spring, pp.12-34. established forces to control the party. Zakaria, Fareed (1997): “The Rise of Illiberal Hence, qualified and honest leadership is Democracy”, Foreign Affairs, November- facing unequivocal challenges to participate December. in the political scenario of the country. The Jahan, Rounaq (2008): “The Challenges of the process is hampering the proper blooming of Institutionalising of Democracy in Bangladesh”, democracy in the country and it is leading Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore, March. the country towards the use of money and muscle. Parliamentary democracy has Molla, Gyasuddin (2004): “The Awami League: From become ‘Prime Ministerial Dictatorship.’ Charismatic Leadership to Political Party” in Subrata K. Mitra, Mike Enskat and Clemens The political institutions of the country have Spiess (eds.) Political Parties in South Asia, Pager failed to get any effective progress. At the Publishers, USA. end, the institutionalisation of democracy is Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (2003): Banglapedia: A facing challenges and democracy is getting a National Encyclopaedia of Bangladesh, Dhaka. new identity of “illiberal democracy”. Gomes, Nirmal L (2008): “Bangladesh Political Culture and Behavior Needs to be Changed”, Notes American Chronicle, September 22. 1. Article 58 B, C, D, and E of the constitution of Moniruzzaman, M (2009): “Party Politics and Political Bangladesh describes about the formation and Violence in Bangladesh: Issues, Manifestation and function of the caretaker government. Consequences”, South Asian Survey, Vol.16, No.1 2. East Pakistan was known as East Bengal. pp.81-99.

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 The Challenges of Democracy in Maldives Jacob Ashik Bonofer

Abstract One of the biggest challenges for South Asia is the sustenance of democracy in its fullest sense. During the Second World War period, there have been many instances where South Asian countries have drifted from democracy to autocracy and back. There have also been examples of how autocrats and dictators have ruled the nations under the guise of democracy. The best example for this kind of governance is Maldives. Since its independence in 1965, the island nation has drifted from democracy to autocracy and visa versa. The longest ruler of Maldives in the post independence period, President Gayoom ruled the nation for three decades. He used elections as a tool to justify his leadership in which he was the only candidate to be allowed to contest for the post. However this situation has changed since 2008, where Maldives struggled towards democratic path. This paper talks of the challenges since Maldives adopted democracy.

International Scenario democratic since the end of the Second World War. However, reversals into "Everyone who wanted to speak did so. authoritarian regimes by nearly twenty newly It was democracy in its purest form. formed countries1 have brought to light the There may have been a hierarchy of vulnerabilities of democracy. importance among the speakers, but everyone was heard, chief and subject, The Economist Intelligence Unit's warrior and medicine man, shopkeeper Democracy Index 2008 outlines that the and farmer, landowner and labourer." “third wave of democracy”,2 which began in 1974 saw a sea change after the collapse of Nelson Mandela in his autobiography the Soviet Union in late eighties, whereby Democracy is a dream for those who the erstwhile states which formed part of do not have it, but for the ones who live in a Soviet Union and few other non-democratic democratic country sustaining it is a major countries geared up towards becoming challenge. This comes to evidence with democracies. Soon nearly half the world’s countries that follow other forms of populations came to live in some form of government and have appeared to become democracy. However, this trend has slowly

Jacob Ashik Bonofer, Research Fellow, Center for Asia Studies, Chennai, India.

IJSAS 3(2) 2010, pp.433-449. ISSN 0974 -2514 Jacob Ashik Bonofer 434 stagnated over the last few years, where very report the freedom status of various countries few nations succeeded in becoming also shows alarming signs. Only 89 countries democracies. Inversely there has been are considered as free countries, 58 countries increasing number of vulnerable democratic are considered as partially free countries, and countries becoming autocratic (Thomas 47 countries are under tyrannical rule. The 2007:12). This setback was warned as early only convincing sign of this report is that as 1990’s by analysts like Fareed Zakaria there is partial growth in a number of free who feared that countries. ‘democratically elected regimes, often Since the end of Cold War the US ones that have been reelected or and the western block have explicitly started reaffirmed through referenda, are promoting democracy through various routinely ignoring constitutional limits bilateral and multilateral democratic on their power and depriving their promotion / assistance programmes. Asserted citizens of basic rights and freedoms. by President Clinton in his 1994 State of From Peru to the Palestinian Authority, Union address that, ‘the promotion of from Sierra Leone to Slovakia, from democracy and human rights’ as the third Pakistan to the Philippines, we see the pillar of his foreign policy agenda (Azpuru rise of a disturbing phenomenon in 2008:151). This momentum was sustained by international life - illiberal democracy… President George W. Bush in parallel to the Naturally there is a spectrum of illiberal war on terrorism. This dual strategy of Bush democracy, ranging from modest has been vehemently criticised by scholars offenders like Argentina to near- on democracy as “President Bush spoke tyrannies like Kazakstan and Belarus, eloquently on democracy, but the with countries like Romania and administration in fact pursued a realist policy Bangladesh in between’ (Fareed 1997). in the war on terror, maintaining close relationship with authoritarian governments The Freedom House report on and proving willing to violate human rights.” “Freedom in the World – Electoral Democracies” shows that in 2000 nearly President George W. Bush’s strategy 62% of the nations were elected in promoting democracy in the Middle East, democracies. This figure reached almost especially in Iraq backfired and raised doubts 64% in 2005 – 2006, but since 2007 this on the means followed by the United States figure has been falling and in 2009 it fell and other western blocks. Unless a strong back to 60%. This if converted into actual state institution is formulated preceding the figures would show that nearly 5 countries introduction of democracy, it is likely that have drifted away from elected democracy.3 the democratic initiative remain a failure. According to the report there are 116 elected This is best explained by Edward D. democracies. It is unlikely that this Mansfield and Jack Snyder as “it is dangerous downward trend would stop unless the to push states to democratize before the promoters of democracy join to take necessary preconditions are in place and the adequate measures. The status of democracy prudent democracy-promotion efforts should

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 435 The Challenges of Democracy in Maldives pay special attention to fostering those Not far behind are the European preconditions” (Kucharczyk 2009). nations who are actively participating in promoting democracies around the world. The Obama administration has Like the US’s idea on League of Democracy, distanced itself from all the policies of the EU’s common initiative has also remained a earlier Bush regime. While this stand would non-starter. Individual nations and groups give a major boost to repairing the American like Visegrad four - Czech Republic, Poland, image internationally, the new regime has Slovak Republic and Hungary have been not moved towards concrete plans of widely participating in funding projects to a promoting democracy. Critiques have budget of Euro 5.8 million in 2008 pointed out that the current regime has over (Kucharczyk 2009) for promotion of emphasised on the human rights aspects and democracy in different parts of the world. little has been done on strengthening While examples and methods used for democratic institutions and bases. This is promotion of democracy are many without clearly visible from Obama’s approach the host country playing a vital role in towards the Middle East, where democracy accepting this form of governance, promotion has not been his regional priority. promotion of democracy will never succeed. However, the budget for Governing, Justly and Democratically (GJ&D) for the year In most cases the host countries 2011 has seen a sharp increase to $3.3 hardly see any reasons for change. This is billion. This is a 25 percent increase since more visible in Muslim countries and ones last year’s budget which was 2.81 billion.4 that have a communist lineage. However While many countries throughout the world there are examples that have proved received small increases in the new budget otherwise, Maldives is one such example, request, the vast majority of the proposed where a nation that is completely Islamic has funding increase is directed towards two become democratic with the help and countries: Afghanistan and Pakistan. pressure from external actors mainly from West and Asian neighbours. This paper deals "I do have an unyielding belief that all with the aspects that led to a change in the people yearn for certain things: the system of governance in Maldives and the ability to speak your mind and have a contours that are likely to hold this system in say in how you are governed; the future. confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; While talking about Islam and government that is transparent and Democracy, one immediately remembers doesn't steal from the people; the countries in the Middle East and Africa that freedom to live as you choose. These are continue to be authoritarian regimes under not just American ideas; they are human the influence of the army and very little do rights. And that is why we will support they remember about Indonesia and Turkey them everywhere." which have become democratic. While President Barak Obama at talking of democracy it is natural that one Cairo University, Egypt thinks that Islam and democracy do not go

