Thesis Is Presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Western Australia

LEADERSHIP AT THE PRIMARY SCHOOL LEVEL IN POST-CONFLICT TIMOR-LESTE: A STUDY OF THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND, RECENT DEVELOPMENTS AND

CURRENT CONCERNS OF SCHOOL LEADERS

Shayla Maria Babo Ribeiro

Master of Business Administration

Master of Management

Bachelor of Science (Cartography)

This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The University of Western Australia

Graduate School of Education

Faculty of Arts, Business, Law and Education

2019

THESIS DECLARATION

I, Shayla Maria Babo Ribeiro, certify that:

This thesis has been substantially accomplished during enrolment in the degree.

This thesis does not contain material which has been submitted for the award of any other degree or diploma in my name, in any university or other tertiary institution.

No part of this work will, in the future, be used in a submission in my name, for any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution without the prior approval of The University of Western Australia and where applicable, any partner institution responsible for the joint-award of this degree.

This thesis does not contain any material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text.

The work(s) are not in any way a violation or infringement of any copyright, trademark, patent, or other rights whatsoever of any person.

The research involving human data reported in this thesis was assessed and approved by

The University of Western Australia Human Research Ethics Committee.

Approval #: RA/4/1/7396.

Written patient consent was obtained and archived for the research involving patient data reported in this thesis.

The following approvals were obtained prior to commencing the relevant work described in this thesis: Research Proposal presented to the Graduate School of Education, Research authority from the Ministry of Education, Timor-Leste, and Human Research Ethics

Approval from The University of Western Australia.

This thesis does not contain any work that I have published, nor work under review for publication.

Shayla Maria Babo Ribeiro

Date: 17 October 2019

ABSTRACT

Based on the premise that leadership can only be understood within the context in which it is exercised, the study reported in this thesis aimed to develop an understanding of leadership at the primary school level in the post-conflict and developing country of Timor- Leste. It investigated the historical background to, and recent developments in relation to primary school leadership, as well as the current concerns encountered by primary school leaders and the strategies adopted by them in order to deal with those concerns. Review of the school leadership literature indicated that on the one hand, it has been dominated by perspectives generated from Western and conflict-free environments. On the other hand, there has been a dearth of research and associated literature relating to leadership at the individual school level in post-conflict societies. Similarly, only a limited corpus of research exists on school level leadership in developing countries. The study reported in this thesis is one contribution to addressing these deficits. The reported study was guided by the theoretical underpinnings of interpretivism. It employed qualitative methods of data collection, including semi-structured interviews, document analysis and unstructured non-participant observations. Maximum variation sampling and purposive sampling were the strategies used for the selection of the primary schools and interview participants. A total of 30 individual interviews were conducted. These comprised 14 interviews with school leaders (in each of the selected government primary schools), including three female and 11 male school leaders. In addition, 14 interviews were conducted with a representative of the Parent Teacher Association in each primary school, comprising five female and nine male participants. Interviews were also conducted with two male education officials. Data were analysed using grounded theory methods of data analysis, specifically the use of constant comparison through open coding. The results pertaining to the historical background to primary school leadership in East Timor from colonial times to 2002, revealed that promoting and/ or developing Timorese primary school leadership was not an education objective of the three distinct foreign administrations (Portugal from approximately 1515 to 1975, Indonesia from 1975 to 1999, and UNTAET from 1999 to 2002) in East Timor. The results pertaining to the recent developments in relation to primary school leadership in Timor-Leste from 2002 to 2016, revealed that there were some developments aimed at increasing access and improving the quality of Basic Education, while simultaneously recognising the important role that effective primary school leadership has in sustainable and incremental improvements of the education system. The results pertaining to the current concerns encountered by primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, revealed that they encounter challenges related to ‘teaching and learning’, ‘infrastructure’, and ‘leadership development’. Some of these can be attributed to the legacies of historical foreign administrations and war, while others are better understood in relation to the context of a country that is transitioning from post- conflict stabilisation to development. The reported study also revealed several strategies that are pursued by Timorese primary school leaders in order to deal with their concerns. These results are pertinent to the academic literature and future research on education leadership. They also have implications for policy development and practice. In particular,

III

they should be useful for researchers in the field of educational leadership, for school leaders, for education policy makers, and for those in charge of preparing, developing, and implementing professional development programmes for primary school leaders in Timor- Leste, as well as in other post-conflict and developing countries.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

THESIS DECLARATION ...... i ABSTRACT ...... iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... v LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... x LIST OF TABLES ...... xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... xiii CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Post-conflict transition ...... 3 1.3 Aims of the study ...... 7 1.4 An example of the path to school leadership ...... 8 1.5 Justification for the study ...... 12 1.6 Research methodology ...... 14 1.7 The three central research questions ...... 16 1.7.1 First research question...... 16 1.7.2 Second research question ...... 17 1.7.3 Third research question ...... 18 1.8 Conclusion ...... 20 CHAPTER TWO OVERVIEW OF THE CONTEXT ...... 21 2.1 Introduction ...... 21 2.2 Primary school education system ...... 21 2.3 Basic Education policy ...... 24 2.4 Primary school cluster-based system ...... 28 2.5 Management structure of Basic Education...... 29 2.6 Primary school leadership ...... 30 2.7 International perspectives on colonisation and education ...... 32 2.8 Education in post-conflict societies ...... 36 2.9 Common challenges to education during conflict ...... 37 2.10 Conclusion ...... 39

CHAPTER THREE LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 40 3.1 Introduction ...... 40 3.2 Understanding leadership and management ...... 40 3.3 Importance of context in school leadership ...... 41 3.4 Basics of successful leadership ...... 42 3.4.1 Setting directions ...... 43 3.4.2 Developing people ...... 43 3.4.3 Redesigning the organisation ...... 44 3.4.4 Managing the instructional programs ...... 45 3.5 Theories of educational leadership...... 45 3.6 Models of educational leadership ...... 46 3.6.1 Managerial leadership ...... 46 3.6.2 Distributed leadership...... 46 3.6.3 Participative leadership ...... 47 3.6.4 Transformational leadership ...... 48 4.6.5 Transactional leadership ...... 48 3.6.6 Moral leadership ...... 50 3.6.7 Contingent leadership ...... 50 3.6.8 Instructional leadership ...... 51 3.7 Principal leadership ...... 53 3.7.1 The social nature of leadership ...... 53 3.7.2 Effective leadership ...... 54 3.8 Educational leadership in developing countries ...... 56 3.9 Educational leadership in post-conflict societies ...... 58 3.10 Challenges for school leaders in post-conflict societies ...... 60 3.11 Literature on education in Timor-Leste ...... 64 3.12 Conclusion ...... 66 CHAPTER FOUR RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 67 4.1 Introduction ...... 67 4.2 Theoretical framework ...... 68 4.3 Symbolic interactionism ...... 73 4.4 Selecting primary schools ...... 74 4.5 Selecting participants ...... 75

4.6 Data collection methods ...... 78 4.6.1 Document study ...... 78 4.6.2 Interviews ...... 79 4.6.3 Unstructured non-participant observation ...... 81 4.7 Data analysis methods ...... 81 4.7.1 Open coding ...... 82 4.8 Adapting the theoretical framework in relation to the three research questions ...... 83 4.8.1 The first central research question ...... 83 4.8.1.1 Data gathering ...... 83 4.8.1.2 Data analysis ...... 85 4.8.2 The second central research question ...... 87 4.8.2.1 Data gathering ...... 87 4.8.2.2 Data analysis ...... 89 4.8.3 The third central research question ...... 90 4.8.3.1 Data gathering ...... 90 4.9.3.2 Data analysis ...... 91 4.9 Recording of the storage of the data ...... 93 4.10 Trustworthiness of the study ...... 94 4.10.1 Credibility ...... 94 4.10.2 Transferability ...... 96 4.10.3 Dependability ...... 97 4.10.4 Confirmability ...... 97 4.11 Ethical consideration ...... 98 4.12 Conclusion ...... 99 CHAPTER FIVE HISTORICAL BACKROUND TO PRIMARY SCHOOL LEADERSHIP FROM COLONIAL TIMES TO 2002 ...... 100 5.1 Introduction ...... 100 5.2 The birth of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste ...... 101 5.3 Education under Portuguese colonisation (1515 – 1974) ...... 104 5.3.1 Education for decolonisation (1974-75) ...... 110 5.4 Education under the Indonesian military occupation (1975 – 1999) ...... 114 5.4.1 The Resistance movement ...... 118 5.5 Education under the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) period (1999 – 2002) ...... 121 VII

5.6 Conclusion ...... 123 CHAPTER SIX RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN PRIMARY SCHOOL LEADERSHIP IN TIMOR-LESTE SINCE ITS INDEPENDENCE IN 2002 TO 2016...... 125 6.1 Introduction ...... 125 6.2 Basic Education challenges after independence ...... 127 6.3 Key developments in Basic Education from 2003-2005 ...... 130 6.3.1 Child Friendly Schools (CFS) project ...... 130 6.3.2 Primary Curriculum Development (PCD) project ...... 132 6.4 Emergency education response of 2006 ...... 134 6.5 Key developments in Basic Education from 2007-2016 ...... 135 6.5.1 New school management principles ...... 136 6.5.2 Professional Learning and Mentoring Program (PLMP) ...... 136 6.5.3 Child Friendly Schools (CFS) project ...... 138 6.5.4 Primary school education reform ...... 141 6.5.5 Pre-secondary school curriculum reform ...... 141 6.6 Key Basic Education Legislation and Documents ...... 142 6.7 Conclusion ...... 143 CHAPTER SEVEN CURRENT CONCERNS OF PRIMARY SCHOOL LEADERS AND THE STRATEGIES ADOPTED BY THEM TO DEAL WITH THOSE CONCERNS ...... 145 7.1 Introduction ...... 145 7.2 Current concerns of primary school leaders ...... 146 7.2.1 Participants’ concerns related to teaching and learning ...... 147 7.2.1.1 Language of instruction in primary schools ...... 147 7.2.1.2 Lack of school textbooks ...... 154 7.2.2 Participants’ concerns related to infrastructure ...... 158 7.2.2.1 Inadequate classroom size ...... 158 7.2.2.2 Lack of adequate school fencing ...... 164 7.2.3 Participants’ concerns related to leadership development ...... 169 7.3 Strategies for dealing with concerns of primary school leaders ...... 172 7.3.1 Engaging with the PTA, community and other relevant bodies ...... 172 7.3.2 Drawing on life experiences ...... 175 7.3.3 Participating in peer-to-peer meetings ...... 176 7.3.4 Following MoE protocols ...... 177 7.3.5 Establishing internal school rules ...... 180 VIII

7.4 Conclusion ...... 182 CHAPTER EIGHT OVERVIEW, DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ...... 183 8.1 Introduction ...... 183 8.2 Overview of the study ...... 184 8.2.1 Significance of the study ...... 185 8.2.2 Research design and methodology ...... 186 8.2.3 Summary of the results of the study...... 187 8.2.3.1 The first research aim ...... 187 8.2.3.1.1 Results from the first research aim ...... 188 8.2.3.2 The second research aim ...... 193 8.2.3.2.1 Results from the second research aim ...... 193 8.2.3.3 The third research aim ...... 196 8.2.3.3.1 Results from the third research aim ...... 196 8.3 Transferability of the results ...... 199 8.4 Implications of the research for the literature, for further research and for policy development and practice ...... 200 8.4.1 Implications of the study for the literature ...... 201 8.4.2 Implications of the study for further research ...... 202 8.4.3 Implications of the study for policy development and practice ...... 203 8.4.3.1 Implications of the study for improving policy development ...... 203 8.4.3.2 Implications of the study for practice ...... 204 8.5 Conclusion ...... 206 REFERENCES ...... 209

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

CAVR Timor-Leste Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation –

Commissão de Acolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação de Timor-Leste

CNRT National Council of Timorese Resistance – Conselho Nacional da

Resistência Timorense

CFS Child Friendly Schools

EBC Basic Education Central – Ensino Basico Central

EBF Basic Education Filial – Ensino Basico Filial

EFA Education For All

EMIS Education Management Information System

FALINTIL The Armed Forces for the National Liberation of East Timor –

Forças Armadas da Libertação de Timor-Leste

FRETILIN The Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor –

Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente

GoTL Government of Timor Leste

IDP Internally Displaced Persons

INFORDEPE National Institute for Training of Teachers and Education Professionals –

Instituto Nacional de Formação de Docentes e Profissionais de Educação

INTERFET International Force East Timor

JAM Joint Assessment Mission

MECYS Ministry of Education, Culture, Youth and Sports (Timor-Leste)

MoE Ministry of Education, Timor-Leste

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation

PCD Primary Curriculum Development

PLMP Professional Learning and Mentoring Program

PNG Papua New Guinea

PTA Parent Teacher Association

SDP Strategic Development Plan

TNI Indonesian National Armed Forces – Tentara Nasional Indonesia

UN United Nations

UNDP United Nations Development Program

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation

UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund

UNMIT United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste

UNTAET United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor

LIST OF TABLES

Table Number Description Page

Table 4.1 The development of guiding questions from the first central 85

research question.

Table 4.2 Open coding of a secondary source document. 86-87

Table 4.3 The development of guiding questions from the second central 88

research question.

Table 4.4 Open coding of a policy document. 89-90

Table 4.5 The development of guiding questions from the third central 91

research question.

Table 4.6 Open coding of an interview transcript. 92-93

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program

(RTP) Scholarship. This thesis was made possible with the guidance, encouragement and moral support that I received from a number of people, all of whom I wish to express my deep appreciation and sincere gratitude.

First and foremost, I would like to dedicate this thesis to my parents, Sergio and Francisca.

Throughout my doctoral studies, my parents always envisaged my success, and their unwavering support and encouragement gave me strength to complete this journey.

I would also like to thank my sister, Suzete, as well as her family, who have followed my studies and given me moral support.

I extend my appreciation and sincere gratitude to my principal supervisor, Professor Simon

Clarke, who provided me with prompt and useful critiques of my research work. It is because of his generosity of time and guidance that I was able to complete this thesis. I also convey my appreciation to Professor Thomas O’Donoghue, my co-supervisor, for his encouragement and considered feedback in the writing of the thesis chapters.

The participants of this study deserve my deepest admiration and appreciation. They generously gave up their time to share with me their unique experiences and important insights on the Basic Education system in Timor-Leste.

Finally, my appreciation goes to my extended family members, scholars and friends, in

Timor-Leste and elsewhere, who gave me moral support throughout the writing of this thesis. Our conversations about my research work kept me motivated. XIII

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction

Principal leadership is a critical component in the quest for school effectiveness and improvement (Bush & Glover, 2003; Hallinger & Heck, 1996). Furthermore, in various difficult circumstances, the role of school principals can become crucial as they often constitute the leading body charged with initiating positive change to ensure that there are improvements in learning (Alam, 2017). The study being reported in this thesis relates to one such circumstance. It investigated primary school leadership in post-conflict Timor-

Leste; primary school leaders have enormous responsibilities in all countries, but in the unique context of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, the country has, and continues to face, exceptionally challenging obstacles.

The name of the nation, ‘Timor-Leste’, is sometimes a vexed issue in English language scholarship. The long established use of ‘East Timor’ in its stead, however, conflicts with the nation’s official name (Leach, 2017). Accordingly, this thesis uses the official name of Timor-Leste to refer to the post-2002 nation state, and East Timor, when referring to the pre-2002 territory.

The nation-building challenges have been substantial in Timor-Leste (Leach, 2017).

It is a country in transition from ‘post-conflict stabilisation’ to ‘development’. After the

1999 crisis in the country, when Indonesia violently withdrew from it, the education system

was left particularly vulnerable. The violence that then gripped the country virtually destroyed an already weak education system. Rampant pro-Indonesia and anti- independence militia wrecked most public buildings, including schools. The majority of schools were razed or completely demolished. The few schools still standing were looted, stripped of all furniture, roofs, doors and window frames, and largely dismantled.

Against this backdrop of destruction, the Government of Timor-Leste (GoTL) and its international donor partners, have since faced significant challenges in their efforts to rebuild the education sector in the country. An important issue that policy makers are addressing and which is of significance to the study being reported in this thesis, is that of school leadership and teacher management. In this connection, the quality of the school leader can have an impact on the motivation of teachers. This, in turn, can affect the quality of teaching and students’ performance (Barth, 1990; Fullan, 1992; Hallinger & Heck,

1996). In addition, as Robbins and Alvy (1995) pointed out over 20 years ago, “policy makers, practitioners, and parents” (p. 1) have long regarded leadership as key to improving education.

Despite a growing realisation that school leadership is important for school effectiveness and improvement, however, little is known about the nature of the context within which school leaders work in post-conflict societies (Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2013) and in developing countries (Oplatka, 2004). The study outlined in this thesis provides one contribution on this. In particular, it serves to deepen understanding of how cultural context and politics can inform school leadership in post-conflict societies.

Beginning with a description of the post-conflict transition in Timor-Leste, the remainder of this chapter explains the aims of the study. It goes on to provide an excerpt 2

from an interview with a participant, explaining how he, an ‘ordinary’ Timorese man, became a primary school leader. The justification for the study is then offered. This is followed by a brief description of the research methodology utilised and of the three central research questions that guided the conduct of the study. The chapter concludes by presenting an outline of the remaining chapters.

1.2 Post-conflict transition

The trail of your passing You silenced my reason, in the reason of your law You suffocated my culture, in the culture of your culture You smothered my revolts, at the tip of your bayonet You tortured my body, in the shackles of your empire And subjugated my soul, in the faith of your religion Shackled, murdered, massacred, pillaged My land, my people, bathed in blood Expelled, drained barbarously civilised in the demagoguery of your struggle Brutally colonised in your ambition to greatness The tip of the bayonet, marks the trail of your passing At the tip of my bayonet, I will mark history in the form of my Liberation - Francisco Borja da Costa (cited in Leach, 2017, p. 54).

The history of Timor-Leste is marked by violence, civil unrest and a legacy of underfunding and neglect. All of these have had the cumulative effect of leaving the country with a weak and fragile education sector. On 30 August 1999, 78.5 percent of the voting population voted by means of a direct, secret and universal ballot to begin a process

of sovereignty involving separation from Indonesia. The process leading to formal recognition of an independent nation culminated on 20 May 2002, when the Democratic

Republic of Timor-Leste became the newest nation of the 21st century.

The 1999 ballot results immediately sparked mass violence by pro-Indonesia and anti-independence militias, causing the displacement of thousands of people living in the territory at the time. The violence resulted in destruction of the vast majority of the physical infrastructure, and a complete institutional collapse. In addition, it continued after the vote for independence and had catastrophic impact on the education system in place at the time.

Researchers estimated that up to 90 percent of the schooling infrastructure was destroyed as the Indonesians left (Dodd, 2000; UNCESO, 2003; UNICEF, 2001). Additionally, 20 percent of primary school teachers, many of them Indonesian, departed the education system (Butcher et al., 2015; UNICEF, 2010; World Bank, 2004).

The immediate response by the United Nations (UN) and other international development partners, was to return students quickly to schools, by rebuilding school facilities and recruiting teachers to fill the void. Many buildings were reconstructed in haste, leading the World Bank (2004, p. 32) to conclude that although “over 80 percent of the country’s classrooms were restored and useable within 18 months of their destruction, many schools were not in good condition by 2003”. “In many schools”, it went on, “there were no windows that could be closed to prevent rain from sweeping across the room, making the classrooms unusable during the monsoon season. Most classrooms were dark, as few schools had electricity”. In addition, the rush to fill schools and teachers led to many individuals being recruited without appropriate pedagogical or educational backgrounds

(Nicolai, 2004). On this, the World Bank (2004, p. 29) noted that:

Timorese teachers were poorly prepared for their profession for two reasons. First,

under the Portuguese and Indonesian administrations, people with limited academic

backgrounds were able to enter the profession, which resulted in serious issues of

quality. From this pool came the current stock of primary school teachers. Second,

due to historical under-investment in education, the pool of well-educated people in

the country as a whole is extremely small, and even fewer are qualified to teach.

Several attempts to recruit teachers through examinations have yielded only a very

limited number.

Statistics provided by the national Ministry of Education (MoE), Timor-Leste, also indicated that the vast majority of teachers were either unqualified or underqualified for the duties they were expected to perform (MoE, 2011).

Primary school leadership was also not a priority education objective of the three foreign administrations historically, namely, Portuguese colonisation, Indonesian military occupation, and the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), or in the nascent years of independent Timor-Leste. Nevertheless, developments more recently have taken place in relation to primary school leadership. Further, the results of the study being reported here that specifically pertain to the current concerns encountered by school leaders, suggest that they are most concerned with issues related to teaching and learning, school infrastructure, and lack of opportunities for leadership development. They also reveal a range of strategies that are pursued by school leaders in Timor-Leste to deal with their concerns, including those directly attributable to the legacies of war and violence.

Others have been developed because of the demands of the relatively new government navigating policies aimed at achieving a middle-income economy by 2030.

In line with the latter aim, the national MoE has taken action to address the ongoing challenges of the primary education sector (known officially as Basic Education in Timor-

Leste). The National Education Strategic Plan 2011-2030, has highlighted management reform as being an integral part of the overall associated strategy. Having effectively gained political independence only in 2002 and having lost many of its key educational managers in the flight to Indonesia prior to that, this is understandable. It also explains why management structures and capacity are still in their formative stages.

Capacity for policy making, planning, programme development and teacher management are elements of the development support provided. As part of this, international donor partners have provided capacity building support, including assisting with the design of management roles and skills, and teacher management, which are geared towards improved delivery of service (MoE, 2011). Additionally, a number of measures have been undertaken to improve the skills and professionalism of teachers and school principals working in the primary schools of Timor-Leste. For example, the legal regime for the administration and management of the Basic Education system, and the Statute of the Teaching Career, which were both approved in 2010, represent a major step forward and resulted in an improvement on the quality of education.

The national MoE has also developed a Teacher Training Competency Framework

(Journal da Repùblica, 2010) specifying the skills, attributes and qualities of a professional teacher, and offer a series of intensive training courses to unqualified teachers.

Furthermore, the national MoE has drafted the School Based Management Manual

(I1.EO.D.JAC) and the School Based Management Self-Assessment Instrument

(I1.EO.D.JAC) in contributing towards school improvements. However, challenges in the

Basic Education system of Timor-Leste remain. In this connection, because of limited government capacity to institute and implement many policy changes, actual shifts in teacher practices and attitudes have been slow (Shah, 2009). Opportunities for training tailored to the specific needs of teachers and school leaders have also been virtually non- existent (Shah, 2009). In addition, Shah (2009) has noted that many teachers in remote schools often have to travel great distances to Administrative Posts (regional centres), or the capital city, Dili, to participate in professional development programmes, with deleterious effects on student learning in the interim. The outcomes of the study being reported here are presented in the following chapters and are also summarised in the final chapter, as are the contributions to the academic literature and to future research on educational leadership in post-conflict and developing countries. The implications of the results for policy development and practice are also described. It is held that the outcomes may be useful for educational leadership researchers, school leaders, education policy makers, and those in charge of preparing, developing, and implementing professional development programmes for school leaders in other post-conflict and developing countries.

1.3 Aims of the study

The study being reported in this thesis sought to understand leadership at the primary school level in post-conflict Timor-Leste. It had three aims. The first aim was to generate an understanding of the historical background to leadership at the primary school level in

East Timor from Portuguese colonisation (1515 to 1975), during the brutal Indonesian military occupation (1975 to 1999), and during the UNTAET period (1999 to 2002). This

was deemed important not only because such history is interesting in its own right, but also because contemporary issues are more easily understood and interpreted when the past is taken into consideration (Aldrich, 1996). Analogously, one cannot understand school leadership issues and practices in Timor-Leste without an understanding of how education in the country has evolved over the years. Therefore, a description and analysis of events and policies that governed the way primary schools were historically led were also undertaken.

Secondly, the study sought to generate an understanding of developments that have taken place in relation to primary school leadership, in post-conflict Timor-Leste, from

2002 to 2016. The rationale behind the pursuit of this aim arose out of the recognition that it is informative to know what the Timor-Leste government did to resuscitate and develop the primary education system, and, in particular, to shape primary school leadership after the country gained formal independence in 2002.

The third aim of the reported study was to generate an understanding of the issues of current concern to primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, and of the strategies adopted by them in order to deal with those issues. The justification for pursing this aim is that primary school leaders’ concerns play an important role in guiding their actions. In similar vein, it is arguable that any attempt to improve primary school leaders’ leadership could fail if these concerns were overlooked.

1.4 An example of the path to school leadership

In an attempt to provide insight into how one ordinary Timorese man rose to become a primary school principal in Timor-Leste, a summary of an interview response follows: 8

I have been a leader in schools for many years. During the Portuguese colonial rule,

I was a native here and in 1974, I graduated from my studies and at the same time I started to teach at this school, until the Indonesian invasion in 1975. When the war happened, I ran to the jungle and there I taught the alphabet to people who didn’t know how to read and write. I also taught older people like grandparents. I taught in the jungle for three years from 1975 to 1978. I taught in Tetum.

Then in 1979, the Indonesian army captured us from the jungle and we could not run or hide, so then we were sent back to the city. The Indonesian army took us to the central village camp. At the same time, Indonesian soldiers were looking for teachers to teach the local people, so the community pointed out the teachers who had been teaching during Portuguese colonial rule. It was really difficult to teach people in a new language and it was a different teaching method under Indonesian occupation. Because we were afraid to die, we just followed the Indonesian commands to teach using the Indonesian language and curriculum. I taught in

Bahasa Indonesia from 1979 to 1999, and from 1983 to 1999, I was elected as the leader of this school.

At the time of the vote in 1999, on referendum day, I placed my vote and then I again fled to the jungle where we hid for two months. When I came back to the town, the Indonesian teachers who had taught here had all returned to Indonesia, so only the Timorese teachers who had taught during Portuguese colonial rule and also during Indonesian time were left.

There were only a few teachers and students left at this school. Then in 1999, we started to gather together the students that were in Grade 1 to Grade 9 in one place 9

and we provided them with general training programmes using the Portuguese language that we knew because the Indonesians had gone and we did not want to use the Indonesian language. At the time, we taught the students in general and we didn’t distinguish which students were in Grade 1 or Grade 5 or Grade 9. Then in

2000 and 2001, we started to separate students based on their Grade level.

Then during the UNTAET period, we started to do administration management in

Timor-Leste. When the Minister for Education was appointed, all the teachers started to teach again, but the schools and the educational materials were all destroyed. So, we taught the students in the places that we felt comfortable, for example, under the trees was sufficient for us to teach. During this time, we did not have educational materials to use, we didn’t have chalk or a blackboard because sadly the Indonesian army destroyed everything before they left. So we did our best to teach, despite the difficulties we faced, and then when UNICEF came to this country, they helped us with a lot of educational materials such as books, notepads, tables, chairs, blackboards, chalk, pens, pencils and other things. We felt very grateful that UNICEF was able to help us. UNICEF did not just help the schools, they also helped to provide some school materials to the students.