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Jacob Ashik Bonofer 436 hand in hand. This concept is true by an has been seismic. In a society where extremist’s view. Anwar Ibrahim, former fundamental freedoms were suppressed, Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia we managed to galvanize the people into differentiates between extremist and political activism. In a country where moderate ideology as, political pluralism was officially banned, we managed to form and then “There is an ongoing debate over these register political parties. In a state issues in the Muslim world. The where all authority was vested in the extremist view, by conflating the President, we managed to amend the exercise of state power with the constitution to enshrine the separation sovereignty of God, confers on tyranny of powers. In 2008, the Maldives held the mantle of legitimacy. On the other the first free and fair presidential hand, the secular elite espouse a vision election in the country’s history. I am that purports to eliminate the role of pleased to report that, 18 months on; the religion within the public sphere. The transition to democracy has been current assertions about Islam’s smooth, secure and stable. hostility to democracy hold no more water than did the discredited Asian- President Nasheed’s speech values thesis.” (Ibrahim 2006:7). at the opening ceremony of the Sixteenth SAARC Summit5 Unlike the extremists view where there is disconnect between Islam and Since the change in leadership in Democracy and which has been popular 2008, Maldives has witnessed both turbulent since 9/11, emerging Muslim Democrats in and happy days that are quite common in any most parts of the world view political life democracy. The Maldivian administration with a pragmatic eye. They reject or at least under the leadership of President Nasheed, discount the classic Islamist claim that Islam despite all odds in governance and the commands the pursuit of a Shari’a state and transition, has retained democratic values that their main goal tends to be mundane in and has not resorted back to the dictatorial crafting viable electoral platforms and form of government. The democratic stable governing coalition to serve experiment in Maldives has not been easy. individual and collective interests (Vali The coral island nation being a completely 2005:13). Hence it is not a surprise that Muslim country has especially faced Muslim countries under authoritarian numerous challenges from both domestic and regimes are more likely to become external influences. However the experience democratic in the years to come. Maldives is in the last few years has laid the path for the the best example of this change. However, nation to move towards equality and exceptions could never be ruled out. freedom.

Maldives in the new age of Democracy Having started with a positive note however, one cannot assert that all is well in The political change that has occurred the island nation. With democracy taking a in our country over the past few years centre stage, the nation has become a victim

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 437 The Challenges of Democracy in Maldives to severe political infighting, breakdown of akin to old Sinhalese called Dhivehi7 the administrative machinery, growth of (Suryanarayan 1993:108). Being a fundamentalism, growing intolerance towards completely Sunni Muslim country with a other religions and culture, challenges to liberal following, Islam is the only state economic growth, environmental issues, religion and practising of other religions are indolence on part of the administrators and strictly private affairs within the homes. undue external influences. If democracy, The earliest settlers in the island which according to the standard definition is were probably migrants from southern India a rule by the people, of the people and for the and Sri Lanka nearly 1500 years ago. The people is a path towards welfare state why latest archaeological findings suggest that the should the afore said issues play a major role islands were inhabited as early as 1500 B.C. in curbing the journey towards a welfare About 947 A.D., recorded contact with other state. Who should be blamed if democracy countries began with the first Arab traveller fails in a new democratic state? Will the visiting the Maldives; and Islamic influence external actors support the continuation of became prominent around 1153 with Persian democracy or make the young nation a and Arab traders settling on the island. victim of democratic shortfall? Will President Thereafter, trade was carried out on pearls, Nasheed’s policies on climate change spices, coconuts, dried fish and cowry shells. provide him with political mileage? Can religion play a role in the downfall of a Portuguese were the first Europeans government? This paper studies democracy in to colonise Maldives in 1558, but their Maldives in a historical context. It studies the conquest lasted only for 15 years and were role played by religion, society, economy, driven away by Sultan Ghazee Muhammad environment in sustaining democracy in the Thurufanou in 1573. Although governed as island nation. Role played by international an independent Islamic sultanate since the actors also receives a special mention in this time of Persian influence, the Maldives also paper. Due to dearth of printed material on remained as a British protectorate from 1887 the Maldives some of the arguments are until 25 July 1965. During the period the based on authentic online sources. British did not control the internal matters of Maldives, though they did control the Historical Change or Another Political external affairs (Zaki and Parakh 2002:33). Mile Stone In 1953, there was a brief attempt to form a republican form of government but its failure The archipelago of Maldives consist led to the imposition of the sultanate. of 1192 islands of which roughly 200 Following independence from Britain in islands are inhabited with an estimated 1965, the sultanate continued to operate for population of 392,0006 and 80 islands with another three years. On 11 November 1968, tourist resorts. The capital Male is the hot it was abolished and a Republic was seat of Maldives’ power and is also the established under President Ibrahim Nasir.8 most populated Island. The Maldivians are a mixed stock possibly many of them are of President Nasir’s rule continued Aryan origin and they speak a language until 1978 with him being re-elected in 1973

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Jacob Ashik Bonofer 438 for the second term. However, crisis in the Maldives is Her Majesty the Queen, the Maldivian economy due to the decline in Prime Minister, the First Lord of the exports led to a bloodless coup and Nasir Admiralty, the Chief Constable, the fled to Singapore with millions of dollars Leader of Her Majesty’s opposition, the from the State Treasury. Following this turn Chief Justice of England and Wales, the of events, an academic turned diplomat Speaker of the House of Commons, the Maumoon Abdul Gayoom became the Lord Chancellor, the Head of Church of President with a popular mandate of making England, the Archbishop of Canterbury Maldives a democratic country. He in his and the Archbishop of York all rolled frequent announcements claimed that he into one."9 would usher in democratic reforms. President Gayoom remained in However, large hopes were not fulfilled and power from 1978 until 200810. With the the discontent that began momentarily, introduction of democratic reforms in culminated in defeat of Gayoom in 2008 and Maldives, change was inevitable and usher in democracy. President Gayoom was defeated by the President Gayoom and the Democratic incumbent President Mohammed Nasheed in Reform Process the 2008 elections. President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, Promises on reforms that were due who was the Head of the State since 1978 since 1978 finally saw some hope on June 9, until 2008, was considered a moderate 2004 with the President announcing Muslim. Educated in Al Azhar University, democratic reforms. This reform process Cairo, where he took the Bachelors and witnessed an upshot of violence and unrest Masters Degrees in Islamic Studies, in Male that started with a custodial death Gayoom was sensitive to the revivalist and of Evan Naseem on 20th Sept 2003. Evan modernist tendencies in Islamic countries Naseem, was arrested for possessing drugs. (Suryanarayan 2008). President Gayooms During an internal scuffle in the prison, the persistence in power since 1978 has police forcefully took Evan for mandated him with absolute authority. He interrogation. Meanwhile, during the was the Head of State, Head of the interrogation Evan passed away. This news Government, Commander in-Chief of the brought about riots within the prison Armed Forces and of the Police and one leading to the death of 3 more inmates due highest religious authority. The constitution to the shootout by the police. The news also allowed him to appoint 8 members to spread throughout the archipelago fuelling the 50 member People’s Majlis (Parliament the struggle for democratic reforms. in Maldives). Following these developments, anti- That President Gayoom is all too Gayoom factions in Maldives organized powerful can be understood from the ‘Black Friday Protest’ on August 12-13, following comment by an observer who 2004 to commemorate the death of Evan in said that it is like an "Englishman would September 2003. This protest saw the biggest say the President of the Republic of the ever gathering in the history of Maldives and

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 439 The Challenges of Democracy in Maldives it also witnessed most of the anti-Gayoom Maldives since the Election of 2008 protesters being detained and the declaration The Presidential election of 2008 of a State of Emergency in Male and was a milestone in the history of Maldives, surrounding islands. Due to the unrest where a dictator faced the first opposition President Gayoom came under tremendous since he assumed power in 1978. This domestic and international pressure forcing becomes even more significant as President him to accept democratic reforms, which had Gayoom himself contested the elections been in the cards since 1979. along with the other opposition parties in the two sets of electoral process. While former The reform process saw some major President Gayoom gained around 40% in the developments, they include: first, President first round, the rest of the opposition parties Gayoom’s announcement of reforms on June jointly gained the remaining votes, with 9th 2004; second, allowing political parties Mohammed Nasheed of the Maldivian to register on June 5, 2005; third, Democratic Party leading the opposition announcement of Roadmap of Reforms on force. However, in the runoff, Gayoom’s March 27, 2006; fourth, ratification of the support marginally increased by 45.79% and new Constitution on August 7, 2008; finally, Nasheed went on to gain a 54.21% majority the Presidential Elections on October 8 and to become the first democratically elected 28, 2008. In addition election to the Majlis President of Maldives. (Parliament) of the Maldives was also held on May 9, 2009, as per the requirements of This political change in Maldives is the 2009 Constitution. not only special for the change in leadership, but also for the fact that a dictator for thirty Maldivian Constitution years was allowed to stay back in the country Theunder the rule of Sultan with full dignity as a former President and Muhammad Shamsuddeen III. This was done the leader of opposition, something which is under the aegis of the British who was the usually found in a mature democratic ruling force then. In 1968 the first country. This system was significant, Republican Constitution was proclaimed because such gestures are rare in any Islamic country. In the Joint Press Conference held when Ibrahim Nasir became president. It was th subsequently amended four times in 1970, on 10 November 2008, Nasheed said 1972, 1975, and 1998. The new constitution “Revenge, anger - we cannot develop with as promised by President Gayoom in his road such an attitude, with a heavy heart we map to democratic reforms was ratified on cannot do this. I’m appealing to the public, August 7, 2008 after a long delay, because of for the sake of future generations, leave these the tussle between President Gayoom and the things aside”. Special Majlis on various issues. However The initial reaction of President ratification of the new constitution, also the Gayoom was also warm. Unlike Gayoom, first democratic constitution, led for the who forced his predecessor President implementation of the full democratic Ibrahim Nasir and his family to flee from the process in Maldives. nation by slapping innumerable charges

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Jacob Ashik Bonofer 440 against him, President Nasheed treated the which this election was conducted former President and leader of opposition demonstrates that the Maldives is slowly and with respect and privileges. However, this steadily consolidating democracy in the honeymoon was short-lived. On July 12th country. This election was the first 2009, the Presidential commission formally multiparty parliamentary election in summoned Gayoom to its office to probe Maldives. into alleged embezzlement and corruption of Immediate Challenges and Responses by state funds and resources. There are many the New Government opinions behind this move. One could be the enormity of the embezzlement of the state It’s been two years since President funds and two, it could also be due to Nasheed was democratically elected as the pressure from President Nasheed’s President of Maldives. In these two years the colleagues who were not happy with the way new government has had many ups and Gayoom having obtained all the privileges downs in the political life of Maldives. He for a "former president" was yet going about inherited a government that was criticising the government repeatedly on all economically bankrupt and politically issues in the party meetings. Many of them nascent which was prone to infighting within who are pressing for action were the ones the government. Despite all these, President who would have suffered most during Nasheed has been able to govern the nation. 11 Gayoom’s time. President Nasheed’s initial challenge This scenario has changed since the was forming and sustaining his government. beginning of this year. On January 25, 2010, The MDP having won the elections with the Gayoom in a televised news conference, support of other minor parties, were forced to made a surprising announcement that he share their portfolios, but some also left the would not be contesting the Presidential government immediately after assuming elections in 2013 and for the party leadership power. Dr. Hassan Saeed and Gasim Ibrahim of DRP anymore. According to the DRPs who were responsible for getting Nasheed rules, once Gayoom does not contest the elected left the government soon after. This party leadership polls, he automatically political instability is still a major concern. eliminates himself from contesting in the In the first multiparty parliamentary ensuing Presidential polls. With this decision (Majlis) elections held on May 9, 2009, the the 72 year old former President of Maldives DRP won a majority in the Parliament who ruled for 30 years retired from politics. elections with 28 seats and MDP won 26 While the MDP won the Presidential seats. This changed the political scenario in elections, the parliamentary elections in May Maldives. The opposition along with other 2009, also saw a swing in the votes with the smaller parties gaining majority in the former President, Gayooms Party DRP Majlis, the ruling MDP faced enormous leading marginally followed by MDP. The problems in governance. According to the Commonwealth team monitoring the Constitution of Maldives appointments of elections in its report said that the manner in every Minister including Cabinet Ministers

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 441 The Challenges of Democracy in Maldives and other constitutional posts will have to be Nasheed has lived up to democratic approved by the Majlis. This requirement led principles. Unlike most new democratic to a rough weather between the MDP led countries that have lived long under the government and the DRP led Majlis. Out of dictatorial form of government and a lack of 77 members in the parliament, 43 of them cooperation leads to reversion to were in the opposition and almost every bill authoritarian government, President Nasheed forwarded by the executive was mauled and has not done so. Will this be the case changed out of shape with the majority the always? opposition had in the Majlis. Unable to pass any bill and also lack of cooperation in the Economy Majlis, the Cabinet resigned en masse on President Mohameed Nasheed’s June 29, 2010. Following this event, the ascension to power was met with global President took over all the positions and economic crisis, and Maldives being a nation immediately attested two of the popular that is dependent on tourism was facing the members of the Majlis JP Yameen and worst ever economic crisis. Not only tourism Gasim Ibrahim for influencing parliamentary 12 but also fish export which is an important decisions by bribery. source of income had a drastic decline. The However this situation was averted study conducted by the visiting IMF on July 7, when the President reappointed the delegation reported that the GDP is likely to cabinet. This decision was the result of the fall by 4.5%. mediation by the US between the President The Maldives does not have many and the opposition parties. Although the natural resources except her beauty and the initial crisis was averted, it continued even riches of the sea. In fact, 99% of its territory during the month of August when the Majlis consists of water. Hence it is not surprising was tasked with approving the appointment that tourism and fishing are the major of the Attorney General and the bills relating industries of the country. Tourism, accounts to the judiciary, which was a constitutional 13 for 28% of GDP and more than 60% of requirement, and the Majlis did not do so foreign exchange receipts. Over 90% of even after the stipulated duration. This led to government tax revenue comes from import the resignation of the Attorney General and duties and tourism-related taxes. Fishing is closure of the Supreme Court. However, this the second leading sector. Agriculture and situation was also averted by August 11, manufacturing continue to play a lesser role 2010 when the Majlis and the President in the economy, constrained by the limited endorsed the appointments. availability of cultivable land and the While vital constitutional issues have shortage of domestic labour. Most staple been solved as of now, its ones guess when foods must be imported (Narayan 2007:87). the next issue would crop up. The current Although agriculture cannot be considered as political situation in Maldives shows a clear an important source of income it would be lack of understanding of democratic norms. interesting to know that it also contributes to Despite all these shortfalls, President an extent the economy. Breakdown of the

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Jacob Ashik Bonofer 442 various sectors in percentage terms for capita income to about US$ 2,800, the Maldives' economy is given below. highest in the region and moving the Maldives well into middle income status.15 Table 1: Breakdown of the Various Sectors Two issues had a major impact on the % of Total economy of Maldives. First; the Tsunami of Sectors Economy December 26, 2004 divested most of the low lying islands of the tourism industry. Second, Tourism 28 while Maldives was on the path to recovery Transport and after the Tsunami, the global economic crisis 20 Communications of 2008 further affected its tourism industry and led the country to huge budget deficit. Government 18 The incumbent President Nasheed’s Manufacturing 7 Government inherited a budget deficit of Rf. Real Estate 7 1.4 billion (US$ 109.00) from the previous government and desperate efforts were taken Fishing 3 to control the expenditure. However the Construction 6 unrealistic pay rise of 16 to 60 percent has taken a good toll of the Maldivian economy. Agriculture 2 Except of the government sector, the GDP Other 10 contribution of other sectors have been lower than previous years. There has also been a Source: Background Note: Maldives, Bureau of significant fall in foreign reserves as well. South and Central Asian Affairs, US Department of 14 However, the austerity measures taken by the State, February 2009. government and the support of external actors like the World Bank, IMF,EU and Maldives is also one of the least friendly countries like India, China and US developed among developing countries and it have slowly made the economy jump back. continues to receive substantial amounts of According to the World Bank report official development assistance (ODA) from developed countries. In 1989, the Maldivian “The rebound in tourism is driving a government started to reform and liberalise growth recovery. The global crisis led to its economy by lifting import quotas and a sharp decline in tourist arrivals in liberalising regulations to attract more early 2009, which contributed to a 3.0 foreign investment. percent contraction in the economy in 2009. Based on the tourism rebound that Since the time President Gayoom started in the second half of 2009, real came to power, Maldives has recorded GDP growth is expected to be 4 percent impressive rates of economic growth and or more this year.”16 significant accomplishments in access to health care, education and other social Lack of growth in the fisheries sector amenities. The GDP growth averaged 7.5 has still not recovered. The sector that used percent over the past two decades, raising per to contribute over 6 % of the GDP is