From about 2001 until 2005, we used a temporary curriculum. The curriculum was adapted from the Indonesian one. The Minster for Education at the time, he gathered people together who had graduated with a Bachelor degree for a meeting.

During our discussions, it was decided to use the Indonesian curriculum temporarily and then in 2002, it was approved that we should use that curriculum until we had to change to the new Timorese curriculum. The Timorese curriculum has been

modified over the years and it is the curriculum that we are using now

(I21.EBC.C.GRS).

The above highlights the daily challenges that school leaders and teachers alike encountered in a post-conflict Timor-Leste, immediately after the brutal withdrawal of the

Indonesian military occupation from the territory. Reflections by other participants in the present study are included in Chapter 7, which provides an exposition of the current concerns of primary school leaders, and the strategies adopted by them to deal with those concerns. Based on the results of the study, it can be argued that some of the education challenges that were prevalent immediately after independence in 2002, are still evident. In this connection, Macpherson and his colleagues (2011) interviewed a school leader in a remote village of Timor-Leste and argued that school principals across the country could significantly improve their effectiveness if some simple changes were made, such as having a generic job description for school leaders, annual induction/ professional development workshops in educational management and educational leadership skills, training in building effective relationships with students, parents and teachers, increasing school grants to better meet the learning needs of students, implementing educational leadership training into research-based degree programmes, introducing salary incentives to match responsibilities and to encourage a professional leadership service. The study reported later in this thesis indicates that some of the primary school leadership challenges identified by

Macpherson et al., (2011) continue to be valid.

1.5 Justification for the study

Undertaking the study reported here on primary school leadership in post-conflict Timor-

Leste is important and relevant for both academic and practical reasons. First, the quality of school leadership is critical to achieving the all-round development of children. Secondly, it is also important in trying to achieve universal compulsory primary education.

In Timor-Leste, achieving universal primary education requires, among other factors, that primary schools throughout the country are also effectively led. The importance of this requirement is amplified by the significance of school leadership. On this, the role of ‘quality’ school leadership in promoting students’ learning and organisational/ school success is clear from the results of educational leadership research

(Leithwood, Harris & Hopkins, 2008; Marks & Printy, 2003; Watson, 2009). Other benefits include promoting the alleviation of poverty and economic development (Hannum &

Buchmann, 2005). Psacharopoulos (1985) referred to these benefits over 30 years ago when he pointed out that primary education is the most profitable educational investment opportunity that exists in developing countries.

The all-round development of children can also lead to the promotion of peace and tolerance that are desperately needed in a post-conflict society, like Timor-Leste. As

Paulson (2011b) has pointed out, education in such post-conflict settings is crucial to promoting reconciliation and peace-building. The World Bank (2005) also commented on this as follows:

Education has a critical role to play in the wider reconstruction of the society, from

building peace and social cohesion to facilitating economic recovery and getting the

country on to an accelerated development track (p. 27).

An additional justification for investigating school leadership in post-conflict Timor-Leste relates to Clarke and O’Donoghue’s (2013) call for more research into school leadership in post-conflict societies. They (Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2013) have pointed out that very little empirical research has been undertaken on the status of school leadership in such settings.

This observation suggests that there are not enough examples of school leadership in post- conflict societies that can be drawn upon to help to develop theoretical models for informing leadership development in them. The study being reported here is one contribution to filling this gap.

The lack of attention devoted to primary school leadership in post-conflict situations is particularly attributable to the neglect by scholars of the importance of considering context and its influence on leadership practices. However, the role of contextual influences in informing leadership practices has seldom been taken into account. As Vroom and Jago

(2007, p. 22) have argued, “the field of leadership has been identified more closely with the field of individual differences and has largely ignored the way the behaviour of leaders is influenced by the situations they encounter”. Nearly a quarter of a century ago Gronn and

Ribbins (1996) made a similar point in calling for further research aimed at elucidating the relationship between school leadership and cultural, situational, and historical contexts.

Partly, this can be seen as a response to a related consideration that studies on context in leadership have the benefit of generating local knowledge that can temper reliance on

Western knowledge and principles of leadership that may not be applicable to all situations

(Miller, 1985).

There are also some practical justifications for undertaking the study reported here. In 13

particular, it can help provide insights to guide and refine educational leadership practices in Timor-Leste and elsewhere. This suggestion aligns with Harber and Dadey’s (1993) point expressed over 20 years ago when they argued that it is desirable to understand the issues and problems faced by school leaders operating in different contexts in order to design leadership development programmes to meet their real, rather than imagined, needs.

The study has the potential to contribute substantially to knowledge in the field of educational leadership in the unique context of Timor-Leste in the following ways:

• it can provide a broad historical background to primary school leadership in the

country;

• it can develop an understanding of the nature and context within which school

leaders work in post-conflict Timor-Leste, and the strategies they use for dealing

with the complexities of their work;

• it can inform the processes of initial preparation, development and support of

school leaders in Timor-Leste; and

• it can provide a valuable framework for researchers wishing to engage in related

studies applying to other levels within the education system of Timor-Leste and

suggest developments for the future.

1.6 Research methodology

The study aimed to generate theory on leadership at the primary school level (known officially as Basic Education) in post-conflict Timor-Leste. Basic education is compulsory and is seen to have the potential to make a positive contribution to economic and social 14

change in the country. It is defined as the first nine years of school (from Grade 1 through to Grade 9).

Three aspects of primary school leadership that are closely interrelated were investigated. First, the historical background to primary school leadership in East Timor was examined. Secondly, recent developments in relation to primary school leadership in

Timor-Leste were studied. Thirdly, the issues of current concern to primary school leaders, and the strategies that they adopt to deal with these concerns were investigated.

The research was guided by the theoretical underpinnings of the interpretivist paradigm. The term paradigm here refers to “a set of assumptions about the world and what constitutes the proper techniques and topics for inquiring into the world” (Punch, 2009, p.

16). The interpretivist paradigm was chosen for the study because ‘interpretation’ seeks to reveal the meanings that people bring to their situations and actions which they use to understand their world (O’Donoghue, 2007). The meanings are created through social interactions. Accordingly, they have to be understood and interpreted within the context of the social practices in which they are embedded. Understanding these meanings can lead to an understanding of the social phenomena (O’Donoghue, 2007).

Grounded theory methods of data collection and analysis, consistent with the interpretivist paradigm (Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Hennink, Hutter & Bailey, 2011) were employed. The essence of grounded theory analysis is to generate conceptually abstract categories grounded in the data through a process of abstraction in which concepts are inductively inferred and designated to stand for categories induced from the raw data

(Punch, 2014). The outcome of using this approach in analysis is often a set of propositions showing connections between concepts which are more abstract than the data themselves 15

(Punch, 2014).

Consistent with the interpretivist paradigm, qualitative methods of data collection were used, including semi-structured interviews, document analysis and observations.

Purposive sampling and maximum variation sampling were the strategies employed for the selection of schools and interview participants. The latter consisted of primary school leaders, representatives of the Parent Teacher Association (PTA) in schools, and education officials.

In line with the grounded theory approach, data gathering and analysis were undertaken simultaneously (Charmaz, 2006; Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Johnson &

Christensen, 2012). The researcher went back and forth between the participants, gathered new data and then returned to the evolving theory to fill in the gaps and to elaborate on it

(Creswell, 2013). In doing this, she was able to choose participants based on the emerging concepts and to validate the concepts developed (Merriam, 2009). Further, the data were analysed using grounded theory approaches, specifically the use of constant comparison through the ‘open coding’ method.

1.7 The three central research questions

It will be recalled that the study being reported here sought to generate theory on leadership at the primary school level in post-conflict Timor-Leste. This was explored by means of three central research questions as described below.

1.7.1 First research question What is the historical background to primary school leadership in East Timor from colonial times to 2002? The pursuit of this question was premised on the assumption that it 16

is not possible to broadly comprehend current primary school leadership in Timor-Leste without a clear knowledge of how it has evolved over time. To put it another way, contemporary issues are more easily understood and interpreted when the past is taken into consideration (Aldrich, 1996). Also, the past regularly has an impact on the present in various ways, including through influencing people’s actions.

This thesis provides a description and analysis of the historical background to primary school leadership from Portuguese colonisation (1515 to 1975), to Indonesian military occupation (1975 to 1999), and during the UNTAET period (1999 to 2002). To address this question, data were primarily identified through a review of a wide range of public records and documents, consistent with qualitative research (Merriam, 2009). An interpretivist frame was applied to examine and gain insight from the data. On this, Greene

(1994) has explained that document review is a method that offers great consonance with the interpretivist approach to research.

The relevant documents included education policies, official websites, official statistics, regulations and legislation as recommended by Fitzgerald (2012) and documentaries, books and published strategic plans as recommended by Savin-Baden and

Major (2013). Data were also gathered from national MoE reports and papers, scholarly articles, and document and reports published on official donor websites. The researcher gathered the data and made copies of them for more detailed analysis (Savin-Baden &

Major, 2013).

1.7.2 Second research question What developments have occurred in post-conflict Timor-Leste in relation to primary school leadership from 2002 to 2016? The rationale behind the pursuit of this question

arose out of the recognition that it is instructive to know what the GoTL did to resuscitate and develop primary school education and, in particular, to shape primary school leadership after the country officially gained its independence on 20 May 2002. Thus, a description and analysis of developments in relation to recent developments in primary school leadership from 2002 to 2016, are provided.

In addressing the second research question, an interpretivist frame was again applied, this time with the objective of examining and also interpreting the wide range of contemporary and official records and documents located. These data were gathered by the same methods outlined for the previous research question, supplemented by semi-structured interview questions, conducted with education officials in Timor-Leste.

1.7.3 Third research question What are the current concerns of primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, and the strategies adopted by them to deal with those concerns? It is likely that education policy and decision making in Timor-Leste can benefit from being informed by an understanding of the issues that are of current concern to primary school leaders, and of the strategies adopted by them in order to deal with the daily complexities of their work. The reason for pursing this matter is that primary school leaders’ concerns play an important role in guiding their actions, and any attempt to improve primary school leaders’ leadership could fail if these concerns were to be overlooked. Accordingly, a description and analysis of the concerns and the strategies adopted by school leaders in Timor-Leste to deal with the issues they encounter in their schools, are provided.

Once again, the interpretivist paradigm guided this part of the investigation. A series of semi-structured interviews were conducted with primary school leaders, representatives

of PTAs, and education officials. The use of interviews involved the development of open- ended questions, which were posed to all participants (Johnson & Christensen, 2012). Also, it gave flexibility during the interviews, such that it was possible to be responsive to what interviewees said and to follow up points, varying the order of questions, following up leads, and clearing up inconsistencies in answers (Bryman, 2013).

The selection of participants for interviewing in relation to research question three was based on two notions, namely, purposive sampling and maximum variation sampling

(Creswell, 2013; Johnson & Christensen, 2012). Participants were primary school leaders and PTA representatives from 14 government-run schools in Timor-Leste. In addition, education officials with knowledge of primary school education policy were chosen to participate. Individual interviews were conducted in each school selected. Identification of individual participants was also based on their potential to generate further insights about the current concerns of primary school leaders’ and how they deal with their concerns.

The schools selected to participate in the study are located in two Municipalities of

Timor-Leste. These are ‘Basic Schools’ characterised by the national MoE as being large and modern, and providing education for the three cycles of Basic Education (Grade 1 to

Grade 4; Grade 5 to Grade 6; and Grade 7 to Grade 9), and as being medium size ‘Filial

Schools’ which are characterised as being traditional primary schools, and providing education for the 1st and 2nd cycles only (Grade 1 to Grade 4; and Grade 5 to Grade 6)

(MoE, 2011).

1.8 Conclusion

This introductory chapter has provided an overview of the study being reported in this thesis. Seven more chapters follow. Chapter Two provides an overview of the broad context of the Basic Education system and primary school leadership in Timor-Leste.

Chapter Three presents a review of the literature that framed the research in question.

Chapter Four outlines the qualitative research approach that facilitated the investigation of the three central research questions. Chapters Five, Six and Seven report the results of the study. Chapter Eight concludes the thesis by summarising the study and discussing the results. Here also, implications of the study for further research, as well as for policy development and practice, are considered.

CHAPTER TWO

OVERVIEW OF THE CONTEXT

2.1 Introduction

Chapter One set out a broad overview of the study being reported. This chapter builds on it by examining the unique context in which Basic Education and primary school leadership in Timor-Leste exist. The chapter is in eight parts. First, the primary school system in

Timor-Leste is described. Secondly, the Basic Education policy is outlined. Thirdly, the primary school cluster-based system is discussed. Fourthly, the management structure of primary schools is considered. Fifthly, the composition of primary school leaders is presented. Sixthly, international perspectives on colonisation and education are taken into account. Seventhly, this is followed by a review of education in post-conflict societies.

Finally, the chapter concludes with a discussion of the common challenges to education during conflict.

2.2 Primary school education system

In order to contextualise some of the views on education found in sections of the primary school system in Timor-Leste, it is useful to briefly examine Basic Education in the country. The background to this is that after emerging from a long struggle for independence and internal conflicts, Timor-Leste has, with the support of its international donor partners, made substantial progress towards restoring stability and rebuilding the country. In 2011, the GoTL launched its Strategic Development Plan (SDP) to transform the country into one with a middle income economy by 2030. The plan recognises that

education and training are key to improving the life opportunities of Timorese people, as well as being vital to Timor-Leste’s economic development and growth (World Bank,

2013). In this connection, the country’s National Education Strategic Plan 2011 – 2030, which underpins the SDP, states:

In 2025 the population of Timor-Leste will be educated, knowledgeable and

qualified to live a long and productive life, respectful of peace, family and positive

traditional values. All individuals will have the same opportunities to access a

quality education that will allow them to participate in the economic, social and

political development process, ensuring social equity and national unity (MoE,

2011, p. 7).

In the same plan, in relation to Basic Education, it is stated:

Basic Education is universal, compulsory and free. The reform of basic education

will incorporate overall and guiding directives based on the following four pillars of

learning: learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together and with others,

and learning to be (MoE, 2011, p. 9).

At six years of age, all children will have access to basic education. After

completing nine years of schooling, they will excel in both official languages and

learn English as their first foreign language. They will also develop sound literacy

and numeracy skills, and acquire the base competencies and the core values of

national unity, Timorese history and culture (MoE, 2011, p. 9).

Furthermore, the national MoE has sought to take on a holistic approach to improving primary school education with the ‘Escola Basica’ concept, which purports to provide an 22

integral vision to achieving the Basic Education outcomes and targets, including through substantially improving the quality of educational outcomes, achieving full enrolment and reducing dropouts, and ensuring that providing quality education for all is affordable and sustainable (MoE, 2011). To this end, the National Education Strategic Plan 2011 – 2030 states that from an educational point of view, important changes will be introduced to the concept of what a primary school should be and how it should work, replacing the

‘outdated’ paradigms inherited from the years of Indonesian occupation with a new school standard which:

• Places the child’s physical, psychological, social and academic wellbeing at the

centre of all school decision-making and operations to ensure the provision of a

quality and relevant education.

• Ensures that every child regardless of their gender, social or economic status,

ethnicity, race, physical or mental ability has a right to, and receives, a quality

education.

• Embraces the rights of each child and those who facilitate their rights, to have a

say in the form and substance of their education.

• Provides quality education for all children from year one to year nine.

• Is seen by the community as a school whose education practices are model

practices (MoE, 2011, p. 79).

The GoTL, through the MoE, has also set an ambitious reform agenda for Basic Education in its pursuit of moving the country towards having a middle-income economy by 2030.

2.3 Basic Education policy

The Education Act established that Basic Education should last for nine years (with the official entry age being six years and continuing through to 14 years of age) and is universal, mandatory, and free in the sense there are no school fees, charges and emoluments related to enrolments, attendance and certification. Primary school students are also able to use available school books and materials free of charge. In addition, transport, food and lodging may be provided, when necessary. Furthermore, the National Education

Act, Article 12 states that Basic Education has the following objectives:

a) Ensure the full educational development of all children and young people,

through the development of the following four pillars of learning: learning to

know, learning to do, learning to live together and with others, and learning to

be.

b) Ensure a common base of general training for all Timorese, allowing for the

discovery and development of their interests and skills, reasoning capacity,

memory and critical spirit, creativity, moral sense and aesthetical sensitivity,

promoting individual self-actualisation, in harmony with the values of social

solidarity and interrelating. This education balances theory and practice,

knowing and doing in the context of general as well as school culture.

c) Enable the acquisition and development of base competencies and knowledge to

enable the further pursuit of studies or the insertion of the student in

professional training schemes, as well as facilitating the acquisition and

development of personal and group work methods and instruments, valorising

the human dimension of work.

d) Ensure the mastery of Portuguese and Tetum languages.

e) Enable the learning of a first foreign language.

f) Enable physical and motor development, valorise manual activities and artistic

education, so as to raise awareness of the various forms of aesthetic expression

and detect and stimulate aptitudes in these domains.

g) Develop the knowledge and appreciation for the core values of national identity,

national and official languages, Timorese history and culture, within a

perspective of universal humanism and solidarity and cooperation among

peoples.

h) Enable experiences that favour civic, social and affective maturity, promoting

the creation of attitudes and habits that favour social relationships and

cooperation, as well as an autonomous, conscious and accountable intervention

in the family, community and environmental spheres, towards full and

democratic citizenship.

i) Ensure that children with specific education needs, resulting mainly from

physical and mental disabilities, are provided with proper conditions to develop

and use their capabilities to the full.

j) Enable, with freedom of conscience, the acquisition of civic, moral and religious

education.

According to this Act, Basic Education shall be organized in such a way to promote the 25

primary school and educational success of all students through effective schooling of nine years’ duration, and nurturing in the students the desire to learn in collaboration with parents.

Basic Education covers three cycles, the first consisting of four years, the second of two years, and the third of three years, within the following curriculum terms:

a) In the 1st cycle (Grade 1 to Grade 4), teaching is general and under the

responsibility of a single teacher, without prejudice to the possibility of the latter

being assisted in specialised areas.

b) In the 2nd cycle (Grade 5 and Grade 6), teaching is organised by base subject

areas, with the possibility of containing areas not directly related with individual

subjects, meant for the articulation of knowledge, the development of work and

study methods and the obtaining of complementary training.

c) In the 3rd cycle (Grade 7 to Grade 9), teaching is organised according to a

unified curricular plan that integrates diversified subject areas in a coherent

manner. It may contain areas not related to a specific subject, meant for the

articulation of knowledge, the development of work and study methods and the

obtaining of complementary training. The learning of a first foreign language is

also introduced at this stage, and one teacher is provided per subject or group of

subjects (MoE, 2011, p. 45).

The articulation between the three cycles of basic education follows a progressive sequencing, with practices in each cycle being focused on completing, expanding and broadening those adopted in the previous one. The specific objectives of each cycle relate 26

to the general objectives of Basic Education, and are outlined according to the development age and in line with the following guidelines:

a) For the 1st cycle, the development of oral language and the initiation and

progressive mastery of reading and writing, essential numeracy, knowledge of

the environment and artistic, dramatic, musical and motor expressions.

b) For the 2nd cycle, humanistic, artistic and sport, scientific and technological

training, seeking to allow students to assimilate and interpret information,

critically and creatively, ensuring the acquisition of work methods and

instruments, as well as knowledge, enabling students to pursue their training and

the development of active and conscious attitudes towards community and its

most relevant problems and challenges.

c) For the 3rd cycle, the systematic and differentiated acquisition of modern

culture, in its humanistic, literary, scientific, technological, physical and sport

dimensions, necessary for continuing studies or entering the labour market, as

well as vocational, school and professional guidance providing conscious

options for subsequent training and respective contents (MoE, 2011, p. 45-46).

Successful completion of Basic Education leads to graduation with a Diploma. In addition, primary school students can request a certificate stating the school year(s) or cycle(s) they have completed.

2.4 Primary school cluster-based system

Primary schools in Timor-Leste are organised by means of a cluster-based system. It consists of Basic Schools, and their linked or associated Filial Schools. This cluster-based system is now summarised.

According to the Timor-Leste National Education Strategic Plan 2011-2030 (MoE,

2011) Basic Schools are characterised as being large and modern, and being located at the communication centre of the cluster. The schools provide education in relation to the three cycles that constitute primary schooling (Grade 1 through to Grade 9), and have extensive infrastructural facilities. In contrast, medium size Filial Schools, provide education for the

1st (Grade 1 to Grade 4) and 2nd (Grade 5 and Grade 6) cycles only. In addition, small Filial

Schools are often remote schools normally providing education for the 1st cycle only

(Grade 1 to Grade 4) and are directly associated with the nearest primary school.

Each cluster has a management structure comprising a School Director, Deputy

Director/ Deputy Academic Director, School Council and Academic Council. The School

Director is the General Manager of his/ her cluster of schools. He or she is also responsible for the coordination and functioning of the School Council. Aided by a small administrative staff, the School Director coordinates the management of human resources, assets, logistics, information and finances of his/ her cluster of schools. At the individual school level, the

School Director is assisted by local School Coordinators, who are in charge of a linked filial school.

The Deputy Director assists the School Director in the administration and management of the cluster. In addition, he or she is responsible for the coordination and

functioning of the Academic Council and assists in all academic matters in the whole cluster.

The School Council consists of representatives of the schools (School Director,

School Coordinator, or head teacher), parents, local authorities and NGOs. It is a democratic decision-making body which aims to ensure the achievement of key educational targets in each cluster, developing and implementing a cluster strategic plan and discussing and reviewing all emerging issues regarding the appropriate functioning of the schools.

The Academic Council includes an academic Board comprising representatives of the teaching staff of all schools within a cluster. The academic Board is chaired by the

Deputy Academic Director and assists in the monitoring and resolution of both educational and human resource management issues. The Council is a tool to strengthen the development and implementation of school-based curriculum programmes, provide pedagogical support, training, mentoring and advice, and support school-based assessment, teacher performance and professionalism. In addition, the School Council is given the responsibility for establishing the Parent Teacher Association (PTA) in all the cluster communities. Finally, the PTA provides a reference forum for schools on a variety of topics, in particular, allowing for parents to voice their opinions and provide support for a variety of school-based matters and issues.

2.5 Management structure of Basic Education

In Timor-Leste, a new management and governance structure was introduced in 2011, which involved a significant departure from the traditional and ineffective school management system inherited from the Indonesian occupation period (MoE, 2011). The 29

management principles involve school-based programmes and processes organised within four quality school standards, namely, quality school governance, effective school management, positive school environment, and quality learning outcomes. The categories provide the broad school-development components by which the cluster and its schools plan their development and organise their day-to-day operations.

Quality school governance entails combining effective school leadership, democratic decision-making and responsive strategic planning. Effective school management involves the administration and management of all school-based operations, including finance, assets, information and communications, and human resources management. A positive school environment is concerned with the physical and psychological wellbeing of all people within the school, school behaviour management and positive relationships with all school stakeholders (students, staff, parents and community members). Quality learning outcomes involves school-based programmes to improve teaching and learning, curriculum implementation, teacher professionalism and assessment.

2.6 Primary school leadership

Quality education is not only about physical resources such as textbooks, classrooms and teachers, but also about incentives that can lead to better instruction and learning. Provision of resources has to be translated into services effectively and efficiently. Institutional incentives that can affect learning outcomes including the degree of school autonomy, school accountability, choice, and competition (Bruns et al., 2011).

Even though decentralising service delivery has been on the government agenda,

Timor-Leste’s education system is currently highly centralised (World Bank, 2013). On 30

this, a World Bank report (2013) stating that School Directors in government-run primary schools hold little authority in personnel or budget decisions, but have more influence on teaching and student assessment decisions (World Bank, 2013, p. 24), is instructive.

The school leader’s role is particularly important. On this, School Directors and

School Coordinators as managers in Timor-Leste are responsible for the overall functioning of their schools. They also provide leadership, monitor and enforce student conduct and try to ensure the curriculum is properly implemented. In addition, they support teachers, evaluate their performance, assign them to classrooms, make decisions on hiring and dismiss volunteer and contract teachers, and make recommendations on teachers ongoing tenure (World Bank, 2013). On this, international evidence suggests that successful leadership can play an important part in improving student learning (Leithwood et al.,

2004). Dhuey and Smith (2011), for example, have indicated that Director quality can boost primary school students’ performance as measured by maths and reading achievement tests.

The average education levels of Timor-Leste’s school leaders is low. According to a

2012 education survey, approximately 51 percent of primary school leaders only had a secondary school education themselves and approximately 2 percent had only completed primary education. In addition, approximately 38 percent of primary school leaders attended an academy and approximately 7 percent were university educated. Furthermore, in 2012, about 88 percent of primary school leaders in Timor-Leste were male and their median age was 46 years. At the time also, primary school leaders worked, on average, 24 hours per week and earned an average monthly base salary of $247 (World Bank, 2013).

Generally, many primary school leaders in Timor-Leste are inexperienced in their role. According to the result of a 2012 education survey conducted in Timor-Leste, on 31

average, school leaders had been in their current school for 11 years, three years of which were as the school leader (World Bank, 2013). In relation to the day-to-day activities of school leaders, many substituted absent teachers several times a week, or at least once every week. In addition, school leaders performed management activities such as observing teachers during instruction, recording their attendance, holding coordination meetings and managing administrative tasks. The survey also reported that only 49 percent of school leaders had attended any type of management training in the past six years. Of the school leaders who were newly appointed in 2012, only 28 percent had received any type of management training in line with their new duties (World Bank, 2013).

2.7 International perspectives on colonisation and education

There seems to be no single agreed meaning for the terms colonial, independent, transitional and neo-colonial. As a result, there is a need to consider how colonialism was defined for the study reported later in this thesis. It was taken to be a “situation in which the coloniser rather than the colonised holds power for purposes the coloniser defines”

(Altbach & Kelly, 1978, p. 2). In short, colonised people did not control the political, economic, or social life of their nation as the colonisers decided and shaped the future of the colonised nation. A colonial education system, then, was one in which the local population did not determine the nature of schooling. That is, they did not decide the amount and type of education, and who should have access to it. Rather, these matters were decided by foreigners (Altbach & Kelly, 1978; Fletcher, 1936).

Three varieties of colonialism have been identified, namely, classical or traditional colonialism, internal colonialism, and neo-colonialism. In classical or traditional

colonialism, the indigenous people were ruled by a distant Western country whose representatives determined key political, economic and social issues, including the nature of schooling offered in the colonised country (Wah Lau & Kan, 2011). In contrast, in internal colonialism, societies were not controlled by a foreign power. Rather, one sub- group of people in a self-governing society ruled another sub-group by controlling the society’s political, economic, and social life and determining the kinds of educational opportunities to be given to the lower social classes. For instance, a ruling powerful ethnic group could decide the amount and type of education for its members and determine another type of education to be offered to other ethnic groups (Altbach & Kelly, 1978).