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 443 The Challenges of Democracy in Maldives currently contributing only 3%. While reads, “Al Dhawlathul Mahaldheebiyya” reasons like rising fuel costs, changing ocean meaning the state of Maldives.18 currents, etc, are quoted for the poor performance of this sector, continuous The moderate image of Maldives decline in this sector will have a lasting could be well attributed to the tradition, impact on the nation’s economy. The which has been free historically and continued to be so even after embracing incumbent government in addition to its th concentration on the environment and Islam in the 12 century. Ibn Batuta in his tourism should also help in the growth of this account on the free society of Maldives sector. mentions of the women not wearing full veils unlike other communities. He further goes to Religion and Fundamentalism say that despite his orders as the Kazi, on Although being virtually an all women to follow the same dressing norms as Muslim country belonging to the Sufi school women in other Islamic communities, he of Sunnis, Maldives has always remained a miserably failed in his attempt. Urmila moderate Muslim country when compared Phadnis describing the religious freedom with the other Muslims countries. Only enjoyed by women in Maldives says that “in Sunni Muslims are allowed to become terms of freedom of movement and citizens. However, practice of other religion association, they had historically and religious functions in public is strictly experienced a relatively more lax social forbidden. The only non-Islamic festival that ethos than women in traditional Hindu and is allowed to be practiced is the Poya Muslim societies, with short periods of rigid observance of the Sri Lankan Buddhists, but curbs, depending on individual Sultans and only within the Sri Lankan High Kazis. The purdah was never wholly Commission in Male.17 accepted even though veils were used at some time or other.”(Phadnis 1985:14). Religion also plays a primary role in Although wearing of full veil, with no flesh asserting political and legal identity. This showing is not permitted under the country’s could be well explained by describing the moderate Islamic traditions, women fully distinctive features of the national symbols covered in black are now occasionally seen of Maldives, namely the national flag and the on the streets these days. emblem. The national flag itself incorporates the basic tenets of the Islamic faith, President Gayoom since the time he indicating that Islam is a part and parcel of came to power has always maintained that Maldives, in the flag, red symbolises Maldives should be a moderate Islamic sacrifice, green prosperity and the crescent Country. This policy of Gayoom is one of the Islamic faith. Similarly, the national the reasons for Maldives not being a hot bed emblem is symbolised in the coconut palm of Islamic extremism. The personal trait of indicating the livelihood of the island nation, the former Gayoom played an enormous role the crescent, star and the two national flags in retaining the country in moderate form, A symbolising the Islamic faith of the state and Friend of President Gayoom in a Biography its authority and the inscription in Dhivehi elucidates:

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Jacob Ashik Bonofer 444

“We were quite mixed up as a country, and two Japanese. Two British tourists were not sure to go the way of the West, with also injured. Second, following the bomb a Western culture, or to opt for a blast, the standoff between the Maldivian moderate path. The president, being a Security Forces and the masked men at the Muslim scholar, wanted a moderate and Himandhoo Island of the Alif Alif Atoll on modern Islamic society.” October 6th 2007 was a clear sign of the presence of Wahhabi elements in Maldives So long as President Gayoom was in and their role in the bomb blast in Male. power he remained as the highest religious authority in Maldives. He issued religious There is also an increasing danger tenets and controlled the sermons preached from Maldivians who go to other Islamic by the Imams in the Mosques. It should be countries for their education. Reports of said to the credit of President Gayoom, that connections between Maldivians and despite enormous influence of the Arab – Gulf fundamentalists group were available as region he retained Maldives as a moderate early as 2002, when 28-year-old Ibrahim Muslim State. However this situation is Fauzee, a Maldivian national, was arrested in slowly changing given the subtle growth of Karachi and was taken to Guantanamo Bay Wahhabi fundamentalist movement over the by the US security forces for his connections past few years. Currently it is stronger than with the Al Qaeda.31 The recent incident ever before and has been accusing the includes the announcement of the Maldivian government of not being ‘Islamic’ enough. Defence Ministry about the arrest of nine armed Maldivians in the northern district of Fears of the growth of extremism Pakistan on April 2, 2009. There were also were best described by Dr. Chandrasekharan, reports of the arrest of three Maldivians in Director, South Asian Analysis Group, as19 the first week of March. It is not yet clear “Then, of course, to go back to the whether these Maldivians were on their way growing Islamic fundamentalism. I have to join the Taliban or were planning an seen Male since 1989 and in my three attack. One of those arrested is said be an visits there, the Male I saw in 1989, in accused in the Sultan Park explosion case but 1991 and now is completely different. I was said to have been released earlier for see more of the trappings of the want of evidence.22 fundamentalism. Almost 50 per cent of The incumbent President Nasheed the women seem to be wearing the has more challenges than the former Muga, as they call the burqa in the local President due to his western affinities. language, a certain amount of Gayoom and other Islamic groups during the conservatism creeping in.20 campaign for Presidential elections have Two major incidents exposed the accused Anni of having connections with vulnerability of Maldives of being used as a Christian groups and also seeking to allow hub of extremist activities, first, on the spread of Christianity in the Maldives. September 29th 2007, a bomb blast rocked The opposition is also trying to nail President the recreation park injuring eight Chinese Nasheed of drinking Sula Sirash, red wine

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 445 The Challenges of Democracy in Maldives during his visit to India. There is hardly any Having spelt out the important thought given to the spread of extremism. aspects in the previous paragraph, the Also the role of Adhaalath party, which has following sections would deal with the strong connections with Saudi Arabia and methods followed by Maldives in achieving suspected to be provided with Saudi funds, is its foreign policy goals. Although Maldives a big concern. Adding to the fears is the obtained its freedom from British in 1965, its appointment of a representative of the independent foreign policy came into Adhaalath party as the Minister for Religious existence only after the British vacated the Affairs. However the appointment of the Gan Islands in 1976. Being the closest MDP, Sheikh Mohamed Farook as the neighbours, Sri Lanka and India were the Deputy Minister of Religious Affairs could first to have diplomatic and closer relations play a role in checking the misuse of with Maldives. This position continues even Ministry of Religious Affairs by the at this juncture. Adhaalath party.23 Close geographical proximity with Opening opportunities for Diego Garcia makes Maldivian security and impromptu religious sermons by the new independence extremely important for India government would not help Maldives; rather and other regional actors. The USA did make there is a high chance of misusing this option an attempt to take over the Gan islands for spread of extremism. President Gayoom following UK’s withdrawal from the during his tenure kept sermons by the imams Maldives in 1968, and requested the use of under his control so as to avoid its misuse. some of the islands’ resorts for recreation But will the expansion of religious purposes for its soldiers posted in Diego expression endanger Maldives would only be Garcia but this was turned down in view of known with the change of time. India’s pressure to the contrary. There is Role of External Actors and the Way more of speculation, not as much a rumour Forward that Maldives and China had gone in for an agreement in 1999 on the Marao Island, The significance of Maldives and its which is the largest island in the whole of external relations are based on three aspects Maldives. China had promised to build a geography, religion and colonial legacy. deep sea port in Marao but nothing has Although all these three aspects are different crystallized as yet. Considering the change in from each other, however for Maldives it is Government in Maldives and its closer closely interrelated and any historical relations with India, these projects would not account on Maldives would see an overlap of see the light of the day in the near future. these aspects. The Foreign Policy of Maldives was best spelt out by the As regards India - Maldives incumbent Foreign Minister Ahmed Shaheed relations, apart from the traditional historical in 1997. He divides Maldives foreign policy links, formal relations can be traced to the objectives as economic interests, promoting declaration of independence in November national and environmental security, and 1965, when India was the third country to regional and international solidarity. recognise Maldives. The first state level visit

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Jacob Ashik Bonofer 446 was in 1974 when Prime Minister Mr Ahmed within 24 hours was instrumental in stalling Zaki of Maldives made an official visit to the coup and flushing out the mercenaries. India. After which there have been frequent Earlier in 1980 there was a failed coup visits by the leaders of both countries either attempt orchestrated by the British. Op way. Most of these visits are important to Rainbow was for tsunami relief, a purely Maldives because with each and every visit humanitarian venture. India gave two fast Maldives has benefited economically.24 attack crafts to Maldives in April, 2006 during the visit of the Indian defence Bilateral trade is weighed deeply in minister to Maldives. These are the Trinkat favour of India, who is the third largest Class Fast Attack Craft and INS Tillanchang exporter to Maldives. India and Maldives a 260-ton Fast-Attack craft. trade relations currently stand at 19.3 million dollars. A Trade Agreement was signed in Maldives’ relations with India as 1981 for export of essential commodities. witnessed during earlier regimes continue to Indian exports to Maldives include be cordial and favourable. President Nasheed agriculture and poultry produce, sugar, fruits, made his maiden international trip to India vegetables, spices, rice, wheat flour, textiles, after coming to power. His trip also witnessed drugs and medicines, a variety of engineering India promising a $100 million loans to 25 and industrial products, sand and aggregate, improve the tourism industry in Maldives. cement for building etc. Indian imports from Since then there have been frequent visits by Maldives are basically cowries’ shells and officials and President Nasheed himself to red corals. The other areas of Indian New Delhi. On trying to understand the Investments include joint ventures in tourism possibility of furthering Indian support and and industrial sectors. There are five island involvement in Maldives, one realizes that resorts managed by Indian companies. Taj is the requirements of Maldives are quite high the main operator in this sector. The Indian and India despite all its options and community is the second largest expatriate advantages would need to do more. community numbering nearly 20,000, Conclusion consisting of doctors, nurses, technicians, teachers, labourers. Terrorism, extremism, nepotism, infighting, etc, are critical characteristics of India – Maldives Defence democracy in South Asia. Nevertheless, one Cooperation is a major area of operation next cannot just conclude that democracy is a to economic relations. Op Cactus and Op wrong form of government for a region that Rainbow are the two major operations India is relatively new to democracy. Despite all has had in Maldives. Op Cactus was in these characteristics, nations like India; those November 1988, when President Gayoom have experienced democracy for over half a was threatened by a coup staged by Sri century has had enormous influence on Lankan Tamil mercenaries, of the PLOTE of newly democratic countries. The democratic Sri Lankan. They had gone at the behest of a experiment in Maldives is one such example. few local Maldivian businessmen and the Although the survival of democracy is timely presence of the Indian armed forces always a challenge in newly democratised

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 447 The Challenges of Democracy in Maldives countries, the very notion of freedom resignation of the Attorney General and the sustains the momentum. South Asia is a closure of the Supreme Court. These two typical example of how despite various odds, major incidences almost led to the failure of democracy still continues to be a popular the democratic setup. However, with the form of government. Maldives had been a support of external actors, the parties that hot bed of terrorism, extremism, nepotism, were involved were able to resolve their etc. But, in the last two years, since its first differences. Whether the issue has come to democratically elected government, it has an end, one is not sure. But the fact remains moved a long way towards becoming a that if Maldives has to proceed with democratic country in the fullest sense. economic growth it is important that the political actors and the external actors are The last two years of the first elected sincerely committed to democracy in government of Maldives have not been easy. Maldives. For a nation that has hardly witnessed any democratic overtures, it is likely that there In this situation, the roles of would be many challenges. However, the democratic countries like India play a crucial incumbent President and the government role. Being the oldest democratic country in have reacted with great maturity and this region, India should ensure that responsibilities by trying to address the Maldives does not fall back to autocracy due issues in a democratic way and not reverting to political reasons. What is more, it is back to the dictatorial form of government. important for India to have a democratic and President Nasheed in an interview with the a secure Maldives. Any challenge to both Asian Tribune clearly explained his position these aspects would bring about major as follows: security concerns, as the influence of Jihadi’s “I don’t want to take the form of are quite high. India needs to take keen government back to dictatorship however interest in the growth of Maldives. much it would be easy for me to run. We know that the best form for governance is Notes democracy, and it would deliver 1. The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Index of development. Despite challenges, I don’t Democracy 2008, The Economist, available at think we are on the brink of unravelling http://a330.g.akamai.net/7/330/25828/200810211 the constitution, and going back to where 85552/graphics.eiu.com/PDF/Democracy%20Ind we were earlier.” ex%202008.pdf. In the last two years, President 2. ibid Nasheed has faced critical challenges that 3. http://www.freedomhouse.org/uploads/fiw10/FIW almost paralysed government functioning. _2010_Tables_and_Graphs.pdf. First when the cabinet resigned en masse as a 4. Freedom house 2010 US Budget Analysis available protest against the opposition’s role in the at http://www.freedomhouse.org/uploads/FY201 Majlis’ in trying to stall government 0BudgetAnalysis.pdf as on 5, October 2010. activities. Second, the delay in accepting the 5. Speech available at http://www.presidencymaldi Judiciary bill by the Majlis that led to the ves.gov.mv/4/?ref=1,6,5143 as on Oct. 12, 2010.

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6. CIA World Fact Book, available at 20. Adding to this issue Dr. Chandrasaker writes that https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the- “The Deputy Secretary General of the MDP only world-factbook/geos/mv.html as on Oct. 10, 2010 said that I was not necessary to wear the burqa and she was forced to resign from the party post 7. Dhivehi is a mix of Sanskrit, Pali, Sinhala, Tamil and has been asked to explain. She has been given and now some Arabic as well. an ultimatum: either she apologizes or she resigns 8. http://www.unescobkk.org/fileadmin/user_upload/ from the official party post of being a Deputy arsh/Country_Profiles/Maldives/Chapter_1.pdf Secretary General of the party. She chose to available as on October 10, 2010 resign from the party. There are visits of the preachers coming and the question is, the problem 9. Chandrasekharan, S, MALDIVES: Registration of is how to stop it with the modern methods of the MDP: Much remains to be done Internet, the e mail and such things, this is an http://southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers15%5Cpa issue that has problems which most of the time is per1472.html available as on October 10, 2010- preoccupying. I must appreciate President 10-18 Gayoom for being able to keep the Islamic 10. President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom was re- extremism at bay, particularly the Wahabbi type. elected in 1983, 1988, 1993, 1998, and 2003 It is hundred percent Sunni Islamic country and elections. this is another issue because practically they cannot maintain a hundred percent Sunni Islam 11. Chandrasekharan, S, MALDIVES: Gayoom character because with the increase in Summoned by Presidential Commission on globalisation, there is bound to be inter-religious Corruption available at http://southasia liaisons and inter-cultural connections, in form of analysis.org/%5Cpapers34%5Cpaper3328.html marriages and so on there needs to be some as on October 10. 2010. provisions for peaceful cohabitation of other religions.” 12. Chandrasekharan, S, MALDIVES: Cabinet Resigns and is Reappointed: High Drama?, 21. Aditi Phadnis, Aditi Phadnis: A Maldivian available at http://southasiaanalysis.org symphony, Business Standard, December 27, /%5Cpapers40%5Cpaper3914.html 2008, Available at http://www.business- standard.com/india/news/aditi-phadnismaldivian- 13. According to the transition norms set by the new symphony/01/09/344445/ as on October 7, 2010 constitution of Maldives, all appointments had to be ratified by the Majlis before August 8, 2010. 22. Chandrasekharan, S, MALDIVES: Arrest of Armed Maldivians in South Waziristan available 14. Maldives, Background Notes, Bureau of South at http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers32 and Central Asian Affairs, July 20, 2010 /paper3137.html as on October 1O, 2010 15. Maldives Mobile Banking Project, PROJECT 23. ibid INFORMATION DOCUMENT, The World Bank 24. To name the most important visits by the Indian 16. Maldives Economic Update, The World Bank, leaders, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made an April 2010. official visit to the Maldives in January 1975, 17. Presentation by Ashik Bonofer on Indo Maldivian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in February 1986, Relations in the Emerging Era on 9th June 2007 at Prime Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh in June the Observer Research Foundation, Chennai 1990, Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar in Chapter, Chennai, India. November 1990 to attend the 5th SAARC Summit, Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao in 18. ibid April 1995 for the formal joint opening of Indira 19. Chandrasekharan, S expressed his fears during an Gandhi Memorial Hospital (IGMH), Prime interaction at the Chennai Chapter of the Observer Minister Inder Kumar Gujral May 1997 to attend Research Foundation. the 9th SAARC Summit, and Prime Minister Atal