Neo-colonialism is considered to be a situation in which non-Western countries, after gaining political independence, voluntarily or due to necessity, continue to depend on

America, Europe or Western derivative societies mainly through aid and loans (Altbach &

Kelly, 1978; McKinnon, 2006). It refers not only to the perpetuation of past colonial practices but also to deliberate attempts by Western nations to maintain their influence in their former colonies (Rizvi, Lingard & Lavia, 2006). This is achieved by means of decisions granting, or refusing, loans or aid to former territories. In other words, funding is tied to explicit conditions which are to be fulfilled by the country receiving aid (McKinnon,

2006; Nguyen, Elliott, Terlouw & Pilot, 2009). In the educational arena, imposed conditions have reinforced neo-colonialism in so far as Western countries impose a particular (Western) view of education and development, thus limiting the capacity of formerly colonised African, Asian and Latin American countries to determine their own education agendas (Nguyen et al., 2009).

Alongside the control of education by colonisers, there were other educational

manifestations of classical or traditional colonialism worldwide. The first educational manifestation was that of school/ society relationship; colonial schools in Africa, Asia and

Latin America had very little connection with the colonised society during the colonial era

(Albtach & Kelly, 1978; Fletcher, 1936). That is, schools were disconnected from indigenous cultures through the language and the values they taught (Altbach & Kelly,

1978; Fletcher, 1936). The second educational manifestation relates to the organisation of the colonial schools; metropolitan schools that existed aimed at serving the children of colonisers, and which charged high tuition fees that colonised Africans and Asians could not afford (Altbach & Kelly, 1978). This gave rise to a dualism often reflected in the existence of two distinct school systems in the colonies, with a metropolitan school system for the coloniser and another for the colonised (Albatch & Kelly, 1978). Similarly, pointing to the work of Megarrity (2005),

O’Donoghue (2009) has noted that by 1960 very few Papua New Guineans were receiving primary school education, and secondary and tertiary schooling were relatively rare. Another educational manifestation of colonialism was that of educational centralisation, especially in French colonies. For example, Altbach and Kelly (1978) have pointed out that, unlike in British colonies, all education was centralised under government control in countries colonised by France, with, among others, curriculum development, teacher preparation and certification, and students’ examinations, being government functions. This ‘radical’ centralisation did not exist in British colonies. Therefore, most schools were run by missionaries who sometimes were not English, and schools taught what societies administering them wanted, as long as they did not interfere with the colonial power (Altbach & Kelly, 1978; Wah Lah & Kan, 2011).

Another educational manifestation of classical or traditional colonialism, was the cultural influence that was discernible in language and curriculum. Colonisers devalued indigenous culture by prioritising the teaching of their own language in schools and the content to be taught reflected colonisers’ educational needs (Altbach & Kelly, 1978;

Fletcher, 1936).

Notwithstanding the manifestations of colonialism, colonised societies reacted differently to the colonial influence. While some societies accepted without resistance the colonisers’ imperial imposition, others did not. In this regard, O’Donoghue (2009) provides examples of reactions in Papua New Guinea (PNG), Australia and Ireland, countries that used to be part of the British Empire. He (O’Donoghue, 2009) points out that in these societies, responses to colonial influence in education ranged from “acceptance and tolerance, to modification and rejection, depending on the country, the issue, and the historical period” (p. 787). During the 1950s, PNG, for instance, resisted on adaptive education policy as it wanted to receive the same education as that in the colonisers’ country of origin (O’Donoghue, 2009).

Missionaries are credited with having introduced formal education to indigenous communities in many parts of the world. Colonial governments were less involved in education in the early years of colonisation, but they became involved later in the management and control of education because of persistent demands for education (Lumby et al., 2008). The reticence of colonial governments towards providing education in the colonies in the first years of colonisation may find explanation in the fact that “the priority

[of colonisers] was establishing and maintaining basic control over the area rather than investing to any degree in indigenous education” (O’Donoghue, 2007, p. 792). Moreover,

although the general educational goals of colonial administration were similar to those of missions, there were some disagreements between colonial governments and Churches with regard to the language of instruction, educational standards and school inspections (Smith,

1975).

East Timor was a Portuguese colony from approximately 1515 to 1975, then it was subjugated to Indonesian military occupation from 1975 to 1999. Consistent with the definition of classical or traditional colonialism already offered, it was a colony because both colonisers had significant cultural, economic, military and political influence over the country (Prunier, 1995).

2.8 Education in post-conflict societies

Timor-Leste is a country in transition from post-conflict stabilisation to development.

Education in post-conflict transition has become the focus of a growing body of research among educationalists and other specialists as it is seen as being critical to the reconstruction process and to consolidating peace and stability (Bush & Saltarelli, 2000;

Penson & Tomlinson, 2009; Pigozzi, 1999). For a long time, however, policy makers failed to recognise this in relation to reconciliation of societies emerging from conflict in building peace and social cohesion, in facilitating economic recovery, and in guiding a country along an accelerated development path (World Bank, 2005). Nevertheless, more recently, during and after violent conflict, schools and teachers have been earmarked for restoring a sense of normalcy in society, and for protecting children and adolescents physically, psychosocially and cognitively (Barakat et al., 2013).

Smith and Vaux (2003) have argued that there are three main reasons why the 36

relationship between education and conflict is important. First, education is a fundamental right that should be maintained at all times, even in the most difficult circumstances. This is not simply an ideological statement. Where education is maintained in the midst of conflict it may provide an important mechanism for the protection of children against abuse.

Secondly, education is an essential tool for human development and eradication of poverty. Children rarely get a second chance at education. Where the opportunity for education has been lost owing to conflict, it is not just a loss to the individual, but a loss of social capital and the capacity of a society to recover from the conflict.

Thirdly, education can be part of the problem as well as part of the solution.

Accordingly, policies and practice at all levels within the education system need to be analysed in terms of their potential to aggravate or ameliorate conflict.

2.9 Common challenges to education during conflict

Reports on education during times of war indicate that courageous educators continue to provide education in such circumstances (Sinclair, 2002). Sinclair goes on to note that brave educators hold classes in the open air, in homes and basements, or in buildings that may be profoundly damaged. Equally, Smith (2005) has pointed out that education for refugees, displaced persons and traumatised adolescents can be particularly challenging and sometimes absent during intrastate conflicts in which internal fighting groups with no sense of accountability to the international community often overlook the Geneva Conventions about the rights of children. This can then lead to the deprivation of educational opportunities for many children during conflict and constitutes a major barrier to the achievement of the Education For All (EFA) goals. Such deprivation is listed alongside 37

other barriers, including poverty, child exploitation, distance from home to school, and gender imbalance in school enrolment due to cultural factors (Acedo, 2011; Kagawa,

2005).

Furthermore, education in situations of conflict can be challenging due to a lack of experienced and trained teachers in human rights education and other important areas. As a result, teachers often do not discuss the basics of human rights with students because they do not have necessary skills in the area (Smith, 2005). In addition, it may be difficult for teachers to raise conflict-related topics in class when they belong to communities in conflict. This difficulty can arise from situations where it is not easy for teachers to criticise the beliefs of their own community (Smith, 2005). Moreover, while traumatised and sexually abused students need counselling, unfortunately, as Smith (2005) has highlighted, many teachers located in zones ravaged by conflict can lack experience and training in counselling themselves.

Such challenges call for rapid intervention by national governments to ensure that children attend schools during conflict. However, as many conflicts take place in low- income countries where conflict can be combined with poverty, the UN agencies and NGOs can play a vital role in supporting governments through aid and technical assistance to enable the functioning of basic services, including education (Sinclair, 2002; Smith, 2009).

In all such endeavours, UN agencies and NGOs are urged to analyse the context within which the conflict has taken place because not all emergencies require the same intervention, and what has proved to be a successful response in one context may be ineffective in another (Sinclair, 2002).

2.10 Conclusion

Chapter Two has provided a description of the unique context in which primary school education, and school leadership, in Timor-Leste exist. As this chapter has demonstrated, the legacies of colonisation and war have affected educational developments in post- conflict settings. Such considerations help to contextualise the circumstances surrounding the historical background to, and recent developments in, primary school leadership, as well as current concerns of primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, the focus of the study being reported in this thesis. Chapter Three now provides a review of the relevant body of literature in which the study is located.

CHAPTER THREE

LITERATURE REVIEW

3.1 Introduction

This chapter is a broad overview of the relevant academic literature that informed the design of this study on primary school leadership in Timor-Leste. The previous chapter presented a description of this context. This chapter now presents further contextualisation through a review of the existing literature that framed the study being reported. It is in seven parts. First, a brief explanation of leadership and management is considered.

Secondly, the importance of context-responsive school leadership is discussed. Thirdly, practices of successful leadership are reviewed. Fourthly, an exposition of leadership models is offered. Fifthly, the literature on educational leadership in developing countries and post-conflict societies is considered. Sixthly, a review of the literature relating to challenges encountered by school leaders in similar post-conflict countries, namely,

Rwanda, Lebanon, Kosovo and Sri Lanka, is presented. The chapter concludes with an overview of the specific academic literature on primary school leadership in post-conflict

Timor-Leste.

3.2 Understanding leadership and management

Over 20 years ago, Leithwood et al., (2006) argued that leadership is all about organisational improvement. More specifically, they held, it is all about establishing widely agreed-upon and worthwhile directions for an organisation and doing whatever it takes to prod and support people to move in those directions. Simply put, this generic definition of

leadership is about direction and influence.

By comparison, Cuban (1988) had earlier argued that “management is maintaining efficiently and effectively current organisational arrangements” (p. 20). In addition, while managing often requires leaders’, he said, to exhibit leadership skills, the overall direction is the prioritisation of maintenance over change (Cuban, 1988).

Despite the long standing value of the definitions outlined above, West-Burnham

(2013, p. 10) later argued that “there is still no deep consensus as to the boundaries of leadership and management”. This being so, any distinction between leadership and management does not have to be accurate in every detail. Rather, it should serve to guide one’s thinking on the leadership and managerial aspects inherent in studies such as that reported later in this thesis.

3.3 Importance of context in school leadership

For long, it has been argued that context matters for school leaders. Gronn and Ribbins

(1996, p. 454) argued that a “context of situations, culture and history constrains leadership and gives it its meaning. It is a vehicle through which particular leaders can be empirically understood”. In this connection, it was stressed by Clarke and Wildy (2004) that leadership is generally context-bound and, accordingly, should be understood from the ‘inside out’, meaning from the perspective of the actual leaders and their interactions with others in a specific context. More recently, O’Donoghue and Clarke (2010) have held that having an understanding of leadership in complex and diverse contexts can enable leaders to respond effectively to the problems and challenges encountered by their schools.

Research suggests that ‘turning around’ schools or sustaining improvement requires context-responsive leadership (Garza Jr., Murakami-Ramalho & Merchant, 2011; Gordon

& Patterson, 2006; Gu & Johansson, 2013; Khalifa, 2012; West, Ainscow & Stanford,

2005). In being contextually bound, school leaders need to take various appropriate leadership actions. Such actions can be seen to be a result of their interplay with their contexts (Gillet, Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2016; Leithwood et al., 2008; Ylimaki et al., 2008;

Ylimaki et al., 2012). In addition, Vroom and Jago (2007) highlight that although situational or context variables inform leadership practice, the role of the situation in leadership is seldom taken into account. They also point out that “the field of leadership has identified more closely with the field of individual differences and has largely ignored the way the behaviour of leaders is influenced by the situation they encounter” (Vroom & Jago,

2007, p. 22).

The latter observation needs to be taken very seriously by those interested in leadership at the school level in post-conflict and developing countries contexts. This is because leadership in such situations is extraordinarily challenging for organisations. It is particularly so for schools, with school leaders often being required to adopt a leadership style that is different from the one they might use in less complicated and/ or relatively stable situations (Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2013).

3.4 Basics of successful leadership

Much of the success of school leaders in building high performance organisations

(organisations that make significantly greater than expected contributions to student learning), depends on how well they interact with the larger social and organisational

context in which they find themselves. Nevertheless, evidence from school and non- educational organisations points to four broad categories of successful leadership practices which are largely independent of such context. These practices are deemed to be ‘the basics’ of good leadership and necessary but not sufficient in almost all situations. They are setting directions, developing people, redesigning organisations, and managing the instructional programs (Jacobson, 2011; Klar & Brewer, 2013; Penlington et al., 2008;

Ylimaki et al., 2008). Each is now examined in the following section.

3.4.1 Setting directions A critical aspect of leadership is helping a group to develop shared understandings about the organisation and its activities and goals to try to undergird a sense of purpose or vision

(Hallinger & Heck, 2002). The most fundamental related theoretical explanations for the importance of leaders’ direction setting practices are goal-based theories of human motivation (Bandura, 1986; Ford, 1992; Locke, Latham & Eraz, 1988). According to these theories, people are motivated by goals that they find personally compelling, as well as challenging, yet are also achievable. Having such goals helps people make sense of their work and enables them to find a sense of identity for themselves within their work context.

Often cited as helping to set directions are such specific practices as identifying and articulating a vision, fostering the acceptance of group goals and creating high performance expectations. Visioning and establishing purpose can also be enhanced by monitoring organisational performance, and promoting effective communication and collaboration.

3.4.2 Developing people While clear and compelling organisational directions contribute significantly to members’ work-related motivations, they are not the only practices that do so. Nor do such directions

contribute to the capacities members often need to move productively in those directions.

Such capacities and motivations can also be influenced by the direct experiences organisational members have in those leadership roles (Lord & Maher, 1993), as well as by the organisational context within which people work (Rowan, 1996).

The ability to engage in practices that help develop people depends, in part, on leaders’ knowledge of the ‘technical core’ of schooling – what is required to improve the quality of teaching and learning – often invoked by the term ‘instructional leadership’. But this ability also is part of what has come to be referred to as leaders’ emotional intelligence

(Goleman, Boyatzis & McKee, 2002). Evidence suggests that this intelligence as displayed, for example, through a leader’s personal attention to an employee and through the utilisation of the employee’s capacities, increases the employee’s enthusiasm and optimism, reduces frustration, transmits a sense of mission and indirectly increases performance

(McColl-Kennedy & Anderson, 2002). More specific leadership practices that significantly and positively help develop people include offering intellectual stimulation, providing individualised support and providing an appropriate model.

3.4.3 Redesigning the organisation Successful educational leaders develop their schools as effective organisations that support and sustain the performance of administrators and teachers as well as students. As research suggests, this successful school leadership involves making changes in organisational structures to strengthen school culture and collaboration processes, and to remove obstacles to success (Gu & Johansson, 2013; Jacobson, 2011; Klar & Brewer, 2013).

Leadership practices required for redesigning organisations include developing cultures conducive to collaboration, restructuring the school organisation, building

productive relations with parents and the community, and connecting the school to its wider environment (Leithwood et al., 2008).

3.4.4 Managing the instructional programs Managing instructional programs is also a characteristic of successful school leadership

(Leithwood et al., 2008). The primary aim of this practice is to create productive working conditions for teachers. Specific associated practices include paying attention to appropriate staffing of the teaching programme, providing teaching support, monitoring school activity and buffering staff from distractions in their work (Leithwood et al., 2008; Ylimaki et al.,

2008).

3.5 Theories of educational leadership

In examining literature about leadership, Andriessen and Drenth (1988) observed that “the area is swamped with competing models – and it is becoming difficult to retain a global view” (p. 321). More recently, Day et al., (2000) referred to “a voluminous literature on leadership… which offers a bewildering array of theories, models, principles and strategies” (p.14). Bush (1995) too, pointed to a variety of theories, several of which overlap. He added that the discourse of leadership is confusing because “similar models are given different names, or in certain cases, the same term is used to denote different approaches” (p. 23).

Connecting school leadership to school effectiveness and improvement has led to the description of leadership behaviours that, it is felt, can help to produce successful educational outcomes. As a result, a diverse range of definitions of leadership models that attempts to portray leadership behaviours and practices associated with school effectiveness

and improvement has been put forward by scholars in the field (O’Donoghue & Clarke,

2010). These models vary depending on modes, types, form, the situational context of influence, and the nature of the interaction between leader and follower that make influence possible (Vroom & Jago, 2007). To illustrate this, a brief overview of eight such models of educational leadership will now be discussed. The eight models were selected because they are likely to be pertinent to the situational context of government primary schools in Timor-

Leste.

3.6 Models of educational leadership

3.6.1 Managerial leadership The focus of managerial leadership is on tasks, behaviours and functions in an organisation.

Managerial leadership follows the assumption that organisational members’ behaviours are highly rational (Bush & Glover, 2003). In addition, influence is exerted “through positional authority within the organisational hierarchy” (p. 20). This approach to leadership has been criticised for overlooking the concept of vision that characterises most educational leadership models. In addition, schools tend to find the managerial model to be very convenient in situations where they are operating in centralised education systems since it focuses on the implementation of externally imposed imperatives and policies, especially those set by high authorities within the bureaucratic hierarchy (Bush, 2007).

3.6.2 Distributed leadership The term ‘distributed leadership’ is believed to have been used for the first time by Gibb

(1954), an Australian psychologist who drew attention to the dynamics of influence processes as they have an impact on the work of different groups. Gibb suggested that

leadership should not be viewed as the monopoly of the individual but rather as shared functions among individuals. The belief that leadership is best considered as a group quality has, over time, gradually gained widespread acceptance in the field of education. Hartley

(2010) suggested that it is a pragmatic leadership approach to help one respond to extra responsibilities imposed on schools as a consequence of the implementation of site-based management in many countries from the 1990s. In other words, it is a form of school leadership where individuals, including the principal, teachers and members of a school staff, collaborate in order to extend and enhance leadership capacity within or across organisations (Heck & Hellinger, 2009; Muijs, 2012). The key principles of this approach are empowerment by means of working with and through others. As such, it requires school leaders operate in non-hierarchical, trusting and mutually respectful ways (Mulford, 2008).

Distributed leadership requires a relatively flat organisation structure that allows schools to operate in fluid, organic and spontaneous cultures (Harris, 2005). However, in reality, bureaucracy remains a strong characteristic of most schools today as a consequence of the standards agenda that dominates in many education jurisdictions (Hartley, 2010).

3.6.3 Participative leadership According to Leithwood et al., (1999, p. 12) “participative leadership… assumes that the decision-making processes of the group ought to be the central focus of the group”. This model is underpinned by three assumptions, namely, participation will increase school effectiveness, participation is justified by democratic principle, and, in the context of site- based management, leadership is potentially available to any legitimate stakeholder

(Leithwood et al., 1999, p. 12).

Over 30 years ago, Sergiovanni (1984, p. 13) pointed to the importance of a

participative approach in its capacity for ‘bonding’ staff together and in easing the pressures on school principals. Accordingly, as he went on to argue, “the burdens of leadership will be fewer if leadership functions and roles are shared and if the concept of leadership density were to emerge as a viable replacement for principal leadership”.

3.6.4 Transformational leadership Transformational leadership has for long been defined as the leader’s ability to raise to a higher level the commitments and capacities of followers in order to achieve organisational goals, which result in greater productivity (Leithwood, Jantzi & Steinbach, 1999). As far as the benefits of transformational school leadership are concerned, there does exist some empirical support for benefits from the efforts of this kind of leadership in school contexts.

It suggests that transformational leadership practices are most suitable for leading schools facing significant challenging circumstances (Bass & Riggio, 2006; Eagly et al., 2003;

Leithwood et al., 1999) and contribute to positive organisational and student outcomes when it is exercised by school principals (Leithwood, Tomlison & Genge, 1996).

Leithwood and Jantizi (2006) also found some empirical evidence to suggest that transformational leadership can have significant effects on teachers’ classroom practices.

However, the effect of transformational leadership practices on student achievement is essentially indirect (Leighwood & Jantzi, 2006). It would seem, therefore, that there is a need to be cautious about assuming any direct effect of this model of leadership on student achievement.

4.6.5 Transactional leadership The transactional leadership model is based on an exchange of rewards between leader and subordinates. It is regularly found to be in operation in political settings where elected leaders adopt a programme aimed at rewarding voters from a certain group for their support 48

during elections (O’Donoghue & Clarke, 2010). Back in 1990, Singer and Singer (1990) conceptualised transactional leadership as occurring when “a leader motivates subordinates by exchanging rewards for services rendered. The concern of such leaders is typically to clarify subordinates’ goals and to arrange contingent rewards as inducements towards goal attainment” (p. 387).

Around the same time, Sergiovanni (1991) took a similar view and provided a detailed definition of transactional leadership. He put it this way:

In transactional leadership, leaders and followers exchange needs and services in

order to accomplish independent objectives… This bargaining process can be

viewed metaphorically as a form of leadership by bartering. The wants and needs of

followers and the wants and needs of the leader are traded and a bargain is struck.

Positive reinforcement is given for good work, merit pay for increased performance

(p. 125-126).

Bass and Riggio (2006) included ‘management-by-exception’ as an additional feature of transactional leadership. Management-by-exception relates to leaders intervening only when followers fail to meet the agreed standards and goals. Transactional leaders, Bass and

Riggio (2006) hold, do not easily allow followers to deviate from the existing procedures and routines that already exist. This suggests that transactional leadership may not be suitable for change management and initiation.

This leadership approach can be evident when interaction between teachers and administrators is occasional, brief and limited to the exchange transaction of some valued resource (Miller & Miller, 2001).

3.6.6 Moral leadership Moral leadership is based on the cultural and spiritual values and beliefs of leaders (Bush &

Glover, 2003). It is closely related to the transformational leadership model but with a stronger emphasis on values (Bush & Glover, 2003). In this connection, Sergiovanni (1991) again highlighted the moral dimension of school leadership linking it to the transformational model of leadership:

The school must move beyond concern for goals and roles to the task of building

purposes into its structure and embodying these purposes in everything that it does

with the effect of transforming school members from neutral participants to

committed followers (p. 323).

He, (Sergiovanni, 1991) goes on to add that “the embodiment of purpose and development of followship are inescapably moral”. However, moral leadership does not coexist easily with managerial leadership in organisations, including schools. Therefore, it is the task of school leaders to try to match moral imperatives with managerial imperatives if schools are to survive and become true learning organisations (Grace, 2000).

3.6.7 Contingent leadership The contingent leadership model recognises the variations in school contexts and requires school leaders to adapt leadership styles to those contexts, instead of relying on a standard leadership model (Bush, 2007; Bush, 2008; Bush & Glover, 2003; Clarke & Wildy, 2004;

Vroom & Jago, 2007; Yukl, 2002). Bush and Glover (2003) refer to contingent leadership as an ability of school leaders to deal effectively with the problems they encounter by adapting their leadership approaches to the specific context within which their schools operate. Yukl (2002, p. 234) concurred with this line of thinking and highlights that

effective leaders “are flexible and innovative in adapting to fluid situations and rapidly changing events”. He went on to add that effective leaders seek to understand situational constraints and act in light of them to reach organisational effectiveness.

Vroom and Jago (2007) have identified three propositions regarding the leadership process in any organisation. The first proposition is that “organisational effectiveness (often taken to be an indication of its leadership) is affected by situational factors not under leader control” (Vroom & Jago, 2007, p. 22). This means that although school leaders often receive admiration for success, and blame for failure, school effectiveness is a result of the action of many and is influenced by situations such as government policies, the availability of resources, teachers’ commitment, and community support to list just a few of the variables. The second proposition is that “situations shape how leaders behave” (Vroom &

Jago, 2007, p. 22). This means that leaders are affected by their environment and by fairly stable characteristics predisposing them to certain behaviours (Vroom & Jago, 2007). The third proposition is that “situations influence the consequences of leader behaviour”

(Vroom & Jago, 2007, p. 23). This means that the effects of what leaders do depend on the situation. That is, popular leaders’ actions such as delegation, trust in people, customer care and shared decision-making that are effective in one situation may be completely ineffective in a different situation.

3.6.8 Instructional leadership Instructional leadership has particularly attracted the attention of researchers in contemporary situations dominated by educational accountability and standards-based reforms. Back in 1999, Leithwood et al., (1999) argued that instructional leadership typically assumes that the critical focus for attention by leaders is the behaviour of teachers

as they engage in activities directly affecting the growth of students. This view of instructional leadership has been criticised for being too ‘narrow’ (Reitzug, West & Angel,

2008). It does not recognise, for instance, the impact of other organisational variables such as school culture on the behaviour of teachers (Southworth, 2002). As a result, there is a distinction to be made between narrow and broad views of instructional leadership (Marks

& Printy, 2003).

Southworth (2002) points out that narrow forms only focus on teacher behaviours that enhance students’ learning, whereas broad forms focus on issues concerning the organisational and teacher culture. With the current shift towards learning and away from didactic teaching, the term ‘leadership for learning’ is often preferred in school leadership literature than instructional leadership (O’Donoghue & Clarke, 2010).

The models of educational leadership discussed here serve as points of reference from which to investigate how school principals in Timor-Leste conceptualise and engage in school leadership, and provide a platform on which to situate the study’s results. The eight models considered are not impartial, as each seeks to depict a complete picture of school leadership. Thus, it is arguable, that there is no one single best leadership type and that none of the models discussed above represent the totality of school leadership (Bush,

2007; Bush & Glover, 2003; O’Donoghue & Clarke, 2010). In addition, it can be argued that literature on leadership styles indicates that one style of leadership is not suitable for all school contexts. Rather, approaches to leadership are required that are attuned to the needs of the school, as opposed to being determined by normative theories and models of what constitutes ‘effective’ leadership. In this connection, the models of education leadership discussed above, provide helpful insights that can assist in understanding the nature of

school leadership in a variety of societies and contexts.

3.7 Principal leadership

The study reported later also drew upon empirical literature that defines and describes principal leadership practice, in particular, research that considers leadership as a social process, and studies that seek to explain effective principal leadership. This body of work is now examined.

3.7.1 The social nature of leadership A number of studies highlight the multidimensional nature of school leadership, pointing to the complex interactions that can occur among the leaders, those who are led, and the contexts in which they lead (Day et al., 2000; Leithwood et al., 1999; Southworth, 1995).

The transformational and contingency theories outlined earlier in this chapter stress the interaction of all parties, as they pool their commitment and energies to achieve a common purpose of providing excellent teaching and learning experiences. The very title

‘transformational’ relates to the positive changes that take place as a result of these interactions. Nearly 20 years ago, Day et al., (2000) and Leithwood et al., (1999) argued that the complexity of leadership is, in part, bound up in the notion that leadership is not just about what leaders know and do but also about why and how they think, act and interact. These theories advocate the kind of leadership that structures the environment in such a way that empowerment, teacher and community participation, and shared decision- making about issues that directly affect them, are prioritised. Likewise, around the same time Southworth (1998) supported a view of transformational leadership as involving

“considerable social skills of advocacy, inter-group relations, team-building and inspiration

without domination” (p. 50).

While not discounting that there are characteristics of effective leadership, that are generalisable, scholars are recognising that there are also subtle forces at work. As a result, for some time they have been critical of theories that over emphasise human agency and treat the socio-cultural context as constant. They have also been critical of those that over emphasise environmental complexity and neglect human agency (Gronn & Ribbins, 1996).

3.7.2 Effective leadership Every school is in some way unique. Responding well to such uniqueness, in addition to providing leadership basics, are crucial for the success of school leaders. On this, many studies seek to understand and describe leadership behaviours and traits in successful school leaders in an effort to determine what constitutes effective principal leadership

(Daresh, Gatner, Dunlap & Hvisdak, 2000; Day et al., 2000; Duignan & Bhindi, 1997;

Leithwood et al., 1999; Sergiovanni, 1990; Sergiovanni, 1992). There is general agreement that charisma, moral vision, personal and professional values, intellectual stimulation, together with person-centred interpersonal practices, modelling and high-performance expectations, are among the key components. Leaders who invest in, and demonstrate personal traits such as enthusiasm, persistence and emotional intelligence, also tend to elicit trust, loyalty and commitment from the other members of the learning community and this contributes to their effectiveness. However, these studies acknowledge the complexity of leadership and conclude that what constitutes effective leadership varies from one context to another.

While Fullan (2000a), Hallinger and Heck (1996) and Leithwood et al., (1999) underscore the ability of truly effective leaders to manage and sustain change, others

describe the effective leader as one who has the ‘wisdom’ (Knight & Trowler, 2001, p.178) and ‘emotional intelligence’ (Day et al., 2000, p.175) to contend with the challenges encountered.

The challenges that leaders identify are many and vary in emphasis from one study to another. There is, however, widespread acknowledgement of the proliferation of expectations coming from government, policy makers, parents, students, teachers and communities, each with its own set of demands and needs (Casavant & Cherkowski, 2001;

Ferrandino, 2001; Fullan, 1992). Managing tensions and dilemmas, balancing academic work with administrative duties, dealing with the uneasy relationship between transactional and transformational versions of leadership, reconciling ‘conflicting priorities’ and generally managing the ‘paradox of leadership’ are the major difficulties faced, according to studies conducted amongst those in leadership positions (Daresh et al., 2000; Day et al.,

2000; Knight & Trowler, 2001; Leithwood et al., 1999; Ramsden, 1998). For example, in

Ferrandino’s (2001) study, principals nominated topics such as school-based management, professional development, promotion and competitive marketing of the school, creating a positive learning environment for an increasingly diverse population and providing for a new generation of digital learners as being the most challenging. In similar vein, Fullan

(2000a) concluded that leaders must accept that there is no magic panacea, ‘no clear solutions’ to these dilemmas and that they must overcome their dependency on management theories and external solutions and look inward in order to meet the challenges (p.162).

Leithwood et al., (1999) in their earlier studies, also identified leaders’ ability to find emotional balance in their work and life as important to successful leadership. Studies

in which participants described what it feels like to be leaders also revealed how the intensity of the job often leads to feeling overwhelmed and stressed (Casavant &

Cherkowski, 2001). Further, it was highlighted that the work required is hard and requires investing time and energy such that the personal life of principals is often compromised

(Southworth, 1995).

The importance of support systems, resilience and personal renewal strategies for combating and controlling emotional burnout have been underscored by a number of writers (Daresh & Male, 2000; Day et al., 2000; Leithwood et al., 1999). It seems to become clear that the capacity to experience leadership as rewarding and satisfying in the face of challenges and difficulties, and to remain positive, is important for the exercise of successful leadership (Daresh & Male, 2000; Robbins, 1997).

3.8 Educational leadership in developing countries

This section of the literature review now examines educational leadership in developing countries. While the emergence and development of new and effective educational leadership and managerial theories in many ‘Western’ and/ or developed countries have been promising, some authors such as Oplatka (2004) have suggested that common features of educational leadership in many developing countries include limited autonomy, autocratic and hierarchical leadership styles, low degrees of change initiation, and a lack of distributed and transformational leadership functions.

When coupled with a lack of funding and resources, this situation can be viewed as both unfortunate and problematic for many of the world’s poor, and it implies that numerous education systems in developing countries are not particularly effective (Litz, 56

2011). On the other hand, it also raises interesting questions and identifies dilemmas regarding international leadership development initiatives, and the transferability and applicability of educational leadership paradigms and managerial models that have been predominantly developed in ‘Western’ nations. This is because it is highly likely that some form of sharing of knowledge and ideas will be essential to the formulation of systematic, integrated and useful leadership development programmes and practices in developing countries (Litz, 2011).

With respect to international educational leadership development schemes, some theorists, such as Hallinger and Kantmara (2000), warned about the ever-increasing range of ‘Western’ leadership initiatives that are traversing the globe and finding their way into developing countries and traditional cultures. To Hallinger and Kantmara (2000), foreign- directed educational policy reforms and change can sometimes engender more suspicion than enthusiasm at the point of implementation because so many countries have had their traditional education systems systematically altered or even destroyed by various forms of colonialism. They, (Hallinger & Kantmara, 2000) also have suggested that sophisticated and forward-thinking guidance in addition to long-term policy-planning and persistence will be required to bring about genuine leadership reforms. This it is held, is especially so where the underlying assumptions are foreign to prevailing norms, and to the local culture

(Litz, 2011).

Karstanje and Webber (2008) have expressed similar views and have pointed out the need for closer attention to details, a better understanding of local customs and cultural norms, and have pointed out that new educational ideas may need long incubation periods in those settings where they are introduced, than has been the case to date. Macpherson,

Kachelhoffer and Medhat (2007) have also called for caution with respect to the transferability and implementation in developing countries of educational policies that originate in ‘Western’ nations and call for the need to include localised indigenous knowledge in any educational development program. Other theorists, such as Brundrett,

Slavíková, Karabec, Murden, Dering and Nicolaidou (2006), have made convincing arguments in favour of re-conceptualising or refocusing principal training programmes to reflect local idiosyncrasies and other specific contextual issues.

At the same time, Oplatka (2004) argued that there are a number of specific issues that still need to be addressed regarding the successful execution of education leadership development plans in developing countries. Such development plans, it is argued, need to provide principals with adequate training on instructional issues, address issues of autonomy and other ‘Western’ cultural norms and perceptions in leadership training and teacher in-service programmes, change practising teachers’ notions of issues such as reform initiation, school-based management, transformational and distributed leadership, and most importantly, improve the responsiveness of school leaders and school systems to parents and children. Finally, a number of theorists such as Palmer, Wedgewood, Hayman, King and Thin (2007) have highlighted that any type of international educational development endeavour needs to focus on reducing poverty and other inequalities or little improvement will take place in the respective education systems of developing countries.

3.9 Educational leadership in post-conflict societies

The previous section provided insight into the literature surrounding educational leadership in developing country contexts. Attention is now turned to research undertaken in relation

to education and educational leadership in post-conflict societies.

One of the most devastating impacts of violent conflict is the damage it inflicts on education systems and the children and students they serve. Teachers often bear a heavy cost in times of conflict. Schools and education systems are invariably debilitated by conflict. They are left weak, damaged and under-resourced at precisely the time when communities, governments and international agencies need them to help rebuild and transform themselves and the societies they serve (World Bank, 2005).

Physical conflict has a devastating impact on education, both directly in terms of the suffering and the psychological impact on the students, teachers and communities, and in the degradation of the education system and its infrastructure. The challenges that post- conflict reconstruction of education faces, are very much the same as those faced by all education systems struggling for reform, but are complicated by an added sense of urgency and the additional debilitating after effects of war. Four factors in education reform have been identified as being critical for post-conflict societies (World Bank, 2005), namely, sound policies and committed leadership at the national level; adequate operational capacity at all levels, including the capacity of communities to participate effectively with the right incentives; financial resources to ‘scale up’ programmes that work and ensuring that these reach the service delivery level; and a relentless focus on results.

In addition, Buckland (2006) identified a number of education-related problems common to post-conflict environments. These include the lack of domestic revenue to run post-crisis educational programmes, the destruction of educational infrastructure and buildings, the lack of qualified teachers, poor record keeping, corruption, a lack of transparency in educational institutions, poor coordination and planning, and a substantial 59

number of war-affected children and youth.

There are also challenges that seem to be specific to particular post-conflict societies, especially where ethnic identity and religion were integral to the initial war.

These challenges may relate to curriculum reform, the high politicisation of education, the teaching of history and the selection of the language of instruction. These have characterised the education systems in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina (Kreso, 2008;

Torsti, 2009; Weinstein et al., 2007; World Bank, 2005) and Timor-Leste (Boughton, 2011;

World Bank, 2005).

While the challenges affecting education in post-conflict settings are reasonably well known, the relevant literature is largely silent about the strategies adopted by school leaders to deal with them. Little is known also about what kind of leadership is required at the individual school level in post-conflict societies. This concurs with Clarke and

O’Donoghue’s (2013) observation that very little empirical research has been undertaken at an international level into how school leaders in post-conflict societies conceptualise their work. Most research in the field of education and conflict, it seems, has largely focussed on education at the macro-level of the national political context in societies affected by conflict. School leadership at the micro-level of the school in those societies has, on the other hand, been relatively neglected as a subject for academic research (Clarke &

O’Donoghue, 2013; O’Donoghue, 2018; Milligan, 2010). The study reported later represents one contribution to filling the gap that currently exists in the area.

3.10 Challenges for school leaders in post-conflict societies

Notwithstanding the lack of attention devoted to primary school leadership in post-conflict 60

societies, some empirical studies in this area have been undertaken. For example, Karareba,

Clarke and O’Donoghue (2016) identified the concerns of school leaders in post-conflict

Rwanda as being conflict prevention, lack of teacher professionalism and motivation, student drop-out and absenteeism, and the lack of parental involvement in the education of their children. In relation to conflict prevention, discussions about ethnicity are not common, at least in public places, since the identification of Rwandans as Hutus, Tutsis or

Twas was officially outlawed by the government as part of the promotion of unity and reconciliation (Fussel, 2001; Karareba, Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2016; Power, 2013).

However, despite the fact that ethnicity is not discussed publicly, there have been reported cases of genocide ideology entering Rwandan schools in recent years (Karareba, Clarke &

O’Donoghue, 2016). In relation to lack of teacher professionalism and motivation, this has manifested in the absence of the use of participatory teaching methods, teachers’ absenteeism, and teachers being late for work (Karareba, Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2016).

On the matter of student drop-out and absenteeism in Rwanda, while a large number of children enter the first grade of primary school, many leave school before completing the full cycle. Poverty was also mentioned by many school leaders as being the chief cause of student drop-out and absenteeism (Karareba, Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2016). Finally, in relation to lack of parental involvement in education, this is evidenced by the fact that some parents, because of their ignorance, are deliberately not providing sufficient school materials for their children. In addition, school leaders expressed a belief that poverty and ignorance about the purpose and importance of education are prime causes of parental apathy (Karareba, Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2016).

Maadad (2013) identified a number of challenges faced by school leaders in post-

conflict Lebanon. These related to poverty, trauma, curriculum reform and school culture.

Owing to poverty and a lack of political will for change, school leaders operate in very poor conditions, characterised, for example, by a lack of basic classroom equipment such as desks, furniture for sitting and blackboards (Maadad, 2013). With regard to psychological problems, it is noted that people, especially children, remain traumatised despite the war that raged in Lebanon from 1975 to 1999 having ceased (Maadad, 2013). This has had an impact on school leaders, with challenges arising such as counselling traumatised students and managing their behaviours. Yet many teachers often have not received any counselling training (Maadad, 2013). Regarding curriculum reform, school leaders are required to support many teachers who experience difficulties in the use of learner-centred methods prescribed in the new curriculum. This task is not performed well as school leaders themselves often lack information and guidance on how to master the new curriculum

(Maadad, 2013). Also, the teaching of new subjects available in the new curriculum requires additional resources that are not available in schools (Maadad, 2013).

As far as school culture as a challenge is concerned, school leaders struggle to move from the traditional view according to which teachers know everything and cannot be challenged, to the ‘modern’ view by which teachers are considered facilitators of teaching and learning processes (Maadad, 2013). In addition, school principals’ power and autonomy are limited because of the bureaucratic culture of Lebanese public schools.

Finally, school leaders are required to deal with the diverse cultures existing within schools by promoting multicultural understanding between children (Maadad, 2013).

Goddard and Buleshkaj (2013) in their examination of primary school leadership in post-conflict Kosovo, identified four considerations connected to challenges for school

leaders at the individual school level, namely, strategic planning, curriculum development, professional development, and educational management and administration.

In relation to challenges related to strategic planning, these were associated with the management of multiple changes to the existing structure of schooling, and to the implementation of several changes initiated by local communities and municipal authorities

(Goddard & Buleshkaj, 2013). As far as challenges related to curriculum development are concerned, these were associated with the implementation of a technology-based curriculum without adequate resources, supporting teachers in the implementation of a competency-based curriculum, instead of a content-based one, and with the implementation of learner-centred approaches to teaching and learning (Goddard & Buleshkaj, 2013). In relation to the challenges related to professional development, these were associated with supporting teachers who spent more than two decades before the war without benefitting from tangible professional development opportunities. Challenges related to educational management and administration, were associated with managing expectations for the achievement of school improvement indicators, and to overcoming post-conflict community stressors to establish an inclusive school environment that integrates multiple ethnic communities (Goddard & Buleshkaj, 2013).

In relation to primary school leadership in post-conflict Sri Lanka, Earnest (2013a) has described the challenges encountered by school leaders there as being the requirement to provide additional learning support to many children who failed to attend school regularly, dealing with the inability of war-affected families to pay for school materials and students’ uniform, working with depleted resources, and dealing with psychological problems caused by the conflict. The lack of effective professional development

programmes for school leaders was also identified as a factor compounding the situation

(Earnest, 2013a).

3.11 Literature on education in Timor-Leste

While some research has been undertaken concerning education and conflict in Timor-

Leste, very few studies have been conducted that have focused specifically on school leadership in the post-conflict era. Beck and Araujo (2013) examined the history of Timor-

Leste and the reconstruction of the education sector after independence in 1999. In doing so, the realities of school leadership in the country are described, placing the experiences of school leaders in the wider context of education in a developing nation.

In addition, Macpherson et al., (2011) conducted a case study in a remote village to examine what it is to become a primary School Director in post-conflict Timor-Leste.

Macpherson et al., (2011) concluded that becoming a school leader in a village in Timor-

Leste is learned on-the-job, and enacted in a context of post-conflict reconstruction and awareness of national capacity building that gives high priority to reconciliation, interculturalism and independence. In addition, Macpherson et al., (2011) pointed out that becoming a School Director of one primary school in Timor-Leste should not be generalised to other schools or to system level. Instead, the case study can serve as a reference for themes found in the grounded data. It should then be possible to discuss their implications, to offer these ideas for wider consideration at school, district, regional and system levels, and to suggest possible advances to practice, provisional theory and further research.

Research has also been undertaken to investigate education more broadly in post- 64

conflict Timor-Leste. For example, Boughton (2013) examined the educational developments occurring in the first phase of decolonisation in 1975 to the developments introduced by the government of Timor-Leste up to 2012.

Justino, Leone and Salardi (2011) analysed the impact of the wave of violence that occurred in Timor-Leste in 1999 on education outcomes. Their study provided a comparison between the educational impact of the 1999 violence and the impact of other periods of high-intensity violence during the Indonesian military occupation.

Shah (2012) investigated the context of motivations to reform curriculum in post- conflict states and some challenges that policy makers and citizens have wrestled with in developing and implementing the country’s first post-independence primary curriculum. In addition, Shah (2009) examined the unique background to the conflict of Timor-Leste, the shifting curriculum paradigms that have driven change, and the challenging circumstances in which curriculum development and implementation have occurred. Finally, Nicolai

(2004) described how schooling was affected by events that occurred in 1999, and the steps taken to re-establish education throughout the transition period in East Timor.

No significant corpus of research has been generated to enable an understanding of the historical background to primary school leadership in East Timor. In addition, there has not been any in-depth research undertaken on the recent developments in primary school leadership in Timor-Leste, nor extensive research into the specific concerns of primary school leaders, and the strategies that they adopt to deal with the complexities of their work. Therefore, there was a perceived need to investigate school leadership in post- conflict Timor-Leste.

3.12 Conclusion

Chapter Three discussed the themes and issues derived from the literature that framed the reported study. It seems clear that scholars in the emerging field of education and conflict have not paid enough academic attention to the area of primary school leadership in post- conflict societies. The chapter discussed eight models of educational leadership and concluded that care should be taken while implementing those approaches because not all post-conflict situations face the same challenges and require the same intervention.

Therefore, what has worked successfully in one context may not work in another context

(Sinclair, 2002). This observation reiterates the need to conduct research aimed at elucidating the relationship between context and leadership in distinctive settings. Chapter

Four will now describe the study’s methodology and elucidate on the methods selected for data collection and analysis.

CHAPTER FOUR

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

4.1 Introduction

The interrogation of the literature relating to school leadership in post-conflict societies and developing countries presented in the previous chapter indicated that few studies could be identified, which focused on the perspectives of school leaders and their leadership in relation to their daily concerns, and the strategies they adopt to deal with the context in which they operate. Moreover, little is known about the strategies adopted by school leaders to deal with the contextual complexity in which schools in these settings are located. The study being reported in this thesis was conducted in response to this deficit.

Three aims were pursued in the study. The first was is to develop an understanding of the historical background to primary school leadership in East Timor from Portuguese colonisation (1515 to 1975), during Indonesian military occupation (1975 to 1999), and throughout the UNTAET period (1999 to 2002). The second aim was to generate an understanding of the recent developments that have occurred in relation to primary school leadership in post-conflict Timor-Leste from 2002 to 2016. The third aim was to generate an understanding of the issues that are of current concern to primary school leaders in

Timor-Leste, and of the strategies adopted by them to deal with those issues. The intention was that the combination of these three aims could provide a detailed understanding of the complexity of school leaders’ work in a specific post-conflict setting, and contribute new insights into the leadership and strategies adopted by school leaders to deal with the challenges that they encounter.

This chapter is concerned with detailing the design and methodology of the research agenda. It is presented in five parts. First, the nature of the interpretivist research paradigm and the associated theoretical perspective of symbolic interactionism that underpinned the study are outlined. Secondly, the methods used for the selection of schools, the selection of the study participants, and the processes of data collection and analysis are explained.

Thirdly, the manner in which the interpretivist paradigm was drawn upon in addressing the three central research aims are considered. Fourthly, the strategies adopted to ensure the trustworthiness of the research are discussed. Finally, the ethical considerations associated with conducting the reported study are considered.

4.2 Theoretical framework

The interpretivist paradigm has been selected to underpin the study. This approach is appropriate because the nature of the research questions required a method of inquiry that enables interpretation of social phenomena (O’Donoghue, 2018). Schwandt (2003) states that, from an interpretivist point of view, human and social actions are inherently meaningful. In order to discover and understand meaning, the interpretivist researcher has to interpret in a particular way what actors say. Thus, the researcher seeks to gain an understanding of what people understand concerning a particular phenomenon.

The term ‘paradigm’ refers to a set of ideas about the world, and what constitute appropriate methods for investigating that world (Morgan, 2007; Punch, 2009).

Interpretivists aim to reveal the diverse meanings that people assign to situations and behaviour, and which they use to comprehend their experience (O’Donoghue, 2018). They believe that human experiences and actions carry meanings and have to be interpreted

within a social context (Lincoln, Lynham & Guba, 2011). The interpretivist inquirer is, therefore, required to understand the social and cultural contexts from which the data are generated, in order to reflect accurately the actual meaning held by the data (Creswell,

2003; Lincoln et al., 2011).

Within the interpretivist paradigm, the view of reality is that it is a social construction. This means that there can be multiple realities, or interpretations, of events

(Merriam, 2009; Schwarts-Shea & Yanow, 2012). In this regard, Crotty (2003) has stated that the aim is to “understand and explain human and social reality” (p. 67). This can be achieved by studying the meanings constructed by individuals in their interactions within a social context (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). Thus, the interpretivist approach is not one whereby researchers seek to find knowledge. Rather, it is constructed by them (Merriam,

2009). As O’Donoghue (2018) has indicated, in order to construct knowledge, the researcher has to use “skills as a social being to try to understand how others understand their world” (p. 9-10). Also, the construction arrived at depends on the social interaction and negotiation that occurs in a particular context (O’Donoghue, 2018).

Adopting an interpretivist paradigm necessitates that the researcher be interested in the subjective meanings held by participants, namely, the way in which they understand their world, and the way in which they attribute meaning to it (Creswell, 2003; Sarantakos,

2005). Meanings are co-created between the researcher and the researched (Lincoln et al.,

2011). They are gathered through such methods as document analysis, interviews and observations, which are consistent with interpretivism (O’Donoghue, 2018). At the same time, the researcher is the primary data collection and analysis ‘instrument’ in interpretivist studies (Russell & Kelly, 2002; Watt, 2007).

Another characteristic of the interpretivist approach is that it can generate a vast amount of data about a small number of participants. Back in 1985, Blackledge and Hunt

(1985) identified five major assumptions that underpin the interpretivist approach to qualitative inquiry. These assumptions involve everyday activity, freedom, meaning, interaction, and negotiation. As each of these assumptions influenced the study being reported here, they are now briefly considered.

First, everyday activity of individuals is the foundation of society (Blackledge &

Hunt, 1985). School systems for example, keep running due to the daily activities of students, teachers, school leaders, education officers, and other educational professionals

(O’Donoghue, 2018). It follows from this that if these activities are altered there may be changes in education and ultimately in society. Therefore, one must begin by understanding the everyday activities of school leaders in order to understand school leaders’ issues, and the strategies they adopt to deal with those issues.

Secondly, there is a degree of autonomy in every activity performed by people

(Blackledge & Hunt, 1985). Blumer (1969), another foundation theorist in the field, asserted that everyday activity is never totally imposed, there is always some autonomy and freedom. This is the idea that, to some extent, people can and do generate their own activity. However, there are also constraints on the way they act. Further, people are influenced by their backgrounds (Blackledge & Hunt, 1985). Thus, everyday life for primary school leaders in Timor-Leste can be viewed as being produced by them, and by their colleagues within the school system, acting together and generating their own role patterns of action.

Thirdly, in order to understand everyday activity, researchers have to understand the 70

meanings that others give to their actions (Blackledge & Hunt, 1985). In other words, the meanings people attribute to their actions and to those of others are formed socially

(Blackledge & Hunt, 1985). In this connection, Blumer (1969) indicated that meanings can be seen as social products generated during interaction. They are personal to a person who creates them. They are not provided by culture, or society (Blumer, 1969). Following this idea, Benzies and Allen (2001) pointed out that meanings are generated through symbolic social interaction, where the individual is all the time interacting with the world. Thus,

Timor-Leste primary school leaders in the reported study were seen to be constructors of meanings during their daily activities.

Fourthly, Blackledge and Hunt (1985) stated that everyday activity consists of interacting with other people. Again, this observation was consistent with Blumer’s (1969) ideas. Day-to-day activities seldom involve an individual acting in isolation. Also, during this interaction, a person gives meaning to his or her own actions and other people’s actions. The associated interaction involves a joint interpretation of actions. This means that one interprets one’s own action as well as the actions of other people with whom one interacts (Blackledge & Hunt, 1985). Applying this position, led the researcher to conclude that primary school leaders in Timor-Leste can be seen as generating meanings during their daily activities and through their interaction with one another.

Finally, meanings are negotiated, and through this process of negotiation, individuals can modify their perspectives (Blacklege & Hunt, 1985). This suggests that people’s perspectives on a phenomenon are not static. Rather, they are subject to modification, leading to change in views and understanding (O’Donoghue, 2018).

Therefore, over time, people who are employed in particular environments, such as a

school, can come to have common understandings of a phenomenon (Blackledge & Hunt,

1985). Accordingly, the researcher took the view that people who work in the Timor-Leste context as primary school leaders, can come to elaborate a shared understanding of a phenomenon.

The five assumptions outlined above serve to create an awareness of the relevance of generating theory about how people conceptualise, perceive and interpret their world. In the study reported in the later chapters, it was necessary to develop an understanding of participants’ perspectives on the focus topic. This was a central issue because, as Corbin and Strauss (2008) have pointed out, in a “qualitative inquiry, it is important to obtain as many perspectives on a topic as possible” (p. 26).

Charon (2007) defined a perspective as “an angle on reality, a place where the individual stands as he or she looks at and tries to understand reality” (p. 3). Similarly,

O’Donoghue (2018) indicated that the concept “captures the notion of a human being who interacts, defines situations, and acts according to what is going on in the present situation”

(p. 31). The assumption that underpins the reported study, is that examining perspectives of people and from historical sources would result in generating theory in relation to the three central research questions. Theory here refers to “an integrated framework of well- developed concepts and the relationship between them that can be used to explain or predict phenomena” (O’Donoghue, 2018, p. 51). Effort was made for the theory generated to make sense to the school leaders to whom it applies (Cohen et al., 2011).

4.3 Symbolic interactionism

The theoretical perspective within the interpretivist paradigm deemed appropriate to underpin the study being reported here is symbolic interactionism. It provides the starting point in its central assumption that people attribute a subjective meaning to their activities and their environments (Flick, 2009). O’Donoghue (2018) relates symbolic interactionism to interpretivism as follows:

A researcher adopting a symbolic interactionist theory approach when conducting

research within the interpretative paradigm is concerned with revealing the

perspectives behind empirical observations, the actions people take in light of their

perspectives, and the patterns which develop through the interaction of perspectives

and actions over particular periods of time (p. 20).

O’Donoghue (2018) also emphasises that in this approach the researcher is “the primary data-gathering instrument” (p, 20). Thus, in order to understand the studied phenomenon, the researcher elaborates guiding questions to conduct open-ended, or semi-structured interviews. Also, the researcher gathers data through the examination of documents and on- site observations. During this process, the researcher can gather a vast amount of rich and detailed data about a small number of individuals (O’Donoghue, 2018).

The symbolic interactionist theoretical approach was deemed appropriate for the study being reported here because it allowed the researcher to uncover meanings that individuals (for example, primary school leaders, representatives of PTA, and education officials) attach to such ‘things’ as people, institutions, concepts, policies, and how these meanings influence their actions (O’Donoghue, 2018). At the individual school level, for

example, school leaders’ challenges, and the strategies they adopt to deal with them can be best understood through an analysis of the related symbolic processes that shape the school and the organisational culture. Overall, school leadership, according to a symbolic interactionist view, is driven by the way issues related to school leadership are socially constructed in the school, locally and nationally.

4.4 Selecting primary schools

The study reported in this thesis was conducted in Timor-Leste. The country is an example of a post-conflict society. Purposive sampling technique (Creswell, 2008) provided the means for the selection of schools. Due to constraints of time, finance, weather, distance, accessibility, observance of religious public holidays, and Presidential and Parliamentary elections, the study was limited to primary schools located in two Municipalities. These

Municipalities are different in terms of their geographical location. For example, one is largely populated in a central hub and the other is less populated and located in a regional setting. This selection was considered appropriate because investigating primary school leaders’ concerns within these geographic locations is likely to result in uncovering as wide a scope of perspectives as possible (Creswell, 2008).

A total of 14 government primary schools were selected. Additionally, in order to access multiple perspectives of participants (Creswell, 2008) the size of the school has been taken into consideration. Three Basic Schools and 11 medium size Filial Schools were chosen.