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Bihari Vajpayee Maldives in September 2002. In Issue 2, Spring, Center for Democracy and Civil fact the Economic and Technical Cooperation Society, Georgetown University, also available at Agreement was signed during Prime Minister http://www.democraticpiece.com/forum/dands- Rajiv Gandhi's visit in February 1986, based on spring2009.pdf which there were other major projects, Indira Gandhi Memorial Hospital (1994). Maldives Narayan, S (ed.) (2007): Regionalism and Trade, South Institute of Technical Education (1996), Asia Perspective 2006, Indian Institute of South Population and Development Consolidation Asian Studies, Singapore. Programme, Human Resource Development Programme. What is of note is that none of these Phadnis Urmila et al (1985): Maldives Winds of projects are large scale ventures, crucial as they Change in an Atoll State, South Asian Publisher, might be, the biggest of these is the 200 bed Indira New Delhi, p.14. Gandhi Memorial Hospital. However, it is also important to note that most of the Maldivians Suryanarayan, V (1993): “The Maldives and India’s come down to Trivandrum and Chennai for their Security”, in Satish Chandra (ed.), The Indian medical treatment. Ocean and its Islands. Strategic, Scientific and Historical Perspectives, Sage Publication, New 25. Available at http://www.jansamachar.net/display Delhi. .php3?id=&num=18298&lang=English as on October 15, 2010. Suryanarayan, V (2008): “Struggle for Democracy in Maldives”, Paper presented in the International References Seminar on ‘Democracy, Peace and Nation Building in South Asia: Challenges and Azpuru, Dinorah, et al. (2008): “What has the United Prospects’, organized by Univeersity of States Been Doing”, Journal of Democracy, Allahabad, March 6-8. Vol.19, No.2, April, The John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore. Thomas, Carothers (2007): “The “Sequencing” Fallacy”, Journal of Democracy, Vol.18, No.1, Fareed, Zakaria (1997): “The Rise of Illiberal Jan, The John Hopkins University Press, Democracy”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.76, November– Baltimore. December. Ibrahim, Anwar (2006): “Universal Values and Muslim Vali, Nasar (2005): “The Rise of Muslim Democracy”, Democracy”, Journal of Democracy, Vol.17, Journal of Democracy, Vol.16, No.2, April, The No.3, July, The John Hopkins University Press, John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore. Baltimore. Zaki, Ibrahim Hussain and Parakh, Regina Mulay Kucharczyk, Jacek (2009): “Re-energising Europe to (2002): Small States Security Dilemma, A Champion Democracy in Democracy’s New Maldivian Perspective, Lancers Books. Champions”, Democracy and Society, Vol.6,

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Review Article

The Changing Agenda of South Asian Studies Swati Bhattacharya

There has been a steady increase in the South Asian context to be the proxy war the number of centers, departments and played out primarily between India and schools around the world focusing on South Pakistan (McMahon, 1994) as a sequel to the Asia and wanting to study the various other Cold War. This they have pointed out, has aspects that this South Asianness entails. led to a state of perpetual tension and fear Innumerable readings, elucidation and amongst the people of the subcontinent and theorization regarding the same have been this fear has exacerbated with both countries put forth, which stack up South Asian coming to possess nuclear power. The loss of studies’ shelves in libraries. This has been life due to cross-border terrorism has also supplemented by an ocean of literature on been immense. This infighting has attracted the same being churned out by indigenous international attention wherein each of these academic institutions. Therefore, the nations vies for the support of other powerful endeavor in the following few pages shall be nations (Puri 2001). to provide a short analysis of the agenda of There have been other scholars who South Asian studies in the light of three have singled out the India-first attitude as a fairly recent works on South Asia, namely, reason for instability and tension in the Democracy, Development and Discontent in subcontinent. They feel that the Indian South Asia, Local Democracy in South Asia desire to emerge as the South Asian leader as well as Liberal Perspectives for South has made it stand in the way of its smaller Asia. Through these publications, an attempt South Asian neighbors developing relations would be made to try and understand what with international powers (D.N 1988). Thus, has as yet constituted South Asian studies, South Asia may be said to be housing a lot the changes or continuities therein and the of discontent and two additional reasons for reasons for the same. the same-democracy and development, are I seen to have been laid out in Veena Kukreja and Mahendra Prasad Singh’s edited South Asia has emerged as a region volume titled ‘Democracy, Development characterized by multiple flash points. These and Discontent in South Asia’. Though not a flashpoints emerge due to a number of first of its kind, the book, handles the issue reasons. Many have identified the reason in under consideration with pioneering

Swati Bhattacharya, MPhil Scholar, Department of Politics & International Studies, Pondicherry University, Pondicherry – 605014, India. E-mail: [email protected].

IJSAS 3(2) 2010, pp.450-459. ISSN 0974 -2514 451 The Changing Agenda of South Asian Studies coherence. The logic of democracy and Likewise, through chapters three, development in the South Asian seven and eight, the authors have tried to subcontinent has been ironically, two-way. bring out similarities showcased by other This comes out well through this volume South Asian nations of Bangladesh, Sri which aptly shows that South Asia feels the Lanka and Nepal. In chapter three, Kukreja tremors from not only a lack of democracy discusses the similarity that Bangladesh and development but also due to an bears with Pakistan in terms of its political introduction of development and democracy life shuffling between democracy and in a number of cases. authoritarianism as well as its cultural life in terms of growing Islamic fundamentalism. In Through its various chapters, the the seventh chapter, Kukreja along with contributors to the book bring individual Mahendra Prasad Singh, maintain that Sri South Asian nations under the spotlight Lanka, by delaying or not providing federal and bring forth the simultaneous working solutions to the grievances of the separatists, of contradictory forces, under whose is precipitating further crisis. Such an pressure the subcontinent perpetually reels. undemocratic attitude as that held by Chapter two and chapter six shed light on successive majority Sinhala regimes in the Pakistan wherein the difficulties of face of a multiethnic, multi-religious and cultivating democracy in Pakistan and the multi-lingual reality, has acted as the first disturbances in the nation due to lack of and foremost gateway to the crisis. democracy have been discussed. Saleem Qureshi through chapter two tries to situate Nepal too has floundered on the the politics of Pakistan within its larger rocks of a monarchy hesitant to devolve historical, sociological and cultural context power and the forces lying in opposition to it and emphasizes on the need of having civil that are determined to take it, even if by society institutions and a conducive force. Nalini Kant Jha through his work political culture so as to help democracy urges the state to identify the grievances of flourish in Pakistan. Lawrence Ziring in his the excluded and work towards resolving chapter talks of the ‘unrecorded majority’ them so that the reins of political life may be of Pakistan’s population, especially the taken over from the Maoists. The undemocratic Wazirs of South Waziristan and why it is policies towards the minority in Bhutan have so important to take into account their also led this kingdom situated in the lap of dissatisfaction with the regime as part of the Himalayas into deep crisis. That this has Pakistan’s integration efforts. As Qureshi resulted in substantially complicating mentionably concludes, ‘Ultimately, it is relations between India, Nepal and Bhutan up to the Pakistanis themselves to decide which should be brought back to normal by whether, in a zoological analogy of the our policy makers, is the subject of Awadhesh zebra being a white animal with black Coomar Sinha’s chapter on Bhutan. stripes or a black animal with white stripes, Pakistan is a democracy with military Niraj Kumar, Mohammad disruptions or a militocracy with Nuruzzaman and Rajan Harshe all through democratic interludes’. their respective work deal with different

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Swati Bhattacharya 452 aspects of development in the subcontinent. studies, it itself appears to have placed India Kumar deals with the Indian developmental slightly towards the centre. The volume not state and says that it has remained rather only opens with a chapter on India, the unexplored given the fascination of scholars thematic arrangement is suggestive of a and theorists with the East Asian movement from the good-a recognition of developmental states. He says that India has India’s democratic nationalism, to not-so- done well in both of its developmental state good-the dark undemocratic side of other phases-the Nehruvian developmental model South Asian nations. Similarly, Kumar seems as well as the later Neo-liberal developmental to uphold India’s strategy of reconciling both- model. He may also be supported in these development and democracy as a model arguments by S. Mahendra Dev (2000), who despite its tragedies, and this calls for further has through his work striven to show that analysis. Being the largest democracy is a indeed neo-liberal reforms have made a matter of pride but as far as development is positive difference to the individual concerned, we still have a long stride to take economies of South Asian nations along with towards it. This ‘reconciliation’ even if not visible success at the macro South Asian invisible is definitely premature. On the level, but he is posed against a rapidly whole however, it would be appropriate to growing literature regarding the unfavorable call it a fine work as it is reflective of the impact that liberalization had and continues diligence with which the volume has been to have at the macro level and at the level of put together. It also showcases a balance. individual South Asian economies. Each chapter is an output of vigorous and recent research which informs the reader of The upheaval caused by contemporary issues and this makes the book development comes out well through highly relevant and pertinent. Nuruzzaman’s chapter wherein he talks of the popular resistance to pro-market reforms II in Bangladesh. He tries to place these Democratization, as mentioned afore protests that were triggered during the is one of the most pronounced factors eighties and continued into the following responsible for much social as well as decade and understand them in totality. The political torpor and change throughout the last bit in understanding this two-way subcontinent. Democratization has occurred dynamic of development is put together by through both-the state as well as non-state Rajan Harshe in his chapter on Indo-Pak agencies, also known as civil society conflicts over Kashmir where he stresses on organizations or non-governmental the need to take care of the state of Jammu organizations. These organizations work and Kashmir in developmental terms and outside the purview of the state and often rely on developmental projects so as to make up for its inadequacies. Along with this facilitate cooperation amongst the two they often work as democratic watchdogs. It conflicting nations. is within this space that new identities are However, though the work speaks of carved out that further lead to the stirring up the India-centric factor in South Asian of new, often-violent social movements.