As will be recalled from Chapter Two, in Timor-Leste, there are nine years of Basic

Education, which is compulsory and free for all citizens. Basic Education consists of 74

primary school education being broken into the three cycles, as follows: the 1st cycle

(Grade 1 to Grade 4), 2nd cycle (Grade 5 to Grade 6), and pre-secondary education lasting three years, or 3rd cycle (Grade 7 to Grade 9). In selecting the schools, consideration was given to the number of years of their operation. Primary schools that have been operating for more than 10 years were selected. The cluster-based Basic Education system has large

Basic Schools led by a School Director, who also assumes oversight of the linked medium and small sized Filial Schools within his/ her cluster. School Coordinators are in charge of individual Filial Schools and report to the School Director. For the purpose of the study being reported here, School Directors and School Coordinators, who participated in the study, have been referred to as ‘school leaders’. The rationale for selecting large central

Basic Schools and medium size Filial Schools arose out of the need to incorporate school leaders of all levels in the group studied.

4.5 Selecting participants

The first research question examined the historical background to primary school leadership in East Timor from Portuguese colonisation (1515 to 1975), during Indonesian military occupation (1975 to 1999), and throughout the UNTAET period (1999 to 2002).

This question was addressed exclusively through the analysis of documents. The second research question investigated the recent developments that have occurred in relation to primary school leadership in post-conflict Timor-Leste from 2002 to 2016. This question was addressed by means of document analysis, supplemented by interviews with education officials. The third research question examined the current concerns of primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, and the strategies adopted by them to deal with the complexities of

their work. It was addressed primarily by means of interviews conducted with primary school leaders, as well as representatives of the PTA, and education officials.

The school leaders selected for the interviews were purposefully chosen in order to obtain a wide variety of perspectives. This was considered necessary as qualitative researchers strive for diversity within the population under study (Flick, 2009). To this end, the selection strategy was based on two notions, that of purposeful sampling and maximum variation sampling (Creswell, 2013; Johnson & Christensen, 2012). Both have influenced approaches used in qualitative studies (Creswell, 2013). The first notion was addressed by selecting participants and sites for study that were able to purposefully “inform an understanding of the research problem and central phenomenon in the study” (Creswell,

2013, p. 156). The second notion was addressed by determining in advance some criteria, including geographical location of schools and leadership experience of participants.

Creswell (2013, p. 157) describes the strategy of maximum variation sampling as a

“researcher’s attempt to understand a phenomenon by selecting participants and contexts that represent the greatest differences in that phenomenon”. This strategy is also defined by

Flick (2009) as the integration of “only a few cases, but those which are as different as possible, to disclose the range of variation and differentiation in the field” (p. 70). As mentioned above, it was chosen because it increased the possibility of generating data regarding different perspectives (Ary, Jacobs & Sorensen, 2010; Creswell, 2013; Merriam,

2009).

In harmony with the two notions of purposeful sampling and maximum variation sampling, three main criteria governed selecting the study participants. First, as previously described, the study was restricted to two Municipalities of Timor-Leste because of a 76

number of constraints related to time, finance, weather, distance, accessibility, observance of religious public holidays, and Presidential and Parliamentary elections. A total of 30 individual interviews were conducted and participants were chosen from 14 government primary schools in two selected Municipalities. These comprised 14 interviews with school leaders (in each of the selected primary schools), including three female and 11 male school leaders. In addition, 14 interviews were conducted with a representative of the PTA in each school, comprising five female and nine male participants. Interviews were also conducted with two male education officials.

Secondly, the study focused on primary schools because the research aims were oriented to primary school leadership. They included government primary schools affiliated with the national MoE in Timor-Leste. They are located in urban and rural areas.

Gaining access to some of the schools was difficult. For example, during the wet season, heavy rain resulted in flooding and landslides. This led to delays in gaining access to schools to interview participants. The majority of the students who attended the public schools selected in the study are from families of low socio-economic status. In terms of school size, the large Basic Schools have approximately 600 to 2,600 students enrolled, depending on geographical location. In comparison, the medium size Filial Schools have approximately 95 to 1,700 enrolled students, again depending on the geographical location.

This variation provided further diversity.

Finally, the main participants were school leaders working at the selected schools.

They were chosen because of their leadership responsibilities regarding the operation of their primary school within the broader cluster-based Basic Education system used in

Timor-Leste. Owing to the exploratory nature of the research, it was considered appropriate 77

that participants would vary in terms of educational background (in the reported study, some school leaders had graduated from university, while others did not hold formal tertiary qualifications) leadership experience (in the study, some school leaders had been recently appointed and had under five years leadership experience, while other school leaders had held leadership roles for more than five years) and the number of years that they were working in the education system (in the study, all selected primary school leaders had worked in the education system for more than five years), as well as in terms of gender

(in the reported study, three female school leaders and 11 male school leaders were selected to participate) and age (in the study, school leaders’ age ranged from late twenties through to early fifties).

4.6 Data collection methods

Data were collected in the form of documents, as well as through semi-structured interviews and unstructured non-participant observations. These data gathering methods are most appropriate for a study adopting a symbolic interactionist theoretical approach within the interpretivist paradigm (O’Donoghue, 2018). The unstructured, non-participant observation was not used as a formal data gathering method. Rather, it was used informally to inform interviews and to help in becoming sensitised to the contextual complexity characterising school leaders’ work. Each of these approaches will now be considered.

4.6.1 Document study The use of documents as a tool of data collection is not new in research. On this, Punch

(2009, p. 158) explains that “documents, both historical and contemporary, are a rich source of data for education and social research”. Document study was used to address the

first and second research questions for two reasons. First, the study of documents is consistent with the interpretivist approach to inquiry. This observation is supported by

Hudson and Ozanne’s (1988) view that interpretivists often undertake a descriptive analysis of historical documents to gain a holistic understanding of the phenomenon of interest.

Similarly, Bowen (2009) contends that documents could be used as the only data source in some interpretivist studies. The second reason why documentary evidence was sought is that other data gathering methods can be limited in their capacity to provide historical insights about a phenomenon (Bowen, 2009).

At the same time, obtaining historical documentary evidence was challenging.

Many historical records were lost in the 1999 crisis as the Indonesian military forces looted, razed and torched education buildings and schools in their violent withdrawal from East

Timor. Nonetheless, some historical and contemporary records were located along with academic articles, education reports and books.

4.6.2 Interviews Semi-structured in-depth interviewing, which allows participants to react and comment on the researcher’s guiding research questions (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013) were used. This approach was appropriate for the study for three reasons. First, semi-structured interviews have proved to be most effective in enabling researchers to gain access to “people’s perceptions, meanings, definitions of situations and constructions of reality” (Punch, 2009, p. 144). It follows that a semi-structured interview is a most suitable data-gathering tool for a study aimed at investigating the perspectives of people on a phenomenon (O’Donoghue,

2018).

Secondly, semi-structured interviews are appropriate for a post-conflict challenging

context. This is because they can be used flexibly and can provide participants with the opportunity to express their views in their own terms (Bryman, 2004). Hence, in the study it allowed participants to have freedom to discuss potentially emotional and/ or sensitive personal issues connected with Timor-Leste’s turbulent past.

The third reason why semi-structured interviewing was deemed suitable is that it allowed the researcher to have control over the flow and progress of interviews (Savin-

Baden & Major, 2013). This was particularly important given that the available time for data gathering was limited.

A total of 30 individual interviews were conducted. These comprised 14 interviews with school leaders (in each of the selected government primary schools) for addressing the third research question and 14 interviews with representatives of the PTA in each selected school. The PTA interviews were useful as they provided insights into daily challenges encountered by primary school leaders, from the perspective of the parents of primary school students. Additionally, two interviews were conducted with education officials in

Timor-Leste to supplement documents in the case of the second research question. Notes were also taken during interviews and inferences were made from these notes to provide guidance on particular issues, or to suggest further questions to ask in subsequent interviews (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013).

Each interview was recorded on an audio recorder. The recordings were then transcribed to begin data analysis. All interviews were conducted in Tetum, as participants did not speak English, and the majority of participants were not comfortable speaking in

Portuguese. The interviews were transcribed and then translated into English to ensure understanding of the conversation with participants was accurate. The translated interview 80

transcript were then returned to participants for review of accuracy and completeness. All participants indicated that the transcripts captured what they wanted to say about their experiences.

4.6.3 Unstructured non-participant observation In a non-participant observation, the researcher studies participants, or settings, from the

‘outside’ (Sarantakos, 2005), while in an unstructured observation, the researcher does not use pre-specified categories, and explores the setting or participants’ perspectives and actions in a natural open-ended way (Punch, 2009). Unstructured non-participant observation was employed as a means to inform interviews and to stimulate further data gathering questions. This approach also helped the researcher in becoming sensitised to the contextual circumstances influencing school leaders’ work.

4.7 Data analysis methods

Grounded theory methods of data analysis were employed in the present study. These methods are consistent with the interpretivist approach to inquiry (Strauss & Corbin, 1994).

The emphasis is on “the conceptualisation of the data, and the generation of conceptually abstract categories grounded in the data” (Punch, 1998, p. 218). This is undertaken by reducing raw data into concepts designated to stand for categories (Punch, 2000). The concepts are inductively inferred from the data. This inductive inference is referred to as the process of abstraction (Punch, 1998).

In accordance with the interpretivist research approach, data collection and analysis proceeded simultaneously (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Conducting data analysis during data collection helped to undertake an effective coverage of the research topic (Sarantakos,

2005). Analysis began immediately after collecting the first set of data and after transcribing the first interview. Data gathering stopped when no new patterns were being generated (Punch, 1998; Punch, 2009).

4.7.1 Open coding The first stage of grounded theory analysis, open coding, was used to commence data analysis. Open coding is concerned with ‘fracturing’, or ‘breaking open’, the data to generate conceptual labels and categories for use in theory building. The purpose is to use data to “generate conceptual categories in the data, at a first level of abstraction” (Punch,

2009, p. 183). These categories are called substantive codes and are more abstract than the data they describe (Punch, 2009).

At the beginning of analysis, different pieces of data were constantly compared with each other to help generate categories. This constant comparison is the method on which grounded theory analysis relies (Pidgeon & Henwood, 1996). It helped the researcher to explore similarities and differences in the data, and was undertaken concurrently with questioning the empirical data about the more abstract concepts being generated (Punch,

2009). This questioning enabled the researcher to find the theoretical possibilities that are suggested by the data.

The categories generated were tested against the data to ensure they were empirically grounded (Punch, 2009; Sarantakos, 2005). The relationship between concepts and categories was illustrated using codes and theoretical norms (Punch, 1998). The categories were then checked back with participants in order to ensure that they agreed they represented their perspectives on the phenomenon in question (Strauss & Corbin, 1994).

4.8 Adapting the theoretical framework in relation to the three research questions

4.8.1 The first central research question The first research question of the study being reported here aimed to develop an understanding of the historical background to leadership at the primary school level in East

Timor from Portuguese colonisation (1515 to 1975), during Indonesian military occupation

(1975 to 1999), and the UNTAET period (1999 to 2002). This question is historical in nature, and as a result, data were obtained primarily through an analysis of sources obtained in public documents and other records. At this point, it is important to recall that when the

Indonesian military violently withdrew from East Timor in 1999, it left the country in ruins.

Rampant militia destroyed most public buildings and the majority of schools were razed or completely destroyed. As Leach (2017) has noted, the nation building challenges since then have been substantial. In addition, many historical public documents relating to the education system were burnt or destroyed in 1999. Hence, while efforts were made to obtain as many primary sources as possible, a substantial amount of secondary sources had to be drawn upon.

4.8.1.1 Data gathering The documents examined are located in Timor-Leste. The complexity involved in the task of studying them reflected the situation explained by Savin-Baden and Major (2013) where they indicated that when assessing documents, the researcher is responsible not only for finding, but also authenticating evidence and then determining its worth and contributions to the problem in question.

The present researcher drew on public records at the national MoE Timor-Leste, the

Timorese Resistance Archive and Museum, and the library at the National Parliament. In

addition, academic papers, books, conference papers, newspapers, reports and other documents containing information about the historical background to, and recent developments in, primary school leadership in Timor-Leste were also analysed. The study of these materials was required in the attempt to understand official perspectives on programs and administrative structures (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007).

Notwithstanding the constraints, the analysis of these data sources enabled the researcher to gain a holistic understanding of the history of primary education in general, and of primary school leadership specifically, from Portuguese colonisation to full independence in 2002.

As the study was exploratory, it was not possible from the outset to know the list of all the sub-research questions necessary to guide the research with regard to the first research question. However, guiding questions were developed. These are set out on the next page in table 4.1.

Table 4.1: The development of guiding questions from the first central research question.

Central research question Guiding questions

1. What is the historical 1.1 What were the influences that shaped primary

background to primary school leadership in East Timor from Portuguese

school leadership in East colonial rule, during Indonesian military

Timor from colonial occupation, and throughout the UNTAET period

times to 2002? to 2002?

1.2 Under what conditions and circumstances were

primary schools led in East Timor from

Portuguese colonial rule, during Indonesian

military occupation, and throughout the UNTAET

period to 2002?

These guiding questions were not specific questions to be answered. Rather, they were those that suggested themselves at the beginning of the study as having the greatest potential to generate data relevant to the central area of interest.

4.8.1.2 Data analysis According to Ary et al. (2010), “content or document analysis is a research method applied to writing or visual materials for the purpose of identifying specified characteristics of the material” (p. 457). The total body of written data consulted was analysed systematically and logically using the grounded theory methods described earlier in this chapter. In 85

particular, general ideas, themes, and concepts were generated and were used to form generalisations about the historical background to primary school leadership in East Timor.

An example of the coding process that led to these generalisations is provided in table 4.2.

Table 4.2 Open coding of a secondary source document.

The document is an extract from the book Timor-Leste: 1975 – 40 years on, Volume II and has been utilised in addressing Guiding question 1.1: What were the influences that shaped primary school leadership in East Timor from Portuguese colonial rule, during Indonesian military occupation, and the UNTAET period to 2002?

Document Open coding

The FRETILIN literacy campaign drew on Basic literacy lessons incorporated forms of the radical pedagogy of the Brazilian nationalist political education. educator Paulo Freire, integrating basic lessons in literacy with forms of nationalist political education.

The literacy manual, Rai Timur Rai Ita

Niang (Timor is Our Country), is a critical During decolonisation, the literacy manual document of early East Timorese Timor is Our Country, was an important tool nationalism, representing one of the most for nationalist political education. important and widely distributed forms of nationalist political education during the

decolonisation period.

The approach of the campaign emphasised Creating a literate Timorese population literacy as a form of political socialisation would enable cultural decolonisation and for independence, and as a course of cultural ultimately, independence/ liberation. decolonisation.

4.8.2 The second central research question The second research question of the study being reported here aimed to develop an understanding of the developments that have taken place in relation to primary school leadership in Timor-Leste from the time of independence in 2002 until 2016. In this context, the term ‘development’ refers to facts, policies, events and activities that have shaped primary school leadership in post-conflict Timor-Leste. As with the first research question, the interpretivist paradigm informed the work of the researcher in addressing the second research question, this time with the objective of examining and interpreting a wide range of contemporary and official records, and interview data.

4.8.2.1 Data gathering Documentary data were gathered from contemporary and official records. As the data- collection questions were related to the developments that took place in relation to leadership at the primary school level from 2002 to 2016, the details on educational issues and information were located in academic papers, journals, laws governing the organisation of education, the education sector’s strategic plan 2011 – 2030, and other national MoE documents. Interview data were also generated from interviews with two education officials in Timor-Leste, as it was deemed that they would be well placed to provide information 87

about recent developments in primary school leadership at the systemic level.

It is important to note here that the main data gathering method for the second research question was document analysis. Supplementary interviews were of assistance in confirming and supporting data obtained from documents, and in exploring and discussing broad issues pertaining to school leadership.

Again, it was not possible from the outset to know the entire set of sub-research questions required to guide the research on the second research question. However, some guiding questions were inferred from the second central question and were posed, as indicated in table 4.3.

Table 4.3: The development of guiding questions from the second central research question.

Central research question Guiding questions

2. What developments have 2.1 What strategies has post-conflict Timor-Leste

occurred in post-conflict implemented that have led to the status quo of

Timor-Leste in relation primary school leadership?

to primary school 2.2 What have been the reasons behind, and leadership from 2002 to influences on, the strategies implemented to 2016? establish current primary school leadership?

As previously mentioned in the case of the first research question, guiding questions are not specific questions to be answered. Rather, they are those that suggest themselves at 88

the beginning of study as having the greatest potential to generate data relevant to the central area of interest.

4.8.2.2 Data analysis As with the previous central research question, grounded theory methods of data analysis described earlier in the chapter were again used. Accordingly, both particular and general ideas, along with themes, and concepts were generated and used to make generalisations.

Interviews were also analysed to supplement insights generated from documents. In particular, the open coding process already described allowed for the generation of conceptual categories, themes, and concepts from the documentary and interview data.

An example of the coding process is illustrated in table 4.4.

Table 4.4 Open coding of a policy document.

The document is an extract from the MoE National Education Strategic Plan 2011 - 2030, and has been utilised in addressing the Guiding question 2.1: What strategies has post- conflict Timor-Leste implemented that have led to the status quo of primary school leadership?

Document Open coding

For each cluster, there will be a new Primary schools are organised in a cluster- management structure that will be located at based system. the Basic Schools. This management structure in each cluster will consist of:

School Director: the Basic School Director

will be the General Manager of the cluster School Directors lead and manage the school of schools. He or she will also be within his/ her school cluster, as well as the responsible for the adequate coordination School Council. and functioning of the School Council.

School Council: It will be the democratic decision-making body which ensures the School Councils are the decision-making achievement of the key educational targets body for the effective functioning of the in each cluster, developing and school cluster. implementing a cluster strategic plan and discussing and reviewing all emerging issues regarding the appropriate functioning of the schools.

4.8.3 The third central research question The third research question in the study being reported here aimed to develop an understanding of the issues that are of current concern to primary school leaders in post- conflict Timor-Leste. The strategies adopted by these leaders to deal with those issues were also investigated. Concerns are understood as being matters affecting, or having an impact on people in their everyday working lives. They are matters that interested individuals, or captured their attention because they are important or they affect them.

4.8.3.1 Data gathering Data gathered for addressing the third research question were obtained through semi- structured, in-depth interviews conducted primarily with school leaders, and also by 90

interviews with representatives of the PTA, and education officials. As with the first and second central research questions, this research question was also exploratory. This being so, it was not possible at the commencement of the research to come up with a list of all sub-research questions designed to guide the investigation on this third research question.

Some guiding questions, however, were developed and are outlined in table 4.5.

Table 4.5: The development of guiding questions from the third central research question.

Central research question Guiding questions

3. What are the current 3.1 What are the challenges that primary school

concerns of primary leaders face as they perform their work?

school leaders, and what 3.2 What are the strategies primary school leaders are the strategies adopted adopt to deal with the complexities of their work, by them to deal with and what are the reasons behind those strategies? those concerns?

Also, as previously noted in the case of the first and second research questions, these guiding questions were not specific questions to be answered. Rather, they were broad questions that were deemed to have the greatest potential to generate data pertinent to the central area of interest.

4.9.3.2 Data analysis Interview data were systematically and logically analysed following the first stage of grounded theory analysis, namely, open coding. This coding process has been described 91

earlier in this chapter. The approach was useful in revealing general ideas, categories, and themes, which were used as the basis for making generalisations about the data.

An example of the way data analysis was undertaken is illustrated in table 4.6.

Table 4.6: Open coding of an interview transcript.

Open coding of an excerpt from the transcript of an interview held on 31 March 2017, with participant I16.EBF.F.APX in addressing Guiding question 3.1: What are the challenges primary school leaders face as they perform their work?

Interview transcript in English translation Open coding

Tetum

Bainhira ita ko’alia kona-bá When we talk about Effective implementation of dezafiu, entaun ami iha ne’e challenges, this school faced the national curriculum is a hasoru problema barak lo’os. a lot of them. We have challenge.

Ba dahuluk, dezafiu ida issues related to the learning halai liu-liu ba ensinu process, in particular parts of Lack of classrooms for aprendizájen, iha parte the curriculum. We want to teaching. kuríkulu ninian. Hanesan implement the new system, ami atu implementa sistema so we divide the students foun hanesan fahe alunu sira into groups, but because we Inadequate classroom size. ba grupu ne’e la di’ak tanbá have a large number of ita hare’e ba jestaun agora students in one small ninian ne’e la hanesan ho classroom, it does not work High teacher to student ratio,

tempu uluk sira, agora ne’e well. It is hard for teachers approximately 1:50. númeru estudante sira ne’e to control the 50 or more sa’e maka’as tebes. Iha sala students in the classroom. ida bele iha estudante barak We have few classrooms. liu limanulu (50+), nune’e The classrooms are small to manorin sira atu kontrola accommodate the large mos araska no difisíl tebes, i number of students per sala mos menus liu. classroom.

4.9 Recording of the storage of the data

Data recording is an integral part of the data collection, especially in qualitative research

(Yin, 2011). The researcher is therefore required to select and apply an effective and organised way for recording and storing his/ her data (Groenewald, 2004). The participant interviews were recorded on an audio recorder. Interviews were transcribed, translated, coded and stored in electronic format. Similarly, documentary data were coded and filed.

As codes, categories and themes were merged, they were also filed.

The coding and storage of transcripts and documents not only enabled the efficient analysis of the data, but also allowed the tracing back of all categories and themes to the data. This process ensured that all data connected with the study is accessible.

4.10 Trustworthiness of the study

For a research endeavour to inform theory, or practice, it must be considered trustworthy.

Thus, and especially in relation to the third research question, it was deemed of utmost importance that the results of the study being reported in this thesis accurately represented the concerns raised by the study participants in relation to their work as primary school leaders in the selected schools in Timor-Leste.

In order to ensure the quality of the study in this regard, the researcher used the criteria relating to trustworthiness (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013). They are credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability (Ary et al., 2010; Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

The following commentary provides a brief description of these trustworthiness criteria as they influenced the conduct of the study being reported here.

4.10.1 Credibility Credibility is concerned with the truth value of the data. Credibility indicates that the

“findings are trustworthy and believable if they reflect participants’, researchers’ and readers’ experiences” (Corbin & Strauss, 2008, p. 302). It relates to whether results are believable or not. It involves how well the investigator “has established confidence in the findings based on the research design, participants and context” (Ary et al., 2010, p. 498).

Guba (1981) suggests a range of strategies that can be adopted to establish credibility.

These include such measures as spending an extended period of time with participants, corroborating evidence from different data sources, member checking and peer examination

(Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

These strategies were applied to try to maximise the credibility of the study.

Regarding prolonged engagement with participants, Lincoln and Guba (1985) recommend that researchers spend an extended period of time with participants in order to build rapport with them, and ensure they have sufficient time to check participant perspectives on the phenomenon being investigated. The study resulted in 30 interviews being conducted, each varying between 30 to 45 minutes duration. This period of time, coupled with periods of informal on-site observations, enabled the researcher to build rapport with participants, and identify within them recurrent themes or patterns relevant to the investigation.

In addition, Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggest that using different data sources in research can strengthen credibility. Establishing evidence from different individuals is referred to as data-source triangulation, which is distinct from methodological triangulation that consists of corroborating evidence from at least three methods of data collection

(Creswell, 2008; Johnson & Christensen, 2012). In the present study, data-source triangulation involved corroborating evidence from such different individuals as school leaders, representatives of the PTA, and education officials. Evidence was also corroborated from a wide range of documents used for addressing the first and second research questions. In other words, data-source triangulation was used to cross check data collected from different groupings of participants and documents. In addition, in relation to the third research question, collecting data from across the 14 government primary schools provided an opportunity for cross-checking (Burgess, 1982).

Member checking was used to address issues of credibility regarding the study. This procedure consists of verifying the data and emerging theory/ themes from participants

(Creswell, 2008). Throughout the study, interview transcriptions were checked back with participants to ensure the accurate translation of participants’ perspectives. Also, the

categories and themes generated from data were taken back to participants to ascertain whether they agreed that they reflected their experiences (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

Another strategy adopted to ensure credibility of the study was peer examination, which is referred to as ‘peer debriefing’ by Lincoln and Guba (1985). This process involves discussing the study and its findings with people who are familiar with methods of qualitative inquiry (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). In the study being reported here, peer examination consisted of discussing formally or informally the concepts and themes generated with supervisors and fellow doctoral students. Such discussions enhanced the credibility of the study by means of clarifying emerging theory.

4.10.2 Transferability Transferability can be defined as the extent to which the product of the researcher can be applied, or generalised, to other similar contexts (Ary et al., 2010; Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

It is discerned by the reader of the results instead of by the researcher. Hence, it is advocated that the readers or potential users of the research should compare and decide on the similarities of the two contexts (Ary et al., 2010; Savin-Baden & Major, 2013).

In order to promote transferability, the researcher provided a ‘thick description’ of the process and of the contexts of the research (Ary et al., 2010; Schwartz-Shea & Yanow,

2012). Geertz (1973, p. 6-7) suggested that the researcher is required to provide a thick description of the setting and phenomenon being studied, so that readers can decide on the applicability of the findings of the study to other situations. This, he held, should also enable the readers to determine whether the researcher has been rigorous during the research process and to consider whether the findings are transferrable to similar contexts

(Merriam, 2009). In the study being reported here, a detailed and rich account of the

context within which school leaders work provides the ‘thickness’ of the description to allow possible transferability to other contexts.

4.10.3 Dependability Dependability refers to the extent to which results of a particular study are not altered when the study is replicated with the same (or similar) participants in the same (or similar) context (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). To establish dependability, the researcher is required to provide an ‘audit trial’ (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). This procedure involves the provision of a logical and clear documentation of the research process (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). In this regard, data collection, analysis and interpretation methods must be described accurately as part of the audit trial establishment (Kielhofner, 1982).

In the study reported here, dependability was enhanced by clearly describing data collection, analysis and interpretation methods to guide researchers who may intend to replicate the study (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). In addition, the requirements of the audit trial have been met by means of collecting and storing the following material: participant interview recordings, interview transcripts, interview translations, relevant documents used to address research questions one and two, and written field notes.

4.10.4 Confirmability Confirmability is concerned with the degree to which the conclusions and interpretations of the study emanate from data rather than from the researcher’s “biases, motivations, and interests” (Lincoln & Guba, 1985, p. 290). This involves another person being able to follow the sequence of activities throughout the study in order to understand how and why the study’s conclusions were established. To this end, audio recordings, field notes and interview transcripts have been kept.

4.11 Ethical consideration

The proposal for the study being reported was approved by The University of Western

Australia’s Human Research Ethics Committee prior to the commencement of the research.

In addition, the GoTL, though the national MoE, gave written permission to conduct the research in Timor-Leste. The nature of the study determined that the researcher was placed in regular contact with the participants. The researcher faced ethical issues pertaining to what to record, how to avoid risk and harm, and how to protect participants’ privacy, confidentiality and anonymity.

Rigorous, methodical and effective ways of recording and sorting the research data were used. An audio recorder was used to record interviews and the recordings have been stored in electronic format. Furthermore, each recording has been transcribed, translated and coded as a hard and electronic copy. Similarly, documentary data have been coded and filed.

The privacy, confidentiality and anonymity of the participants have also been preserved. Due care has been taken not to name the participants. For this purpose, coding or initials have been applied instead of providing the name of participants in the presentation of the results. Also, all participants were informed that the final documentation and any possible subsequent publications will not mention their names or location.

Informed consent of participants was obtained. Accordingly, a statement explaining the nature and purpose of the research, as well as issues of privacy, anonymity and confidentiality were given to all participants. Participants were assured that they were free to withdraw from the study at any time.

4.12 Conclusion

This chapter has considered the research design and methodology employed in the study being reported. The interpretivist research paradigm that underlies the study was first discussed. An overview of the selection of schools, the selection of participants, and the methods utilised for data collection and analysis was also presented. In addition, consideration was given to the ways in which the three central research questions were addressed. The latter sections of Chapter Four took into account the provisions that were made to ensure the trustworthiness of the research, as well as the ethical dimensions of the present study. Chapter Five will now present the results of the study in relation to the first research question.

CHAPTER FIVE

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO PRIMARY SCHOOL LEADERSHIP FROM COLONIAL TIMES TO 2002

5.1 Introduction

As will be recalled from Chapter One, the geographic area that constitutes the Democratic

Republic of Timor-Leste became the newest nation of the 21st century on 20 May 2002. For the period prior to gaining formal independence, the Timorese education system can be traced back to three distinct foreign administrative periods, starting with the arrival of the

Portuguese from approximately 1515 to 1975, followed by the Indonesian military occupation from 1975 to 1999, and lastly the United Nations Transitional Administration in

East Timor (UNTAET) from 1999 to 2002. Each regime attempted to implement its own educational ideology and strategies.

At the time of independence, Timor-Leste faced significant nation building challenges, particularly in the education sector. One such challenge immediately after independence was effective primary school leadership. On this, a World Bank report (2004) noted that at the individual school level, school principals in the country needed to be more empowered by being given sufficient financial and technical resources to support their autonomous quest for local solutions to local problems. Further, given that many of Timor-

Leste’s administrative and professional staff were relatively new in their jobs, continuous professional development in specific areas, such as education management capacity, is deemed to be needed. It was also deemed that it should be adequately planned and funded

(World Bank, 2004).

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Most government positions, until the referendum in 1999, including those in the education sector, were held by Indonesians (UNICEF, 2010). Also, roughly 20 percent of primary school teachers were non-Timorese (Butcher et al., 2015; UNICEF, 2010; World

Bank, 2004). Thus, after the referendum that led to independence most Indonesian school principals and teachers left the country, resulting in a shortage of qualified teachers and school leaders.

This chapter is in four parts. First, a brief historical overview of the different political regimes that administered East Timor is discussed. Secondly, the education system during Portuguese colonial rule is examined. Thirdly, consideration is given to the impact of the Indonesian military occupation on education development. Finally, attention is given to the UNTAET period and its impact on a fragile post-conflict education system.

5.2 The birth of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste

The historical evolution of education in Timor-Leste has been shaped by three distinct foreign administrative powers, namely, Portuguese colonial rule, Indonesian military occupation and the UNTAET period. The Portuguese started arriving in East Timor in the early 1500s as traders, and gradually increased their presence with the settlement of missionaries and soldiers, and creating a colonial structure that would endure for hundreds of years. A military coup in Portugal in April 1974 (the ‘Carnation Revolution’), brought an end to Portugal’s 48 year old dictatorship and its movement towards democracy. This development stimulated a decolonisation process in all of Portugal’s overseas territories and gave rise to the prospect of independence for East Timor.

On 28 November 1975, the political party, Revolutionary Front for Independent 101

East Timor (FRETILIN), which founded the territory’s independence movement, unilaterally declared East Timor’s independence from Portugal. The failure to attract recognition from other political parties in the territory, or the international community, left

FRETILIN’s authority tentative and nine days later, on 7 December 1975, the Indonesian military invaded. On 17 July 1976, President Suharto, approved the annexation of the territory, claiming East Timor as Indonesia’s 27th province. The ensuing 24 years of

Indonesian military occupation was marked by an ongoing violent struggle between the armed wing of FRETILIN (FALINTIL) and the occupying Indonesian military forces

(TNI). Several thousand individuals were forcibly displaced during the occupation and were made to live in extremely poor conditions without adequate food, shelter or health facilities. Justino, Leone and Salardi (2011) also estimated that around 60,000 people lost their lives in the early years of Indonesian military rule. Further, a UNDP (2002) report estimated the number of deaths reached as being 200,000 by the end of the brutal

Indonesian occupation.

Hit by the severe Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s, Indonesia needed international backing for its failing economy. Among other moves was then President

Habibie’s decision to try to improve his international standing and to end the costly military involvement in East Timor, by allowing the discussion of a limited autonomy proposal for the territory to take place. In May 1999, the Portuguese and Indonesian governments and the UN signed an agreement to support a UN facilitated referendum that would let the people of East Timor decide whether to accept or reject a status of autonomy within

Indonesia. It was agreed that a rejection of this offer by the majority of the Timorese people would clear the way for preparations to be made for the territory to begin its transition to

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independence, under UN auspices. On 30 August 1999, over 98 percent of registered voters turned out to vote, and it was announced on 4 September that 78.5 percent of the Timorese people had chosen independence rather than remaining as an autonomous province of

Indonesia (Taudevin, 1999).

The public announcement of the referendum results sparked widespread violence across the territory, instigated by pro-integrationist militias organised and supported by elements of the TNI. The Indonesian government, widely believed to have been well aware of the violence, did nothing to mitigate the massive destruction of buildings and the aggressive attacks on the Timorese people. In relation to the education sector, many agree that over 85 percent of school buildings were destroyed (Steele, 2002, p. 77). Some elevate the percentage to 90 percent (Dodd, 2000; UNESCO, 2003; UNICEF, 2001) and others claim that “95 percent of schools and other education institutions were destroyed” (Beck &

Araujo. 2013, p. 165. See also Earnest et al., 2008; Hill, 2005; Nicolai, 2004). In addition, a

UNICEF (2010) report also concurred that an estimated 95 percent of schools were damaged or destroyed following the referendum results.

Reacting to the total breakdown of law and order, as well as to international outcry against the violence, the UN Security Council authorised a multinational peacekeeping force to use all necessary measures to restore security in East Timor (Resolution 1264).

Then, on 20 September 1999, an Australian-led International Force in East Timor

(INTERFET), was deployed. This taskforce involved 21 countries and made an important contribution at a critical time in the history of Timor-Leste. In October of the same year, the

United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) was established.

This marked the Indonesian government’s formal hand-over of control of East Timor, and

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created the authority that would govern the territory until its scheduled independence on 20

May 2002.

5.3 Education under Portuguese colonisation (1515 – 1974)

For over four hundred years, the content and structure of the Timorese education system were shaped by outside colonial interests. Under Portuguese colonial rule, the education system remained restricted and exclusive to an elite few over a long period of time (Butcher et al., 2015). The education policy and practices during Portuguese colonisation precipitated a situation of extreme neglect, particularly for those living in rural or remote parts of the territory (Boughton, 2011; Shah & Quinn, 2016). This questionably ‘benign neglect’ meant that the majority of the population was effectively excluded from participating in the political process, which served the coloniser’s purpose of extracting natural resources without contestation (Shah & Quinn, 2016).

From the very beginning, the Catholic Church played a major role in the colonisation process. Between 1515 and 1701, it was the effective governing power, with its own military garrisons under the direct command of the Dominican and Jesuit missionaries. The civil authority took over in 1702, but the Portuguese State made no effort to educate the local population until the mid 19th century, when it opened a few schools for children of local chieftans (liurais) (Boughton, 2011). The aim was to educate a small administrative class that could effectively manage the colony in Portugal’s ‘best interest’

(Hill, 2002; Millo & Barnett, 2004; Shah, 2009; World Bank, 2004). The first school for the Timorese was set up during the governorship of Afonso de Castro (1859 – 1863). The former governor, in a book he wrote in 1867 described the situation thus:

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Since we were responsible for the colonial administration, we suggested that a

college be found to educate the children of the principal indigenous chiefs. This

provided primary education for the first and second grades and we are convinced

now that the best results can be expected from such a situation… It is also of great

importance that the Timorese rulers know about our civilization, which is the only

way of dealing with the customs of such barbaric people (cited in Hill, 2002, p. 10).

In 1904, a primary school was established in Soibada in central Timor. Its objective was to produce teacher-catechists for the Catholic Church in addition to training sons of liurais.

Although it did not go beyond teaching the four year primary school curriculum, it became known widely as the “University of Timor” (Hill, 2002, p. 10). By the turn of the century, there were 16 schools for boys and four schools for girls in Portuguese Timor (Hill, 2002).

In 1940, the fascist Salazar regime in Portugal signed a Concordat with the Vatican, delegating responsibility for all education in the Portuguese colonies to the Church

(Boughton, 2011; Butcher et al., 2015; Hill, 2002). Following the enactment of the

Missionary Statute in 1941, both had long term effects on education in the colonies

(Butcher et al., 2015; Hill, 2002). Under this Statute, the Church was made the official arm of the State in the education of indigenous people in the colonies and was heavily subsidized by the government. However, it provided education for the Timorese at much less cost to the government than that of the State run schools. Article 66 of the Missionary

Statute stated, “Education especially intended for natives shall be entirely entrusted to missionary personnel and their auxiliaries” (cited in Hill, 2002, p. 20). The missionary schools instilled ideas that Timorese culture and history were closer to those of other

Portuguese colonies in Africa than to cultures and histories of its Asian neighbours (Shah &

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Quinn, 2016). As a result, discussion of pre-colonial Timorese culture, history and language was neglected (Boughton, 2011; Hill, 2002).

The Portuguese embraced an ‘assimilation’ philosophy of colonialism, and education was an important aspect of the government’s efforts to implement the assimilationist ideology. In the words of Adriano Moreira, Professor at the Institute for the

Study of Overseas Territories in Lisbon, who later became Overseas Minister:

Any people, seeking to convert a people of different culture to its own conception of

life, has no choice but to turn to a special class, the intermediate, which abandons its

traditional culture and makes it its mission to spread the new ways (cited in Hill,

2002, p. 38).

Equally, Hill (2002, p. 39) argued that Portuguese education in the colonies can be seen as an attempt to create a new class of people, the assimilados, to carry out the assimilist task among the rest of the population, on behalf of the Portuguese.

The education of rural Timorese offered by the missionaries was originally called ensino rudimentar (rudimentary education), and was later named ensino de adaptacao

(functional education). It was acknowledged to be a second-class education compared to the ensino oficial provided by the State for children of Europeans, named mesticos (people of partly Portuguese origin (Hill, 2002)) and assimilados (people of mixed heritage who had adopted the Portuguese language and lifestyle (Boughton, 2011). The teachers of rural

Timor had less training and were paid less, while less money was also spent on buildings and facilities.

The general aim of the ensino de adaptacao was to inculcate in the students a 106

generalised feeling for being Portuguese, while not giving them too many aspirations. The

Missionary Statute of 1941 described this aim thus:

The aim of these plans and programmes shall be to make the native population

national and moral, and to inculcate such work habits and skills for each sex as suit

the conditions and requirements of the regional economics, moral education shall

aim at curing laziness and preparing future rural workers and craftsmen to produce

what is needed to satisfy their own requirements and social obligations (cited in

Hill, 2002, p. 39).

The first year undertaken in Posto (District) and Suco (Village) schools run by the missions was a preparatory year aimed at giving children a grasp of the Portuguese language. A

Missionary Statute forbade the speaking of languages other than Portuguese in the classroom (Boughton, 2011; Hill, 2002). Those who did not succeed in this year were severely handicapped throughout the rest of their education. As rural Timorese generally spoke no Portuguese at home, this was a high percentage of children (Hill, 2002).

The curriculum for the next four years consisted of reading, writing, arithmetic and the history of Portugal. Rote learning was the preferred method of instruction (Butcher et al., 2015; Hill, 2002). Maps of Portugal hung on the walls of the classroom, and even in the remotest villages children were required to commit to memory the rivers, railways and cities of Portugal. Some of the later textbooks depicted life in the African colonies in addition to metropolitan Portugal, but always, stressing the superiority of the Portuguese way of life (Butcher et al., 2015; Hill, 2002; Wu, 2000). Timorese culture and traditions were not mentioned in the classroom and neighbouring Asian countries were rarely considered. 107

In principle it was possible for Timorese children to transfer from the Escola Posto or Suco to the Escola Primaria, the State-run primary schools for Europeans, for mesticos and for assimilados. However, this rarely happened as these schools were in the principal towns, and physically out of reach of the majority of students whose parents could not afford to pay boarding fees. Bureaucratic obstacles, regulations regarding maximum ages, and the inability of most students from the Posto and Suco schools to pass the entrance examinations also ensured the separateness of the two systems (Hill, 2002).

A further school system was that run by the Comando Territorial e Independente de

Timor (the army), as part of its social action programme. These schools tended to be located in inaccessible villages, which would not otherwise have schools. In 1972-3, the army was running 93 of these schools throughout East Timor (Hill, 2002). Furthermore, the

Chinese community in East Timor, had, in 1974, 14 primary schools throughout East Timor and a secondary school in Dili. Most of the classes were taught in Mandarin, by teachers from Taiwan (Hill, 2002). The other ethnic trading minority, namely, the Arab community, who numbered some 900 in 1970, was centred on the Dili Mosque where a school was run for all Muslim children giving traditional Islamic education in Arabic. Most of these children also attended the State-run Portuguese schools (Hill, 2002, p. 41).

Catholic religious orders, some from countries other than Portugal, ran a number of larger boarding schools which provided more significant education opportunities for the

Timorese who attended them. The Jesuit run school at Soibada founded in 1904 was one of these. This school played a crucial role in the education of the Timorese elite (Hill, 2002, p.

41). It and the others provided the only avenue to secondary school education for most

Timorese. They also provided an education somewhat more relevant than that of the Posto

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and Suco schools for those who would return to their villages after a few years of primary schooling.

Students from the Posto and Suco schools found it almost impossible to pass the entrance exam (set in Lisbon) to the ciclo preparatoria (preparatory cycle) of secondary education. Those from the Escola Primarios, however, had no difficulty (Hill, 2002, p. 42).

Four years of primary schooling were regarded as a normal minimum requirement for many types of employment, but those who could pass the exam could for two years study the ciclo preparatoria in middle schools in Dili, Baucau, and after 1972, in Bobonaro,

Maubisse, Lospalos and Oecusse (Hill, 2002). Portugal thus educated a small elite. In other words, post-primary was intended only for a small number of those who reached Quarta

Classe, year four of primary school, and then were prepared for consideration to enter the public service (Hill, 2017, p.8).

There was a considerable expansion of educational facilities over the years between

1967 and 1973. Nonetheless, the difficulties encountered by Timorese in rural areas getting more than a few years of an ensino de adaptacao education remained considerable. Despite a law being passed in 1964 that schooling would be compulsory for all children aged between six and 11, the percentage of children in this age group actually attending a school in 1973 was only 53 percent (Hill, 2002).

In summary, mass education was not a policy objective of the Portuguese colonial rulers. Rather, the emphasis was mainly on training an administrative elite (Boughton,

2011; Butcher et al., 2015; Hill, 2002; Nicolai, 2004; Shah, 2009; World Bank, 2004). By the end of the colonial period in 1975, the illiteracy rate in East Timor was estimated to be

90 percent (Hill, 2002; Saldanha, 1994; World Bank, 2004). While the Portuguese colonial 109

rule brought important contact with the West and introduced the Catholic Church with its lasting influence, it also left East Timor in an extremely disadvantaged position in terms of human development (World Bank, 2004).

Colonial powers have long utilised education as a form of cultural invasion (Poster

& Zimmer, 1992; Shah, 2009). East Timor was no exception. Here, the aim, was elsewhere, was to displace the culture, lifestyle and values of the colonised society in order to maintain rigid social stratification and subordination (Fasheh, 1992; Shah, 2009). Under Portuguese rule, the curriculum in East Timor was often structured to maintain an order of dependency and a culture of elitism (Shah, 2009; Woolman, 2001). As Ferre D’Amare (1979, p. 17) noted, “colonial pedagogy [was] committed consciously or unconsciously, to the manipulation of being.”

5.3.1 Education for decolonisation (1974-75)

In April 1974, Portuguese army officers in Lisbon overthrew the Salazar dictatorship in what became known as the ‘Carnation Revolution’, initiating a decolonisation process in

Portugal’s overseas territories (Boughton, 2011; Butcher et al., 2015; Hill, 2002). In Dili, young nationalist intellectual, formed the Revolutionary Front for the Independence of East

Timor (FRETILIN), a political party committed to independence. One of the most important aspects of FRETILIN’s work in the early months of 1975 was the anti-illiteracy campaign which it launched in several villages. The programme had taken several months to prepare.

Since May 1974, Timorese students in Lisbon, who had some familiarity with the ideas of Brazilian educator, Paulo Freire, had been working on materials which could be

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used in the campaign. They used Tetum instead of Portuguese. The former was the most widely spoken of the local languages. This approach was in keeping with FRETILIN’s policy of encouraging the use of the local languages, particularly Tetum as a lingua franca, despite the fact that Portuguese had been adopted as a national language (Hill, 2002, p. 122;

Leach, 2017).

The Paulo Freire method of literacy teaching is based on the assumption that illiterates already have a good command of the spoken language, and also a considerable body of experience which they can discuss. It is therefore mainly directed at adult literacy, although some of the participants in the FRETILIN programme were as young as 11 years of age (Hill, 2002, p. 123). The fundamental point to be made about Paulo Freire’s approach to teaching is that there is no such thing as a neutral education; all education is either education for ‘domestication’ or education for ‘liberation’ (Hill, 2002, p. 123). It can be either an instruction to facilitate integration of the younger generation into the logic of the existing system, or the means whereby men and women deal critically with reality and discover how to transform it. It was not difficult for the Timorese to identify the first of these two approaches with the education system provided by the Portuguese in the rural areas. The second approach was the one which FRETILIN identified as the one to use for its literacy campaign (Hill, 2002; Leach, 2017).

FRETILIN initiated its education campaign in various communities and focused on the importance of decolonising the education system and promoting community education

(Hill, 2002). For the leaders of FRETILIN, education was the primary means of decolonisation (Boughton, 2013). Roque Rodrigues, a leader of FRETILIN’s education work at the time, made the following comment to an Australian journalist:

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The colonial state used the education system to polarize the people’s creativity and

suffocate the Timorese culture. A struggle against the colonial education is to

promote an education that is to serve the mass of the Timorese people and to

stimulate the indigenous culture. FRETILIN teachers and FRETILIN schools were

needed, to spread a popular ideology and to revolutionise the education system,

creating a new mentality, a new citizen, anti-colonial, anti-fascist, popular and

democratic (cited in Nicol, 2002, p. 162-63).

In early 1975, FRETILIN leaders mobilised and trained young high school students to go into the countryside to teach the rural peasantry, whom they called the Maubere people, how to read and write. The students worked from a manual, Rai Timor Rai Ita Niang (in

English, Timor is Our Country), in which simple ‘generative’ words and phrases were broken down and reconstructed into sentences about colonialism and imperialism

(Basurewan, 2004; Boughton, 2010; Leach, 2017). FRETILIN wanted people who could read and write to become FRETILIN secretaries in the villages, to organize co-operatives, and to learn and teach elementary hygiene (Hill, 2002).

FRETILIN also believed that Timorese culture had suffered very much by being a non-literate culture. As a result of this, it held, much could be lost, particularly if there was domination by another culture. In addition, FRETILIN believed it would be easier to organize and inform the people of new developments if there were a higher level of literacy within the community.

The literacy programme involved a large amount of preparation. This started in May

1974. The recruitment and training of teachers took several months and it was not until

January 1975 that the first project started operating (Hill, 2002; Leach, 2017). Nevertheless, 112

there were some fairly dramatic successes, not only with people learning to read in a short time, but also in encouraging people to write short stories and to write about their life experiences. This appealed especially to the Timorese who had been in Lisbon for some time. They, in particular, felt the need to preserve Timorese culture and to get people to write down local stories before they were forgotten (Hill, 2002).

As the literacy campaign spread through the rural areas, FRETILIN’s growing support prompted the growth of an opposition party, the Democratic Union of Timor

(UDT). This party was supported by Indonesia, who wished to attempt an armed coup in the capital, Dili (Boughton, 2013). The Portuguese authorities withdrew from the city, but their Timorese troops defected to FRETILIN and routed opponents, installing the independence movement as the effective governing power in the colony.

On 28 November 1975, as armed incursion by Indonesian troops increased,

FRETILIN unilaterally proclaimed the territory’s independence and sought international support. Independence, however, was short lived. On 7 December 1975, Indonesia launched a full-scale invasion, as the Western powers, turned a blind eye (Boughton, 2013).

During the ensuing upheaval, the FRETILIN administration faced some of its greatest difficulties in the area of education. The university and technical school in Dili had lost most of their teachers with the departure of the Portuguese, and many Timorese had left on refugee ships. In addition, the departure of almost all nuns and priests meant that the

Catholic school system had lost most of its leadership (Hill, 2002, p. 187). Then, on 17 July

1976, President Suharto of Indonesia signed a Bill of Integration, formally annexing East

Timor as Indonesia’s 27th province.

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5.4 Education under the Indonesian military occupation (1975 – 1999)

After Indonesia invaded East Timor, it regarded education as one of the means to try to integrate the region into the rest of Indonesia, and it quickly established a system that promoted Indonesian culture and history (Butcher et al., 2015; Hill, 2002; Nicolai, 2004;

Shah, 2009). The new system replaced the Portuguese system, and Bahasa Indonesia became the language of instruction. The education structure comprised two years of pre- school, six years of primary school, three years of junior secondary education, three years of academic or technical and vocational education, two years of polytechnic education, and three to four years of university education (World Bank, 2004). Children were required to enrol in primary school by the age of seven. In 1994, school enrolment was made obligatory up to the age of 15. Thus, compulsory basic education constituted nine years of schooling, but there was no mechanism to enforce the requirement (World Bank, 2004).

During the 24 years of Indonesian military occupation, education played an important and indoctrinating role in legitimating Indonesia’s continued presence in East

Timor (Shah & Quinn, 2016). In terms of school leadership, School Directors often lacked experience in teaching and were retired Indonesian civil servants or military officers

(Nicolai, 2004; UNICEF, 2010). In addition, managerial, administrative, professional and technical professions were largely filled by Indonesians (World Bank, 2004). Indeed, approximately 20 percent of primary school teachers were not Timorese (Butcher et al.,

2015; UNICEF, 2010; World Bank, 2004). In addition, most of the staff at the Department of Education, as well as the training institutes, were Indonesian. These personnel all left

East Timor during the period of violence and did not return (Butcher et al., 2015; Dodd,

2002; UNDP, 2002; UNESCO, 2003). Furthermore, after the referendum in 1999, there

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was a shortage of qualified primary school leaders and primary school teachers.

The expressed aim of the schooling system was to promote ‘pancasila’, an ideology based on a singular Indonesia with a shared history, and set of values and beliefs, despite the marked diversity within the archipelago (Cribb, 1997; Hill, 2002; Leach, 2017).

Schooling under tightly regulated and centralised Indonesian control was a mechanism “for nationalistic loyalties and identities over ethnic, religious and class division” (Kipp, 1993, p. 7), assimilating future generations into Indonesian society and discounting the existence of a distinct Timorese identity (Hill, 2002).

The Indonesian administration, believing that mass education in Bahasa Indonesia would be an effective way to integrate the Timorese people into the Indonesian nation, invested heavily in schools and opened up higher education to large numbers of students both in East Timor and in Indonesia’s own universities and institutes. This was part of a general push by Indonesia to expand access to schooling throughout the archipelago at that time. In particular, the government introduced the concept of Education for All (EFA), which was “part of a UN programme to have all children gain a primary education and then a junior secondary education” (Earnest, Beck & Supit, 2008, p. 79). Thus, universal primary education became mandatory, and outwardly it became readily available as the number of primary students burgeoned between 1975 and 1999 (Nicolai, 2004).

Taylor (1999), however, identified this ‘progress’ in education as being a myth propagated by the Indonesians to project to the international community the benefits of their control over East Timor. In addition, Butcher and his colleagues (2015) expressed the view that there were major flaws in the Indonesian education system. One flaw was the low quality of education (Butcher et al., 2015). Another was that education was perceived as 115

being used to ‘Indonesianise’ the East Timorese people (Nicolai, 2004, p.44; UNDP, 2002, p. 5).

Some parents had reservations about having their children being educated in a system that represented repression and often was presided over by foreign teachers

(Butcher et al., 2015). On this, Millo and Barnett (2004, p. 727) contended that “education was seen as forced cooperation with the Indonesian occupation”. This situation resulted in minimal community involvement and there was little ownership of education services

(Millo & Barnett, 2004). The consequence of the low rate of enrolment, combined with a high rate of dropout, was that by 1995 less than half of all males and females aged between

15 and 19 had completed primary schooling (UNDP, 2002, p. 14). This meant that half the population was illiterate in the years after independence, although even that was a major improvement on the Portuguese period (Butcher et al., 2015).

Primary school enrolment between 1975 and 1999 increased dramatically, from a starting point of some 10,000 to over 165,000 students (World Bank, 2002b, p. 55). By

1985, nearly every village had a primary school (UNDP, 2002, p. 48). The overwhelming expressed view in the published literature on education development in East Timor during the period acknowledges that while the Indonesian government greatly increased opportunities for all Timorese children to participate in a programme of basic education, the intent was to assimilate future generations into Indonesian society and discount the existence of a distinct Timorese identity. For example, the Indonesian prescribed curriculum has been described as “serving the purpose of control” (Nicolai, 2004, p. 44;

Shah 2009) and “amount[ing] to cultural indoctrination and an attempt at genocide”

(Carroll & Kupczyk-Romanczuk, 2007, p. 67). Further, the Timorese did not passively

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accept this control and education became a site of active resistance and non-participation

(Carroll & Kupcyzk-Romanczuk, 2007; Millo & Barnett, 2004; Shah, 2009; World Bank,

2004).

The Indonesian occupation also adopted an education strategy to complement its military one, seeking to win support for the integration of East Timor into the Republic of

Indonesia. For this purpose, a provincial administration was established, with a Timorese governor and an education department controlled from Jakarta (Boughton, 2011). While the

Catholic Church maintained an uneasy truce with the new civil power, continuing to operate its own schools, Indonesian controlled education provision was slowly extended into the countryside (Boughton, 2011). As the struggle continued, the Catholic Church, which had originally opposed independence, became a strong supporter, and through its use of the Tetum language in its liturgy and schools, helped to build the national consciousness

(Carey, 1999). However, in spite of a rapid expansion in education, East Timor lagged well behind the Indonesian school enrolment average and was far from meeting the national requirement of nine years of compulsory basic education for children between the ages of seven and 15 (World Bank, 2007).