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The state contributes to sorry state of local democratic affairs. democratization through the process of Dhruba Kumar articulates well the prevalent decentralization and devolution of power to fiasco and puts forth the factors responsible the lowest of governing units, by recognizing for the same, with party infighting and hitherto unrecognized social groups, by divisiveness, gradual transformation in the recognizing these newly emergent social meaning of and expectation from a leader groups’ political demands and so on. An and cadre-based party politics appearing first equally large amount of literature is being on the list. This view is corroborated by spun around each of the two-the CSOs as Krishna Hachhethu in his chapter through a well as the state. One such work on the latter case study of political parties in the is an edited volume by David Gellner and Dhanusha district of Nepal. Through the Krishna Hachhethu, Local Democracy in chapter on distributional coalitions, Pfaff- South Asia, that deals extensively with Czarnecka sheds light on the sociology and democratization at the micro level in Nepal operationalisation of these influential and in particular and its South Asian neighbors in undemocratic informal networks that have general. consistently changed people’s perception of the state, its political process and the role of As the editors of the book parties. They have developed a negative themselves put, “We aim to be innovative in attitude towards the entire process which two different ways…..we look more widely they view just as a means to capture power at democracy as a process and democracy as and privileges and it is the local government a value” and secondly “the book…brings bodies that are suffering on account of these together chapters on all the larger countries factors. of South Asia, while yet having a principal focus on Nepal”. That is to say that the book Gellner and Karki through their does not just focus on the presence or chapter also bring out supportive evidence to absence of institutions of governance, rather the aforesaid. Their research on the ethnic it focuses on the presence or absence of organizations in Nepal, showcases the kind democratic values that may guide everyday of changes that have permeated the lives and practices. And secondly, it has been perception of people towards democratic attempted to tide over the earlier mentioned practices like voting or holding elections and India-centeredness of South Asian studies by the resultant innovations they have made to bringing out a volume dedicated largely to democratic procedures (like arriving at politics in Nepal, maintaining consensual decisions instead of voting simultaneously, a comparative South Asian mentioned herein). Gradually is the idea framework. seeping that democracy invigorates organizations and that such elected leaders The first few chapters being have a stronger mandate. exclusively on Nepal bring out the intricacies of the nation’s politics through studies Dahal in his chapter upholds this conducted on its various aspects. The very democratic feature elaborating how the opening chapter discusses the prevailing Madhesis were able to not only protect

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Swati Bhattacharya 454 themselves and their interests but also and India have been analyzed. Lewis and promote them due to the introduction of Hossain’s work on rural Bangladesh reveals democratic political practices in the Nepal that ‘the net’ that has been talked of in earlier Tarai region after 1990. Ogura’s paper accounts on rural Bangladesh has not significantly brings out the necessity of remained as rigid any more and there is now Maoists to maintain an effective democratic much more room for the poor to maneuver. machinery, while controlling it behind the Efforts at decentralization have been scenes through the party. This becomes successful and the informal network that especially important, maintains Baral, when existed till a few years back-akin to client- they (Maoists) are capitalizing on people’s patron relationships elsewhere-have now dissatisfaction with inappropriate leaders and given way to a number of strong civil society leadership of the past and their lack of organizations and movements, that have vision. despite their many problems contributed to positive change. Upreti in his chapter looks at the dispute settlement aspect of Nepalese politics The situation in Pakistan is not that at the local level. Analyzing traditional optimistic as it emerges from Mohmand’s methods of dispute resolution vis-à-vis the work. In Pakistan, the state has conveniently modern methods, he arrives at an brushed under the carpet substantive political understanding that in the face of extreme decentralization programs under the façade pressure from modern democratic forces, the of opening up doors to NGOs that work survival of only the more democratic within an apolitical context where power traditional modes of dispute resolution is structures and inequality remain untouched. assured. He further observes that a In addition to this, the state has conveniently combination of the best features of both withdrawn from performing its mandated modes of dispute resolution-traditional and role and shifted the burden of service- modern is most effective. Hence it would be delivery solely onto these NGOs. better to recognize the positive features of Siri Hettige’s work focuses on the the traditional mode and incorporate them situation prevailing in Sri Lanka and finds into the modern or reconfigure the former that Sri Lanka and Pakistan sail almost on with positive elements from the latter. the same ship. Through the case study of Carrying this thought forward is Shakya who Ambagamuwa, the paper brings forth painful deems local elected bodies and civil society realities of Sri Lankan politics. The bid to institutions as partners and feels that they concentrate power at the centre, the need to complement each other so that the operation of patron-client relationships, the role of social mobilization and service- bypassing of local government bodies and delivery may be optimally performed. leaders along with a denial of autonomy as The six remaining chapters on other well as treating local bodies as a means to South Asian countries provide the achieve the end of making it to national level comparative framework. Local government politics are some of the striking grievances bodies in Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka that need to be addressed in order to

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 455 The Changing Agenda of South Asian Studies empower local government bodies and it failed to deliver the promised consequently the marginalized majority at development, remains at best murky and the local level. ambiguous. On the whole it is an established asset for anyone interested in South Asia. The situation in India seems somewhat better. However, Strulik, Jodhka III as well as deSouza rein in this optimism in the light of ground realities. While deSouza The normative road to speaks of the half-traversed road towards democratization in South Asia has been decentralization, given that the seriousness taken to be passing through liberalism. and commitment to it is absent beyond the Accordingly, the process of democratization first tier, the state enters into conditional in South Asia would be rendered complete partnerships with the civil society and that when along with political democratization, the developmental question has not gained economic democratization too gains ground. much ground, Jodhka brings out the brutal More specifically, establishment of a liberal reality of democratic village bodies democracy is to be accompanied by the oppressing constituent Dalit population. establishment of a liberalized economy. In Strulik through the case of Vandana Devi the light of this, a mentionable work has says that reservations in Panchayati Raj have come forth, again in the form of an edited definitely been a decisive step towards volume of essays put together by Rajiva decentralization, however, the success of Wijesinha, titled, ‘Liberal Perspectives for decentralization would involve not only South Asia’. Compiled in memory of looking at mere snapshots of women’s Chanaka Amaratunga, the founder and leader success in Panchayat policy making but also of the Liberal Party in Sri Lanka in the ways in which power structures around association with The Friedrich Naumann them-at home and outside, have undergone Stiftung fur die Freiheit (FNF), the book puts changes. forth a vision of liberal politics and economy in South Asia. The work arrives as a refreshing change in the domain of South Asian studies. A simple and comprehensive book, it Firstly it does tide over the India- tries to put forth an understanding of the centeredness by doing justice to the claim of liberal idea. Amaratunga put liberalism ‘as retaining focus on Nepal and reaching out to an ideology of individuality, tolerance, some other South Asian countries as part of enlightenment and radicalism’ that has developing a comparative framework. Every ‘firmly placed it upon the progressive side of chapter has been carved out with immense the political divide’. Through the various detail and they have together gone into chapters that follow, the book tries to further making a fine compendium. Some interesting elucidate the concept of liberalism - revelations also find their way to the reader. specifically liberal democracy and economy, However, the answer to whether people in that is, the liberal way of life and ground it in Nepal are discontented with democracy in the historical context of South Asia. Taking itself or are just disillusioned with it because upon himself the latter task, Nirgunan