In its history of the occupation, the Commission for Truth and Reconciliation

(known by the Portuguese acronym CAVR), an independent, statutory authority set up in

2001 to undertake truth seeking for the period 1975-1999, argued that the large investment in education increased the physical availability of facilities but did not produce a corresponding improvement in quality. It pointed to a literacy rate which, after 20 years, was “still on 40 percent… lower than that of any country in the Asia Pacific region”

(CAVR, 2006, Ch. 7, p. 9, para. 119). As CAVR later commented, following intensive

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investigation of the period:

The use of schools for propaganda and indoctrination severely interfered with the

education of an entire generation of East Timorese youth. Education was used in

this way as part of an integrated security approach whose overriding objective was

to ensure that pro-independence sentiment did not take root in a new generation. In

this context, teaching children the skills that would enhance their prospects and

enable them to fulfil their human potential was secondary (CAVR, 2006, Ch. 7, p.

9, para. 148).

It is not surprising, therefore, that while this new generation grew up speaking Indonesian rather than Portuguese, they also looked to the works of education thinkers like Paulo

Freire from Brazil for ideas about the kind of education which was needed to build their movement for an independent state. In this sense, the education system of the colonial powers continued to ‘teach’ the Timorese lessons that ran contrary to their official curriculum, with many students and often also their teachers playing key roles in the

Resistance movement, especially during the 1990s (Pinto, 2001).

5.4.1 The Resistance movement

The contradictory role of the education system during the independence struggle was re- emphasised when a new generation of Timorese high school and university students began forming their own Resistance organisations in the mid 1980s (Boughton, 2011). In 1991, this new wave of student activists forced the country back into the international spotlight.

On 12 November 1991, Indonesian troops fired on a peaceful demonstration at the Santa

Cruz cemetery in Dili, killing 273 unarmed demonstrators (Jardine, 1995). A British photo

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journalist, Max Stahl, captured these events, smuggled his tape out of East Timor, and soon the massacre was being shown around the world. The result was a growing wave of international opposition to Indonesian policies in East Timor.

On 10 October 1996, East Timor captured the world’s attention again when the

Nobel Peace Prize was jointly awarded to the Archbishop of Dili, Bishop Carlos Filipe

Ximenes Belo, and to the exiled Resistance leader, Jose Manuel Ramos-Horta, for their work towards a just and peaceful solution to the conflict in East Timor. After independence,

Ramos-Horta served as the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation from 2002-2006,

Prime Minister from 2006-2007, and the President of Timor-Leste from 2007-2012. Bishop

Belo announced his retirement in November 2002.

A feature of the period was the growing influence of the Catholic Church. During the Indonesian military occupation, all Timorese were required to profess one of the recognised faiths of the state: Islam, Protestant, Catholic, Buddhism or Hinduism (Butcher et al., 2015). They adopted Catholicism en masse because of the Church’s long history on the island and its solidarity with the people during the occupation. The number of Catholics rose from 20 percent to 30 percent in 1973 to more than 81 percent in 1989 and 90 percent in 1994 (Butcher et al., 2015; Millo & Barnett, 2004; Taylor-Leech, 2009).

Catholic schools continued to use the Tetum language of instruction during the

Indonesian occupation (Butcher et al., 2015). According to Carey (1999) this was one of the ways that the Church contributed to, and sustained, East Timorese nationalism. Carey

(1999) also cites the pivotal decision taken by the Catholic hierarchy in 1981 to adopt

Tetum, rather than Bahasa Indonesia, as the local lingua franca for Church services and liturgy when the Indonesian authorities banned Portuguese. The decision was endorsed by 119

the Vatican and “raised Tetum from being a mere local language in parts of East Timor to becoming… the language of ‘East Timorese’ religion and identity” (Butcher et al., 2015, p.

28; Carey, 1999, p. 85).

Even before the independence referendum vote was held, a conference on Strategic

Development Planning for an Independent East Timor was convened in April 1999, in

Melbourne, Australia, by the National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT), the umbrella body which had united the different elements of the Resistance in the last years of

Indonesian occupation (United National Security Council, 2002a, 2002b; World Bank,

2004). During the conference, education was recognised as being a central component of the strategic plan for nation building. In particular, the meeting recognised that:

Education is a key sector in the transformation of the East Timorese society and

economy. The schooling system and non-formal educational opportunities must be

responsible and flexible to meet the needs of other departments and projects, and

promote equity and participation (Butcher et al., 2015, p. 29; Millo & Barnett, 2004,

p. 730).

The plan called for nothing less than the transformation of the teaching-learning process and the overhaul of the curriculum. Some of its goals include: an emphasis on the quality of the teaching and learning process; promotion of the development and quality of the history and culture of East Timor; reintroduction of Portuguese from Grade 1; redevelopment of a national curriculum that would include the history and geography of East Timor; and training of teachers in order to fill the vacuum left by the departure of Indonesian teachers, as well as offering permanency of employment (Beck, 2008a, p. 5; Butcher et al., 2015, p.

29-30; Nicolai, 2004, pp. 48-49). This transformative education plan was never fully 120

implemented, however, because of the violence that ensued following the popular consultation in August 1999, but reflected the thinking of many in leadership at the time

(Butcher et al., 2015).

5.5 Education under the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) period (1999 – 2002)

After the referendum on East Timor’s independence from Indonesia, violence broke out, buildings were torched, 95 percent of schools were damaged, and almost all non-Timorese teachers left the country, precipitating the collapse of the education system (World Bank,

2007). Stunned by the results of the vote, the Indonesian military then stood by as paramilitary units destroyed buildings in Dili and drove hundreds of thousands of people either into the mountains or refugee camps in West Timor (Butcher et al., 2015). Schools were de-roofed, public buildings burned, and over 1,000 independence supporters died, before an international peacekeeping force arrived.

In October 1999, the UNTAET, under Resolution 1272, was granted authority to administer the new nation, with the mandate of constructing a new state that could then be handed over to the Timorese in due course (Downie, 2007). This marked the Indonesian government’s formal handover of control of East Timor, and created the authority that would govern the territory until its scheduled independence on 20 May 2002.

After UNTAET was established in 1999, a Joint Assessment Mission (JAM) was set up by the World Bank to gather information on the extent of damage to schools, and assess the requirements needed to re-establish the education system. Under this transitional administration, efforts in the education sector focussed on reconstructing schools, recruiting

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teachers and procuring basic supplies rather than reforming the content of what was taught

(Shah, 2011).

The country embarked on a rapid rebuilding campaign soon after the establishment of UNTAET. With the help of many dedicated Timorese educators and the technical and financial support of the international community, many primary schools were rehabilitated, new teachers were hired, and the education system – while not completely restored – become operational again by the start of the October 2001 school year (World Bank, 2007).

Further progress was made between 2001 and 2003. The number of primary school teachers increased from 2,992 to 4,080 and there was a corresponding fall in the student-teacher ratio from 67:1 to 45:1. This was a very significant achievement, given the scale of destruction and the short UNTAET period (World Bank, 2007). However, a newly independent Timor-Leste faced extraordinary challenges in the rebuilding of its education system, including amongst others ensuring school aged children returned and continued with their education, maintaining the safety of schools, recruiting qualified teachers and school principals, professionalising the workforce, and developing a new Timorese curriculum.

By the end of the UNTAET period, 700 primary schools and 100 junior secondary schools were functioning, and school enrolment had grown to 240,000, which was 25 percent greater than the last year of Indonesian military occupation (Boughton, 2011). In addition, 6,000 Timorese teachers staffed the new system, many with minimal qualifications. Moreover, 150 teachers were also teaching in the schools and providing

Portuguese language classes to their Timorese counterparts (United Nations Security

Council, 2002b, p. 9). Given the lack of teacher training, the continued dependence on the

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Indonesian curriculum and resources, and the complexity of delivering these in the official languages of Portuguese and Tetum, the quality of the education was questionable

(Boughton, 2011).

5.6 Conclusion

This chapter has addressed the first central research question, namely, what is the historical background to primary school leadership from colonial times to 2002? In doing so, it has investigated the three distinct foreign administrative regimes (Portuguese colonial rule,

Indonesian military occupation, and the UNTAET period), that have shaped, provided and influenced primary school education and primary school leadership, prior to the territory gaining formal independence on 20 May 2002. In the Portuguese colonial era, from approximately 1515 to 1975, the education system in East Timor remained restricted and exclusive to a minority elite. Social control was maintained by indoctrinating children with

Portuguese and Catholic values. During Indonesian military occupation, from 1975 to

1999, access to basic education was greatly increased, with the intent to assimilate future generations into Indonesian society, and discount the existence of a distinct Timorese identity. During the UNTAET period, from 1999 to 2002, efforts in the education sector focussed on emergency reconstruction, such as reconstructing schools, recruiting teachers and procuring basic school supplies, rather than reforming the education system.

The extant literature on education developments in Timor-Leste cited in this chapter indicates that none of the three foreign administrations prioritised Timorese primary school leadership. For example, Hill (2002, p. 187) noted that at the time Portugal withdrew from

East Timor, the departure of almost all nuns and priests meant that the Catholic school

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system had lost most of its leadership.

In addition, under Indonesian military occupation, East Timorese personnel in the civil service were confined to the lower rungs of the hierarchical ladder, with the top positions held by Indonesians who left before or shortly after the referendum (World Bank,

2004). Of the Indonesians who worked in primary schools, a UNICEF (2010) report noted that School Directors often lacked experience in teaching and tended to be retired

Indonesian civil servants or military officers. As was noted earlier in this chapter, managerial, administrative, professional and technical professions were largely filled by

Indonesians (World Bank, 2004) and the majority of the staff working at the Department of

Education and training institutes were Indonesians. Therefore, it can be inferred that the

Indonesian education policy did not prioritise developing or promoting Timorese primary school leaders and/ or the Timorese teacher workforce. Furthermore, most of the

Indonesian workforce left East Timor during the 1999 violence and did not return (Butcher et al., 2015; Dodd, 2002; UNDP, 2002; UNESCO, 2003) resulting in a shortage of qualified school leaders and school teachers in the primary education sector after independence.

The focus on the education system during the UNTAET period, was on emergency reconstruction and getting schools operating again. This involved reconstructing schools, recruiting teachers, and procuring basic school supplies (World Bank, 2004; World Bank

2007). Therefore, it can be inferred that Timorese primary school leadership was not an urgent consideration during the UNTAET period. Attention will now be devoted to responding to the second research question, namely, what are the developments that have taken place in relation to primary school leadership in Timor-Leste from 2002 to 2016?

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CHAPTER SIX RECENT DEVELOMENTS IN PRIMARY SCHOOL LEADERSHIP IN TIMOR-LESTE SINCE ITS INDEPENDENCE IN 2002 TO 2016

6.1 Introduction

This chapter builds on the previous chapter and addresses the second central research question being reported in this thesis, namely, what are the recent developments in primary school leadership in Timor-Leste since its independence in 2002 to 2016? The chapter is in five parts. First, a discussion of the Basic Education challenges immediately after independence in 2002 is provided. Secondly, there is an examination of the key developments in education from 2003 to 2005. Thirdly, consideration is given to the 2006 emergency education response. Fourthly, attention is switched to the key education developments from 2007 to 2016. The chapter concludes with a discussion on the relevant legislation and key Basic Education documents.

As recalled from previous chapters, the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, gained formal independence on 20 May 2002. At that time, the education system was characterised by weak leadership at the individual school level. For example, a World Bank

(2004) report noted that school principals in Timor-Leste needed to be more empowered by being given sufficient financial and technical resources to support their autonomous quest for local solutions to local problems. In addition, until the 1999 referendum, most government positions, including those in the education sector, were held by Indonesians

(Nicolai, 2004; UNICEF, 2010). In this connection, roughly 20 percent of primary school teachers were not Timorese (Butcher et al., 2015; UNICEF, 2010; World Bank, 2004).

Furthermore, Burns (2017) has argued that in the years between Indonesia’s violent retreat

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in 1999 and full independence in May 2002, a huge number of foreign teachers left the country. In addition, few teachers from either Portuguese or Indonesian periods remained in

Timor-Leste (Burns, 2017).

Since independence, the GoTL, through the national MoE, and with the support of the international donor community, has had the mammoth task of rebuilding the education system in the post-conflict era. In the 21st century, a schooling experience that is accessible, relevant and of quality, is seen to be an essential for the development of the individual, and of the society as a whole. This is particularly salient for countries such as Timor-Leste coming out of centuries of colonialism and having a recent history of conflict.

In a short period, Timor-Leste has reconstructed an operational education system out of the ashes. This is a major national and international achievement. As Macpherson and his colleagues (2011) argued, educational administrators and managers in Timor-Leste may be desperately short of resources and beset by serious organisational and leadership challenges, but they are fiercely determined to raise the quality of education for all. In this connection, there have been substantial changes to the way in which education is being provided (Butcher et al., 2015). Some of the changes relate to the organisation of schools, teacher training and professional development, as well as to the establishment of an

Inspectorate for primary, pre-secondary and secondary schools (Butcher et al., 2015).

Specifically in relation to primary school leadership, the MoE, with support of donor organisations, has focused on improving teacher quality and the school learning environment, through emphasising leader and teacher effectiveness.

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6.2 Basic Education challenges after independence

Timor-Leste is a classic example of a post-conflict fragile state (Nicolai, 2004). After the brutal withdrawal of the Indonesian military occupation in 1999, political will and popular enthusiasm rapidly restored a shattered education system. However, significant challenges to education remained. The following were the main obstacles in 2002 – 2003:

• Low attendance levels in primary school. Over one-third of children of primary

school age were not enrolled, with even higher rates for girls in rural areas.

• High repetition and drop-out rates, among children prior to reaching Grade 6,

resulting in children lacking basic literacy and numeracy skills.

• Limited language skills of teachers and children in Portuguese, one of the

official languages of instruction in Timor-Leste.

• Shortages of learning resources and the absence of an official curriculum. A

lack of textbooks and teaching and learning materials, coupled with the absence

of an official curriculum, led to lack of uniformity in what children were

learning at school. An estimated 53 percent of children had no textbooks or

learning materials at all.

• Schools being severely underfunded and lacking basic physical infrastructure

such as water, sanitation facilities and furniture.

• Too few hours of instruction (2–3 hours maximum per day).

• A large number of teachers with limited motivation and competence resulting

in high levels of teacher absenteeism and insufficient preparation. 127

• A majority of untrained or under-qualified teachers, resulting from insufficient

teacher training, technical supervision and teaching resources.

• High teacher-student ratios, with a national average of one teacher per 62

students and as high as one teacher per 100 students in rural areas. In remote

areas, teachers often taught several grades in a single classroom.

• A lack of capacity at all levels (national, regional, school) in matters related to

management, administration, education planning, and education policy. There

were no laws, policies, guidelines or strategies aiming to build up the education

sector.

• High rates of youth illiteracy, especially among girls.

• A lack of policies in support of child rights and youth participation.

• An absence of reliable data on teachers, school enrolments, child population

and the distribution of schools, posing a severe obstacle for informed policy

making (cited in UNICEF, 2010, p. iii).

In addition to the above, a World Bank (2004, p. 67) report in relation to school leadership indicated that in Timor-Leste:

School principals in private schools in urban, rural, and remote locations had far

more decision-making power than their counterparts in public schools over

dismissing teachers, setting salaries, selecting teachers for training, choosing

teaching methods, developing teaching materials, adapting the curriculum to local

conditions, determining the working hours of teachers, setting standards for

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students, setting school fees, adding new grade levels to the school, and scheduling

meetings with their community.

The same report (World Bank, 2004, p. 67-68) went on to state:

To manage their schools well, principals or head teachers needed to develop the

skills for reaching out to the community, involving the parents in their schools’

activities, raising funds, deciding which students to exempt from fees or to provide

with additional support, sending teachers for training, lobbying for textbooks and

teachers’ guides, and leading in the effort to improve teacher performance and

student achievement. Developing such a wide range of administrative and

entrepreneurial skills, however, requires specific training. Training is a highly cost-

effective investment because having competent school leaders makes school-based

management accountable to the community and, in turn, makes the education

system more responsive to the needs of the stakeholders and improves service

delivery.

Because of these scenarios, it became essential that the GoTL should design and implement primary school educational programmes in the post-conflict period that could respond to the specific needs of school leaders, teachers, students, and the surrounding community to ensure ‘fit-for-purpose’ and context specific, effective policy development and implementation, with a high potential to result in sustainable quality improvements, within an inclusive education system.

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6.3 Key developments in Basic Education from 2003 – 2005

It is a mammoth task to build a transformative education system capable of supporting a people’s move from colonial subjugation and resistance to an independent, freely determined future. Education, however, is also one of the ways in which the legacy of conflict can be overcome, and a renewed national identity created (Boughton, 2011).

Accordingly, the national MoE in Timor-Leste, with the support of its international donor partners, developed and implemented a number of education initiatives, to increase access and improve the quality of the education sector. Two initiatives in particular, namely, the

Child Friendly Schools (CFS) project, and the Primary Curriculum Development (PCD) project, will now be discussed.

6.3.1 Child Friendly Schools (CFS) project

The CFS project, was designed to provide a community-based approach to systemic reform.

It was posited that increased community participation, teacher training and curriculum development would increase active and participatory learning opportunities, leading to increased student enrolment and attendance (UNICEF, 2010). According to a UNICEF

(2010, p. 15) report, the objectives of the CFS project were to:

• Significantly improve the learning achievements of children attending primary

school in Timor-Leste; reduce drop-out and repetition rates.

• Increase the competency of teachers with regard to accepting responsibility for

their own development by encouraging a stimulating classroom environment

and monitoring children’s progress.

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• Develop and test models of in-service teacher training, participatory learning

and school-based management.

• Develop and test models of community accountability and decision-making by

encouraging the formation of the PTA.

• Develop a mechanism of school financing, including management of funds and

transparent accountability to include social equity principles.

• Develop and utilise various methods of communication to mobilise the

community to support new learning programmes.

• Develop the core schools, identified by the Municipality Superintendents in

each school cluster; develop a model for the provision of curriculum support

material and the associated teacher capacity to effectively use the materials.

• Build a model of self-sustaining early childhood education; develop a system-

wide Education Management Information System (EMIS) to facilitate effective

policy and planning at the Ministerial and local levels.

• Develop policies and provide resources to support economically disadvantaged

children to attend school.

The CFS project grouped the 724 primary schools in Timor-Leste into clusters of seven, with one school serving as a core school for each cluster. Each core school experienced the majority of the national MoE planned interventions, and was expected to demonstrate innovations and spur reform by acting as models for other schools within their cluster

(UNICEF, 2010).

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6.3.2 Primary Curriculum Development (PCD) project

For 24 years, the education system of Timor-Leste was managed and staffed by Indonesian educators (UNICEF, 2010). During the Indonesian military occupation, school administration was centralised and non-participatory (Nicolai, 2004; UNICEF, 2010). In addition, prior to Timor-Leste’s independence, primary, pre-secondary and secondary curricula concentrated on Indonesian culture and covered too many subjects, leaving little room for students to master any individual subject (UNICEF, 2010). Furthermore, during the transition phase, teachers were still relying on traditional methods of rote learning to teach children, rather than encouraging more active learning practices (Butcher et al., 2015;

UNDP, 2002, p. 5). Further, under the Indonesian occupation, School Directors often lacked experience in teaching and tended to be retired civil servants or military officials

(Nicolai, 2004; UNICEF, 2010).

After independence, however, the GoTL sought to develop a more culturally appropriate and relevant set of curricula. On this, Burns (2017) has argued that valuing local history, culture, knowledge and skills is an important part of the task of national development. Through the PCD project, it became a priority for the national MoE to improve the quality of education for every child in primary school by developing and supporting a curriculum-writing and implementation process, aided by UNICEF. These new curricula for Grades 1 to 6, were designed to be “balanced and relevant to the culture and social context of Timor-Leste, learner-centred, constructivist and participatory. A curriculum more suited to developing citizens for an emerging democracy” (UNICEF,

2010, p. 16). The overall objectives of the PCD project (UNICEF, 2010, p. 16) were to:

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• Assist in the sustainable development of curriculum in Timor-Leste.

• Assist in the design of a suitable strategy for curriculum development for

Grade 1 to Grade 6.

• Develop teacher support materials to facilitate implementation of the

curriculum.

• Support the piloting and testing of new syllabuses.

• Provide curriculum resources for the syllabuses being developed for Grade 1

to Grade 6.

• Identify a suitable language strategy to support teachers and students

through the transition to Portuguese as a language of instruction.

• Design a strategy for a textbook development that is culturally appropriate,

curriculum specific and sustainable.

• Provide textbooks for each child in each subject as appropriate.

• Develop the capacity of the MoE to continue to support changes to curricula.

Central also to the process of curriculum development and reform was the harnessing of capacity within the GoTL to treat the curriculum development process as a continuous cycle of development, implementation and modification, requiring a small team of specialists (UNICEF, 2010).

In the development of the primary school curriculum, the MoE, with the support of

UNICEF, helped formulate its implementation strategy, which centred on six activities, 133

namely, the development of a national curriculum, piloting and testing the new curriculum, teacher guide development, the development and dissemination of curriculum materials, phase-in of the new curriculum, and design of a preliminary pre-secondary curriculum statement and implementation framework (UNICEF, 2010). The final curriculum for Grade

1 was phased into schools in September 2005, and that for Grade 2 was phased in from

December 2006.

6.4 Emergency education response of 2006

Political unrest in April 2006 had a devastating impact on Timor-Leste’s nascent education system and resulted in many schools closing down and the displacement of children.

Violence and civil unrest broke out in 2006 following disputes within the Timorese military forces and they were not solved politically. This caused further destruction of infrastructure and homes. Escalating clashes also led to a collapse in civil order, giving ground to violence by mobs and gangs largely made up of youths (Boughton, 2013; UNICEF, 2010).

Peacekeeping troops were again sent to Timor-Leste and another large-scale UN mission, the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT), was established.

Shortly before the Presidential and Parliamentary elections in 2007, political tensions flared and assassination attempts were made on then President, Jose Ramos Horta, and the Prime Minister, Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao. This prompted the Australian government to send military reinforcements to Timor-Leste to maintain public order. As the crisis worsened, approximately 150,000 citizens were displaced across the country

(UNICEF, 2010).

The political unrest in Timor-Leste had a devastating impact on the education 134

system and resulted in many schools closing and the displacement of many school children.

In addition, the infrastructure of the national MoE was targeted, including a warehouse full of new primary curriculum textbooks (Boughton, 2013). The underlying conditions of fragility, such as weak government capacity, a lack of public acceptance of government institutions, identity-based polarisation, and an inability of the government to ensure the basic needs of citizens are met continue to be present (Brown, 2009; Boughton, 2013; Shah,

2009).

During the internal crisis, people moved to Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps in Dili and the Municipalities. The legacy of the 2006 crisis was a further period of instability and interruption to the schooling of most children and of young people in Dili for up to two years, and caused major disruptions to the institution-building processes within the national MoE.

6.5 Key developments in Basic Education from 2007 – 2016

After the Presidential and Parliamentary elections of 2007, which were conducted under the protection of the international stabilisation force, the new government sought to establish stability throughout Timor-Leste. The national MoE, with support from its donor partners, prioritised sustainable development to increase access, and improve the quality of the education system. From 2007 onwards, the MoE policy initiatives were directed at Basic

Education, including primary school leadership through the development of new school management principles, the implementation of the Professional Learning and Mentoring

Program (PLMP), the continuation of the Child Friendly Schools (CFS) project, the primary education reforms, and the pre-secondary curriculum reform. Each of these 135

initiatives will now be discussed in turn.

6.5.1 New school management principles

The National Education Strategic Plan 2011-2030 (MoE, 2011) stated that a new management and governance structure would be introduced in primary schools. This involves a significant departure from the traditional and ineffective school management system inherited from the Indonesian occupation period. The new management principles relate to school-based programmes and processes organised within four quality school standards, namely, Quality School Governance (which combines effective school leadership, democratic decision-making and responsive strategic planning), Effective

School Management (which involves administration and management of all school-based operations, including financial, assets, information and communications and human resource management), Positive School Environment (which ensures the physical and psychological wellbeing of all people within the school, develops school behaviour management and encourages positive relationships with all school stakeholders [students, staff, parents and community members]), and Quality Learning Outcomes (which aims to improve teaching and learning, curriculum implementation, teacher professionalism and assessment). These four quality school standard categories provide the broad primary school development components by which schools in Timor-Leste are meant to plan their development and organise their day-to-day activities.

6.5.2 Professional Learning and Mentoring Program (PLMP)

The GoTL, through the national MoE, aims to improve the quality of Basic Education by enhancing student learning outcomes and improving teacher quality and effectiveness in 136

school leadership through the PLMP. The PLMP initiative was introduced in a select number of primary schools of Timor-Leste in 2016, and the expectation is that it will be implemented nationally over a five year period. The PLMP aims to build effective primary school leadership and teacher capacity to enable sustained improvements in teaching practices to take place over time in order to improve student outcomes. The program involves tailored training for primary school leaders, backed by regular classroom observation and in-classroom mentoring of teachers by international and national mentors.

The PLMP initiative aims to support school leaders and teachers to effectively implement the National Basic Education Curriculum, which includes understanding new curriculum content and new pedagogies. Key foci of the program include continuous teacher professional development, strong school leadership, systems to give students access to learning outcomes, and systems to support and evaluate teacher performance.

The national MoE, with support from the Australian Government, commenced staged recruitment and selection of Education Mentors, at the international and national levels. These mentors play a key role in the PLMP initiative. They are required to lead, guide and advise primary school leaders in their work with teachers on the delivery of the national curriculum in Basic Education through engagement in regular classroom observation and providing feedback sessions at the classroom and school level. In addition, education mentors, in consultation with school leaders and teachers, are expected to lead in the identification, design and development of specialized topics (such as a reading program for teachers), materials for cluster-based training, and peer learning sessions for teachers and school leaders. Education mentors also provide technical support and lead relevant sessions in the Leaders in Learning training program. Finally, education mentors support

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the implementation of activities in such assigned areas, as leadership in schools.

6.5.3 Child Friendly Schools (CFS) project

In the first phase of the project, UNICEF supported the national MoE in seeking to target

351 schools in 32 clusters covering all of the 13 Municipalities of Timor-Leste. By 2006, the majority of these schools had a functioning PTA, and the majority of primary school teachers had been trained in child-centred and activity-based teaching methods (UNICEF,

2010). In 2009, based on feedback from schools, the Municipality education superintendents re-organised school clusters to ensure that all primary schools were within a reasonable distance of a core school. As a result, the number of clusters increased to 76, covering 468 schools in all 13 Municipalities (UNICEF, 2010).

The continuing CFS project aimed to consolidate gains around student-centred and participatory learning for teachers through teacher training, increase management capacity through training at the school level, supply basic equipment to core schools and ensure a safe, hygienic, non-violent, non-discriminatory teaching and learning environment.