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Tiruchelvam, in one such chapter maintains liberal approaches to education has helped its that liberalism was largely a colonial population to acquire affordable, quality inheritance, however, it was only because of education and almost hundred percent the historical existence of the liberal, tolerant literacy. tradition in South Asia that South Asians Anees Jillani in his essay, takes on were able to internalize these liberal directly at the political system of Pakistan principles. Mentioning the Kalama Sutras of and analyses the causes for its systemic Buddha, he cites them as one of the earliest failure. Maintaining that lack of democratic examples of indigenous South Asian liberal values and institutions have led to the neglect tradition. of the average Pakistani, he hopes for On a similar note, Barun Mitra democratic forces, that have had some through his chapter on grassroots capitalism impact on Pakistani politics as of now and in India speaks of the wonderful ability that are concerned about democratic values, to the people at the bottom of the economic play a more significant role. However, he ladder show by identifying the unmet also recognizes that this would be difficult as demands of society and then trying to cater it would almost mean that the country to them. Giving a number of examples from undergo a revolution. Mentionable is also the different walks of Indian life, he elucidates chapter put forth by Rajiva Wijesinha how a sizable number of Indians have wherein he touches upon the hurdles to entrepreneurs inside them but due to the democracy in each of the South Asian rigidities that they meet in the form of fixed nations and elaborates upon them. The moot economic laws and rules, they are unable to objective behind undertaking this task is to set that entrepreneur spirit free. He also learn lessons from the past so as to ensure quotes examples of how such rigidities have the smooth consolidation of democracy in time and again cost the country in the form future in the subcontinent. of scams and illegal transactions and Talking of almost all South Asian maintains that the way to meet these nations, who have as yet had undemocratic problems would be to free the country from interludes or non-democratic traditions, for bureaucratic shackles. example, Maldives and Bhutan, he says that Parth Shah in his chapter on it would be better for these nations to return liberalizing education also speaks on similar to democracy if they are to be protected. He lines when he argues for an end to red tape in holds up the Indian model of nation building the educational sector in India so as to allow and says that at the dawn of independence, it for competition within the sector that would was the idea of a united India that seemed further enhance education qualitatively and most unviable. However, with the passage of quantitatively. Citing the example of Kerala, time, it has become clear that it was the which stands at the forefront of education establishment of democracy with checks and within the Indian union, he analyses the balances built into the system that helped education system in the state to infer that the unite the country despite its diversity. government in Kerala by applying innovative Notwithstanding the flaws of the Indian

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 457 The Changing Agenda of South Asian Studies system of governance, he urges South Asian individual nations within the subcontinent nations to adopt the democratic system of vis-à-vis these disturbances. governance and expresses hope that the This first thread has slowly made strides taken towards the restoration of way for such literature that deals with democracy in each of these nations would devising and constructing solutions within reach their destination. the context of a disturbed South Asia. These Though simple, the arguments put solutions are directed not only towards out through the chapters of the book run addressing the grievances that are propelling deep. Though most of the book is dedicated disturbances in the region but also towards to simplifying the fundamentals of answering the developmental question. liberalism, a task carried out largely by Another solution calls for reviving the Chanaka Amaratunga, there are some SAARC as an instrument of regional noteworthy observations also that are made cooperation. Herein too, there has been a through this book. In fact, it would be movement beyond what existed. The locus of difficult denying the argumentative strength attention of earlier studies was the necessity of the works of Mitra and Shah; the hues of of bringing about a political reconciliation the former’s arguments make him appear to between India and Pakistan so as to initiate have been heavily influenced by Mill. regional cooperation. However, recent However, at closer reading one may desire to studies have showed that Indo-Pak relations differ from what is said. On the whole, the are not necessarily a hurdle to regional work has an optimistic aura to it and compels cooperation. In fact, the idea that economic us to share the democratic vision of South necessities such as monetary or fiscal Asia charted out in it. cooperation (Maskay 2004), or strategic compulsions can help step beyond these IV hostilities has gained ground and the We can now identify the gradually anticipation that the liberal democratic changing agenda of South Asian studies in agenda of modernization shall propel this the light of these three fairly recent and region beyond political, economic, social commended publications. The mass of underdevelopment and religious literature on South Asian studies has fundamentalism towards greater cooperation, developed roughly chronologically along remains. three distinct threads. For a long time work There has thus, developed another on South Asia viewed it as a perpetually relatively recent thread in South Asian disturbed region under constant threat of studies in which a gamut of literature has eruption due to a multiplicity of factors and developed around the liberal perspective. focused on understanding the reasons The liberal perspective/way has been taken underlying this disturbance. It comprised of as possessing the potential of providing work analyzing the factors responsible for answers to questions related to cooperation, discontent and disturbance, the nature of the development and democratization to a great discontent and also the role and nature of extent. This thread is constitutive of work on

International Journal of South Asian Studies IJSAS July – December 2010 Swati Bhattacharya 458 development, democratization, civil society, Thus, like in Europe, where two historically civil society organizations and so on, in the warring nations of France and Germany took subcontinent. the initiative of creating the EU, consolidating and expanding it, in South Though gradual, the change in the Asia too, India and Pakistan need to take the academic agenda of South Asian studies is lead in using SAARC to create a zone of promising. The developing threads are not cooperation and gradually get over their only reflective of the dynamism that South political disagreement with the help of Asian studies entails but also undoubtedly economic or social collaboration. The EU showcases the sensitivity of South Asian now stands as a beacon of regional scholars to changing ground realities. In cooperation based on equality, democratic addition to this, a changing academic agenda participation of member nations, consultation also shows the important place that this and so on. Given the colonial past of the region holds for geo-strategy and political- subcontinent, this becomes all the more economy scholars and policy makers. essential for South Asians. Centers of However, what remains significant is knowledge are able to view and produce the fact that developing threads or trends beyond the confines of what already is and within South Asian studies have never put thought into further enriching South completely replaced each other. Each of Asian studies. However, it is for indigenous them continues to grow with something new policy makers to bring it into use as a guide being added to them every time, though the to politics and practical policy making in the proportion may vary. This may be because subcontinent. the phenomena that these threads have developed around largely coexist in the References subcontinent. Thus, the changing agenda of South Asian studies has largely entailed an D N (1988): “India’s Role in South Asia”, Economic and Political Weekly, July 23, Vol.23, No.30, expanding agenda and it is within this pp.1512-1513. context that a few other facets need to be taken care of. There are innumerable De Silva, Chandra R (2006): “Sri Lanka in 2005: Continuing Political Turmoil”, Asian Survey, accounts that mention the India-centeredness Vol.46, No.1, Jan-Feb, pp.114-119. of South Asian studies. Some have called it the ‘Big-Brotherly’ attitude of India whereas Dev, S Mahendra (2000): “Economic Liberalization and Employment in South Asia: I”, Economic some have excoriated India as sub- and Political Weekly, Vol.35, No.1/2, Jan 8-14, imperialist (D.N, 1988). Nonetheless, this pp.40-51. panic seems misplaced if verified in the light Dev, S. Mahendra (2000): “Economic Liberalization of comparative studies of other regional and Employment in South Asia: II”, Economic organizations. South Asia and India are and Political Weekly, Vol.35, No.3, Jan 15-21, deeply entwined and doing away with one pp.135-146. would mean disaster for the other. Even Gellener, N, David & Hachchethu, Krishna (ed.) Gellner’s comparative framework of South (2008): Local Democracy in South Asia – Asia speaks more on India. Microprocess of Democratization in Nepal and its

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Neighbours, Sage Publications India Pvt. Ltd., McMahon, Robert J (1994): The Cold War on the New Delhi. Periphery: The United States, India, and Pakistan, Columbia University Press, pp.431. Gould, Harold A (1996): “Bill Clinton's Moribund South Asia Policy”, Economic and Political Nayar, Baldev Raj (2006): “India in 2005: India Weekly, Vol.31, No.47, Nov.23, pp.3078-3084. Rising, but Uphill Road Ahead”, Asian Survey, Vol.46, No.1, Jan-Feb, pp.95-106. Hutt, Michael (2006): Nepal and Bhutan in 2005: Puri, Balraj (2001): “Peace in South Asia: Good Monarchy and Democracy, Can They Co-Exist?, Intentions and Ground Realities”, Economic and Asian Survey, Vol.46, No.1, Jan- Feb, pp.120-124. Political Weekly, Vol.36, No. 4, Aug 25-31, Kennedy, Charles H (2006): “Pakistan in 2005: pp.3210-3211. Surviving Domestic and International Riaz, Ali (2006): “Bangladesh in 2005: Standing at a Tremors”, Asian Survey, Vol.46, No.1, Jan- Crossroads”, Asian Survey, Vol.46, No.1, Jan-Feb, Feb, pp.125-131. pp.107-113. Kukerja, Veena and Singh, Mahendra Prasad (ed.) Weiner, Myron (1993): “Rejected Peoples and (2008): Democracy, Development and Discontent Unwanted Migrants in South Asia”, Economic in South Asia, Sage Publications, New Delhi. and Political Weekly, Vol. 28, No.34, Aug 21, pp.1737-1746. Maskay, Nephil Matangi (2004): ‘Monetary Cooperation in South Asia: II, Economic and Wijesinha, Rajiv (ed.) (n.d.): Liberal Perspectives for Political Weekly, Vol.38, No.51/52, Dec. 27, 2003 South Asia, Foundation Books, Cambridge - Jan. 2, 2004, pp.5341-5343. University Press India Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi.

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