According to a UNICEF (2010) report, the CFS project expanded the training of principals and community stakeholders in school-based management, developed the capacity of trainers and facilitators to train teachers in student-centred and participatory learning, expanded the training of parents and other community stakeholders in the PTAs to new clusters, extended the CFS project to all primary schools and to a pilot sample of pre- secondary schools, and expanded student-centred, early childhood education including teacher training.

In 2015, UNICEFF released an evaluation report of the CFS project and stated that,

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in total, 1,434 teachers had received CFS regular training, and 875 teachers had received subject specific training in literacy, mathematics and science from 121 UNICEF-supported primary schools. The schools had also received training in the use of instructional materials

(UNICEF, 2015, p. 4). The report also stated that in addition to the teacher training, School

Directors and Deputy Directors in the 121 schools had received professional development to better manage their schools and to provide instructional leadership to teachers and students through the development of school improvement plans. The establishment of the

PTAs and school councils had also provided opportunities for parents, families and communities to participate, manage, and gain a vested interest in schools and in their children’s education. Primary schools had additionally benefited from improvements in school infrastructure through the provision of classrooms, furniture, water, and sanitation facilities.

A total of 65 School Inspectors and 13 Municipality Education Superintendents had also been trained to provide external support to the primary schools and clusters (UNICEF,

2015, p. 4). In addition, the UNICEF (2015) report suggested that developing the capacity and training of those charged with organising and providing the training, mentoring and coaching, such as Municipality officers, cluster leads and inspectors, remained a major challenge in the effective delivery of school and cluster-based training. Teachers and teacher educators, it was argued, need to know the content of the relevant curricula and recognise teaching practices that make a difference to students. They also need to be able to make new knowledge and skills meaningful to teachers and manageable within the practice contexts, to connect theory and practice in ways that teachers find helpful, and to develop teacher self-regulatory inquiry skills. The UNICEF report concluded that:

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The GoTL supported by the international donor community should continue to

prioritise the development of teacher educators, cluster leads and inspectors, as they

are overlooked in teacher professional development programmes, despite their

centrality in delivering effective school-based training and ongoing professional

development. The findings of the current study on CFS training support the view

that the use of school-based teacher development supported by distance learning

materials (both paper-based and online), and school clusters can help close the gap

between theory and practice, thereby raising the quality of teaching and learning in

the nation’s basic education schools. It may also require a strategic shift away from

institutional-based basic teacher education towards more flexible school-based

provisions which are built on the current MoE cluster system (UNICEF, 2015, p.

30).

Furthermore, the report made the following recommendation in relation to developing the capacity of teacher educators:

Staff involved in the supervision of teachers, including School Directors, Deputy

Directors and School Inspectors, need to be trained in the skills of mentoring,

supporting and evaluating teachers. A CFS training module on mentoring for

educational leaders needs to be developed so they have the skills and knowledge to

help colleagues, through discussion, guided activity and feedback, and improve

their pedagogical skills through reflection on everyday professional practices. They

also need to be provided with on-going continuous professional development to

update their pedagogic skills and knowledge (UNICEF, 2015, p. 34).

Since 2009, the major training-related support provided to the MoE under the CFS project, 140

included teacher training and provision of relevant supply materials; subject-based training and provision of relevant materials; and training for Deputy Directors, Education Officers and School Inspectors and provision of relevant supply materials (UNICEF, 2015). In relation to the latter personnel’s training, a total of 202 Deputy Directors, 202 Education

Officers, and 65 School Inspectors have been accommodated (UNICEF, 2015, p. 37).

6.5.4 Primary school education reform

In 2006, the national MoE decided to accelerate the introduction of the new curriculum, and in particular, the new curriculum for Grade 3 through to Grade 6. The rationale behind the

MoE decision, was to ensure a sustainable process of curriculum development and review in Timor-Leste through capacity development in the MoE, to harness expertise in the preparation and assessment of relevant training materials, and to develop syllabus-based teaching and learning materials to facilitate implementation of the new curriculum. The curriculum covered the Portuguese language, Tetum language, mathematics, social/ natural sciences, physical education and health, arts and cultures, and religion (i.e., Catholicism,

Protestantism or Islam). Syllabi were developed for all subject areas and were distributed to all primary schools across Timor-Leste.

6.5.5 Pre-secondary school curriculum reform

As recalled from earlier chapters, the Basic Education cycle in Timor-Leste consists of a six year education cycle, and a three year pre-secondary cycle. As with students and teachers in primary schools, students and teachers in pre-secondary schools continued to use curricula and learning materials adapted from those used during the Indonesian military occupation. These materials lacked a coherent philosophical framework and their content 141

was not strongly aligned with the new primary school curriculum (UNICEF, 2010). As a result, the national MoE requested support from UNICEF to develop the pre-secondary school curriculum and associated teaching and learning materials. In response, UNICEF supported such technical activities related to the pre-secondary curriculum reform, as developing teacher guides for all subjects as with the primary school curriculum, and coordinating a teacher training programme, and monitoring and evaluation of the implementation of teacher guides.

6.6 Key Basic Education Legislation and Documents

As this chapter has demonstrated, from 2002 to 2016, the GoTL has implemented several initiatives to increase access to and improve the quality of the Basic Education system, and school leadership. The task of educational maintenance, let alone reform, is a challenging one. On this, few countries have faced the huge task that confronted a newly-independent

Timor-Leste (Burns, 2017). Nevertheless, as discussed already in this chapter, some promising developments have occurred to try to restore the primary school education system and develop primary school leadership at the individual school level. Arguably, these developments have helped to increase access to and improve the quality of the education system in Timor-Leste.

In addition, since gaining political independence, the following laws and key documents have been developed, and are in various stages of implementation, with the specific aim of enabling an inclusive Basic Education system and improving quality:

• The Basic Education Law (2008).

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• The Legal Regime for administering and managing the Basic Education

system (2010).

• The Statute of the Teaching Career (2010), which includes the teacher

competency standards.

• The National Education Strategic Plan 2011 - 2030 (2011).

• The Timor-Leste Strategic Development Plan 2011 – 2030 (2011).

• An Accreditation Regime for Pre-School, Basic and Secondary Education

(2012).

• A national curriculum for 1st and 2nd cycles of Basic Education (2015).

• The first amendment to the national curriculum for the 1st and 2nd cycles of

Basic Education (2018).

6.7 Conclusion

Chapter Six has responded to the second research question of the study being reported in this thesis, namely, what are the recent developments in primary school leadership in

Timor-Leste since its independence in 2002 to 2016? The chapter has revealed that since gaining full independence, the GoTL, through the national MoE, has begun to transform the system at the level of Basic Education, to increase access and improve the quality of the system. Such examples include the development of school management principles, the implementation of the Professional Learning and Mentoring Program (PLMP), the Child

Friendly Schools (CFS) project, the primary school education reform, and the pre-

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secondary school curriculum reform. It is likely that these initiatives will have a powerful impact on the generations yet to come.

Chapter Seven now addresses the third research question of the study being reported, namely, what are the current concerns of primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, and what strategies do they adopt in order to deal with those concerns?

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CHAPTER SEVEN

CURRENT CONCERNS OF PRIMARY SCHOOL LEADERS AND THE STRATEGIES ADOPTED BY THEM TO DEAL WITH THOSE CONCERNS

7.1 Introduction

Chapter Six addressed the second aim of the study being reported in this thesis, by describing the developments that have taken place in relation to primary school education, and school leadership, in post-conflict Timor-Leste from 2002 to 2016. This chapter addresses the third aim of the study, which was to develop an understanding of the current concerns of primary school leaders, and the strategies adopted by them to deal with those concerns. The chapter is divided into two parts. The first part presents current concerns identified by the school leaders according to three broad themes, namely, ‘teaching and learning’ concerns, ‘infrastructure’ concerns, and ‘leadership development’ concerns. Each of the themes will be described in turn. It is useful to note here that while the results presented in this chapter are specifically based on the perspectives of the 14 selected primary school leaders, the 14 PTA representatives and the two education officials who were also interviewed, identified the same challenges encountered by primary school leaders. The second part of this chapter highlights the strategies primary school leaders say they adopt to deal with the challenges that they encounter at work, namely, ‘engaging with the PTA, community and other relevant bodies’, ‘drawing on life experiences’,

‘participating in peer-to-peer meetings’, ‘following MoE protocols’, and ‘establishing internal school rules’. Although each of the concerns and strategies is distinct, they are not mutually exclusive, with areas of overlap existing between them.

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Macpherson and his colleagues (2011) argued that while educational administrators and managers in Timor-Leste may be desperately short of resources, and beset by serious organisational and leadership challenges, they are not short of a fierce determination to raise the quality of education for all. Furthermore, in the course of the conversations and observations during the fieldwork component of this research, it became evident that many consider gaining an education to be one way in which to elevate the country from the shackles of colonialism and the former brutal military occupation. One participant put it this way:

Education is the most important tool in every country, especially in Timor-Leste,

because it is with education that we proclaimed our independence in 1975, and

restored our independence in 2002. (I1.EO.D.JAC)

Each of the concerns of the school leaders in the reported study will now be discussed.

7.2 Current concerns of primary school leaders

We are the educators. We should be the ones who show the good example for the

students. We are the mirrors for the children, and they follow our reflections.

(I6.EBF.R.ADC)

It appears that primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, whether in charge of large central schools (known locally as Ensino Basico Central (EBC)), or running smaller resource- constrained regional filial schools (known locally as Ensino Basico Filial (EBF)), all faced similar daily concerns. They also say that they share a great sense of responsibility to make the best of their situation, despite the ongoing challenges that they encounter each day.

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They speak of how they are motivated to provide a safe school environment for students so that they can come to school without fear to learn to read and write, in order to improve their lives and their future job prospects. They also state that, despite the myriad challenges they experience, they want to be involved more broadly in trying to improve the overall quality of Timor-Leste’s education system (I2.EBC.F.ISCSM, I20.EO.L.ZDC,

I21.EBC.C.GRS, I25.EBF.F.MDC).

A major current concern of primary school leaders, relates to the lack of teachers’ competency to conduct lessons in Portuguese, one of the two official languages of instruction in Timor-Leste primary schools. Another concern is what they say is a desperate need for textbooks in schools, so that students can engage fully in the class lesson. In addition, they speak of inadequate classroom size and associated problems with overcrowding. Further, they highlight a lack of adequate fencing around the school grounds, leaving schools vulnerable to intrusion. Finally, primary school leaders express concern about what they say is the lack of opportunities for leadership development prior to being leaders. Each of these concerns will now be discussed in turn.

7.2.1 Participants’ concerns related to teaching and learning

7.2.1.1 Language of instruction in primary schools

Portuguese and Tetum are the two official languages of Timor-Leste. However,

sometimes we still struggle with the Portuguese language. When we are having

difficulty, we usually ask each other for support, so we will go and speak to the

teachers who can speak Portuguese well. We help each other because we want the

students to have a good understanding of the lesson (I27.EBF.L.FS). 147

The first main concern is highlighted above. It relates to challenges that primary school teachers say they experience when having to conduct lessons in Portuguese. The problem, they indicate, is caused by the fact that a significant number of Timorese teachers are not fluent in speaking or writing in the language, and thus do not have the necessary level of competency required to teach using the language. The legislature underpinning the situation is that the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, Article 13 (Official languages and national languages) states that (p. 11) “Tetum and Portuguese shall be the official languages”.

Beginning in 2003, with significant international donor assistance, the then Ministry of Education, Culture, Youth and Sports (MECYS), began the task of designing the new national curriculum for Timor-Leste primary schools. This new curriculum placed a strong emphasis on the development of academic fluency in both official languages (Shah, 2009).

At the time, however, less than six percent of teachers reported fluency in Portuguese

(World Bank, 2004, p. 47).

While language training funded by the government of Portugal was provided for several years, the number of Timorese teachers fluent in Portuguese has not risen significantly. On this, the Minster for Education, at the 2009 Development Partners

Meeting in Dili, stated that 80 percent of teachers in the country continued to struggle to master Portuguese as a language and that of 3,000 teachers who had undertaken initial teacher training, only 10 percent of them had graduated at the required level (Shah, 2009).

Primary school leaders in the study being reported here also stated that many teachers were continuing to experience difficulties with teaching the national curriculum through using the Portuguese language. Indeed, it is claimed, the issue seems to be 148

accentuated among the younger generation of school teachers, schooled under the

Indonesian military regime. The latter are able speak Tetum and Bahasa Indonesia, but generally do not have a strong command of Portuguese.

The older generation of primary school teachers, who either worked as teachers during the latter years of Portuguese colonisation, or who were educated under the

Portuguese administration tend, it is claimed, to support their younger colleagues who are not fluent in Portuguese. Furthermore, it is held by school leaders that these teachers can lack confidence in engaging in basic informal conversations in Portuguese outside the classroom and when asked direct questions, they tend to respond shyly in Tetum. Further, it is useful to point out that while the older teachers who can confidently speak Portuguese are approaching retirement age, and will probably be exiting the education system within the next five to 10 years, the younger generation of teachers will, as a result, strongly feel the lack of Portuguese language support, which they currently get from them. School leaders in the study being reported here also point out that the national MoE provides teacher education in the Portuguese language during the school holiday period. While this is seen as being a positive initiative to try to improve the Portuguese language skills of teachers, it is also suggested that providing the training for only a few hours during the school holiday period, is not an effective strategy for ensuring that primary school teachers will reach the levels required for classroom instruction

A school leader in the study conducted on which the results being reported here are based, commented as follows on the challenge he sees that exist in relation to the language of instruction:

Portuguese and Tetum are the official languages in Timor-Leste, and so these form 149

part of the Basic Education learning curriculum. The problem is that we did not

learn Portuguese during the Indonesian occupation. So many of us don’t speak

Portuguese and we have to take lessons or courses to improve our skill in the

Portuguese language. I believe that if we are addressing a language, taking a course

is not enough to become fluent. We must understand the cultural context and the

structure, and practice the language frequently to really know it well.

(I20.EO.L.ZDC)

Another school leader spoke about how some teachers struggle with Portuguese, stating:

Yes, we have some challenges related with the language of instruction because we

still have difficulties to talk using Portuguese to explain the things written in the

textbooks. But we try based on our limited knowledge because we do not want the

students to fall behind other schools. (I23.EBF.T.RDSA)

Another school leader yet again, who was in charge of a regional filial school, conveyed his personal experience of working in both Portuguese and Tetum languages as follows:

At this school, we use bilingual language. We use both Tetum and Portuguese to

teach the students. The teachers who have been teaching since Portuguese time, they

are fluent in the Portuguese language. We also have teachers who weren’t teaching

during Portuguese time, and they only know how to make minor revisions to the

lessons and it is difficult for them to speak with the other teachers in Portuguese.

However, the government has organised training programmes to improve the

quality of Portuguese language skills so teachers are better equipped to teach

Portuguese to the students. (I21.EBC.C.GRS)

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This leader concluded by saying “We want the students to be able to understand the lesson so we must improve our knowledge of the Portuguese language”.

Another experienced school leader, who had been in her position since 2003, explained her frustration with the use of Portuguese for official correspondence with the national MoE, as follows:

The other problem is we are told to write all proposals or reports in Portuguese to

the education authority. So we try our best to abide by the rules, even though our

language skill in Portuguese is not fluent. But why does the MoE send us written

letters in Tetum? This is not fair for us. If the MoE can write to us in Tetum, then it

is not fair that we must write to the education authority in Portuguese, especially

when we are not fluent in the language. (I12.EBC.M.RDC)

When reflecting on the language of instruction, a school leader from a regional filial school, also shared his experience by stating:

When I started working here in 2008, the obligation was to teach in the Portuguese

language. However, now we have a new national curriculum and we use both

Portuguese and Tetum when teaching. In the 1st cycle (Grades 1 to 4), the teachers

use the Tetum language, rather than Portuguese, so the students can get used to

Tetum first. Then when the students pass to the 2nd cycle (Grades 5 and 6), the

students have to speak in Portuguese. The students must become fluent in the

Portuguese language in the 3rd cycle (Grades 7 to 9). By the time the students reach

the 3rd cycle, the lessons are mostly in Portuguese and lessons in Tetum are reduced.

At this school, many of the teachers know how to speak in Portuguese, and help the

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teachers who are trying to grasp the language. Currently we have six teachers who

are approaching retirement age and they studied during Portuguese colonial times

and speak Portuguese fluently. One or two teachers taught during the Indonesian

regime. So we may have a shortfall of teachers who are able to effectively instruct

in Portuguese when some of the older teachers begin to retire (I16.EBR.F.APX).

At a different regional filial school, another school leader, who has been in charge of the one school for 13 years, explained the challenge thus:

We often use three languages to teach, Tetum, Portuguese and the native language.

We use Tetum and Portuguese for instructions, even though the Portuguese

language is still a big challenge for many of us teachers. Then, if we can see that the

students are struggling to understand in those two languages, we use native

language to explain in more detail to the students. (I4.EBF.F.ZM)

The same school leader also highlighted a related challenge, stating:

We teach the students using the Portuguese language inside the classroom, but when

they go out of the classroom, they speak Tetum instead of practising Portuguese.

Also, many of the children’s parents don’t speak Portuguese, so when they go

home, they do not practise the language. Then, the next day when they come back to

school, we ask the students about what we have learned yesterday? Many of the

children answer that they are not learning much because the Portuguese language is

too hard for them to understand. (I4.EBF.F.ZM)

This commentary indicates a view held by school leaders that primary school students would learn to speak and read Portuguese more effectively if they practised the language 152

regularly outside of the classroom and with parents and family members at home.

At another school, which is a regional filial school, another leader yet again conveyed his perspective on teaching in Portuguese:

Yes, the language of instruction is a challenge. The teachers do not understand the

Portuguese language fluently, even though it is an official national language. It is

difficult for us to implement the lessons in Portuguese. But currently we have

training in the Portuguese language, so I think that will help teachers to increase

their knowledge of the language. The teachers want to master the language, so they

can understand the lesson and teach the students in Portuguese. It took us a long

time to gain our freedom, and many Timorese people lost their life so today we can

have our independence. That is why it is important to educate the students, so they

can grow up knowing the history of this country, and one day get a good job and

help to develop our country. (I8.EBF.TL.PF)

Remarks like this from him and others indicate a view that primary school leaders and teachers need to master the Portuguese language so as to effectively teach the curriculum material in the national language and, in turn, students are led along the path to eventually securing employment.

An experienced school leader who worked at a large central school, reflected further on the language conundrum and stated:

The challenge that we face while implementing the national curriculum is that most

of the teachers don’t have a deep understanding in the subject they are teaching

because of a combination of teaching in Portuguese, which they are not fluent in, 153

and the complexity of the modules. Therefore, during the holiday period, our

teachers go to training, which is provided by INFORDEPE each term. Through this

training, it has helped our teachers to improve their Portuguese language skills and

knowledge of the national curriculum. (I2.EBC.F.ISCSM)

This and similar comments by others suggest that school leaders consider that teachers are willing to participate in Portuguese language education training during the school holiday period because of the importance they attach to their work in schools.

Challenges that primary school leaders identified in relation to the lack of textbooks in schools are now considered.

7.2.1.2 Lack of school textbooks

I feel pain about the school materials because they often arrive late. We usually get

enough materials, such as textbooks, but they arrive late in the year. For example,

the school year has already begun and we still don’t have textbooks. This is a big

challenge for us. (I12.EBC.M.RDC)

School leaders hold that there is a negative impact on teaching and learning when textbooks are not delivered to primary schools. On this, many school leaders in the study being reported here also expressed profound concern about the lack of school textbooks. They view this as serious because they say, it means that teachers are unable to engage their students more fully with the lessons. Another negative consequence, they hold, is that students are unable to do their daily homework, and are not able to show their parents evidence of the lessons they are taught at school. All of this, they contend, was perceived as diluting the quality of the students’ and teachers’ educational experience. 154

School leaders also claim that schools in Timor-Leste are not kept informed by the national MoE as to the reason for the delay in sending textbooks to primary schools. They recognise that perhaps the problem is an administrative matter that is being resolved, albeit slowly. Nevertheless, with little communication between them and the MoE in relation to this matter, resolving it quickly they say, is outside of their control. They also agree that the problem needs to be solved as a matter of urgency.

One school leader, who was in charge of a regional filial school, explained the situation at his school as he sees it, as follows:

We have enough chairs and tables but we need more textbooks for the students to

accompany the teacher and the national curriculum content. This is a big problem

and we really need the MoE to send the school textbooks so that the children can

follow the lesson in class. It is important for the MoE to send the textbooks as a

matter of urgency to assist us to improve the classroom learning experience. We

need the textbooks so that instead of dictating the lesson to the students, they can

follow by reading what is written inside of the textbooks. I think the students would

find the lessons more interesting and make it easier to learn things, if each student

had their own textbook. I still don’t know when the textbooks will arrive. When I

attended training in December 2016, the MoE officers said that the textbooks will

arrive at each school at the beginning of January 2017. It is now April and the books

have not arrived. Also, I think the MoE needs to distribute the textbooks based on

the number of registered students at the school, so that every child can get a

textbook. For example, if there are 200 students enrolled at the school, then 200

textbooks should be sent to the school. (I18.EBF.C.AF)

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This time, at a large central school, another experienced school leader captured her view on the situation at her school thus:

Right now the school already has some textbooks and modules, although in my

opinion, each student should have a textbook and each teacher should have a copy

of the teaching module, which is not currently the case. Even though we have some

textbooks, we still have difficulties because most of our teachers didn’t participate

in the curriculum training, so they do not understand the curriculum, and not all the

teachers have their own module in hand. This is a problem because it negatively

impacts on the students’ and teachers’ learning experience. After we gained our

independence, I had high hopes that things would be better, but we continue to have

many problems in primary school education. But still, I try my best to make sure the

students at this school get an education, because an education will give them

opportunities to improve their life. (I2.EBC.F.ISCSM)

Like others, she suggests that, notwithstanding all of the problems that exist, it is still worthwhile giving children access to the education they receive because it may open doors for them later in life. The same school leader also had this to say:

We have limited space and no library. This is the same in many other schools in

Timor-Leste. Our students often come to class, then after class they go back home

or play around the school because there is no library where they can go to study or

read. The children suffer because they cannot learn properly without textbooks.

(I2.EBC.F.ISCSM)

What this demonstrates is that teachers’ moments of great enthusiasm continue to get

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deflated as they cannot get the matter of the lack of classroom textbooks out of their heads.

The perceived detrimental impact on students’ learning because of lack of textbooks at primary schools, was further described by another school leader in this way:

The school textbooks have not been delivered to our school yet. It is difficult for us

to have good results with the students when they do not have books to accompany

the teacher in the class. The teachers teach based on the new modules, however, the

school has not received the textbooks, so the students’ learning is limited. The

textbooks are an important resource in helping the students to follow the lesson

module and understand the material. It is very difficult for us to teach because we

don’t have the new curriculum textbooks to give to the students. The textbooks are

also valuable in the sense that we can show the parents what the children are being

taught in class, so that parents feel engaged in the child’s learning, and support their

children with their education. (I16.EBF.F.APX)

A colleague, at a different school, summarised the problem as he saw it as follows:

As for the textbooks, at this school some students have access to them and others

don’t. So this is a big problem. Each student should be supplied with a textbook, but

sadly this is not the case. So we need more textbooks. Also, the right amount of

textbooks should be delivered on time. It is not good for textbooks to be delivered

late, and even worse, when there are not enough textbooks for all the enrolled

students. (I29.EBF.T.AFDC)

The majority of participants in the reported study being reported here echoed concerns about textbooks not being delivered to the primary schools in time for the start of the 157

school teaching period. They approached despair, however, in admitting that resolving the problem quickly is largely beyond their control.

7.2.2 Participants’ concerns related to infrastructure

If we don’t have a good quality education, it is like a house that doesn’t have

foundations. (I1.EO.D.JAC)

The participants in the study being reported here are also concerned about the state of school infrastructure. In particular, this concern is associated with small classroom size and the lack of adequate fencing around school grounds.

7.2.2.1 Inadequate classroom size

If we improve the quality of our education system, we also improve the

development of our nation. (I8.EBF.TL.PF)

Much concern is expressed about the small size of primary school classrooms, they claim they cannot accommodate the large number of students enrolled in any one class. Most of the school leaders state they consider that resulting overcrowded classrooms undermines effective teaching and learning. In addition, they say they perceive that the safety of students and teachers is compromised in these circumstances.

Primary school leaders also claim many primary school buildings have not been repaired in a very long time, and, at the very least, could benefit from being painted to freshen up their appearance. Some of these, it was revealed were constructed during the

Indonesian occupation and were severely damaged during the crisis that ensued in 1999, after the Timorese population voted overwhelming for independence from Indonesia. They 158

also stated, that in many schools classroom walls and roofs are unsafe and are falling apart, and in dire need of repair.

When describing these school challenges, a relatively new primary school leader, described the situation at his school in this way:

When we have too many students in one class, it is difficult for teachers to pay

attention to all the children and improve their learning experience. The teachers

cannot focus on all the children and struggle with the lesson that they are supposed

to be teaching, as they are worried about how all the 50 or 60 students are behaving.

This problem of too many children in small classrooms dilutes the quality of the

students’ and teachers’ learning experience. I think we need to limit the number of

students in one classroom to perhaps 30 students at the most. So then teachers can

control the class and provide a better learning experience for the students.

(I8.EBF.TL.PF)

Such remarks were also made by others when arguing that the number of students per classroom should be reduced to approximately 30 per teacher. Such a reduction, they put it, could potentially reduce the associated stress currently experienced by teachers and students. Also, they argued that it is likely fewer students in the classroom could enable teachers to exert better control and dedicate more attention to each student.

At a large central school, one school leader gave voice to her concerns about inadequate classroom size as follows:

There are many challenges that I face when I perform my activities at this school.

One of the biggest challenges is classrooms because we only have 14 classrooms 159

and we have more than 2,600 students. This is a big challenge, because we don’t

have enough space for the students to sit. So we sit three or four students on one

chair/ bench. Then this problem causes the students difficulties because they are not

comfortable and do not concentrate on the lesson. Also, the teacher has many

students in the classroom, which is a challenge to teach properly. Teachers are

constantly trying to teach the lesson, while also trying to control the 60 or 70

students cramped in the small classroom. Another related challenge is we have to

cut the teaching hours short because we have too many students and small

classrooms, so we have three teaching rotations to accommodate all the students

enrolled at this school, morning, lunchtime, and afternoon. This is not ideal, but that

is the only way that the school can accommodate all the students. We do not turn

away any student who enrols at this school. (I2.EBC.F.ISCSM)

Here she expresses a common view of primary school leaders, who, while concerned about overcrowding in classrooms, do not want to turn away students. Instead, they hold a rotation teaching system is implemented by many and teachers attempt to sit multiple students on one chair or bench.

Another school leader, in charge of a regional filial school, made a similar refrain:

There are lots of challenges that I face. For example, at this school, there are lots of

students, so we divide the teaching into three rotations, one starts at 8am to 11am,

then from 11am to 2pm, and from 2pm to 5pm. Even though we have divided the

students into 28 classes, we still have a huge amount of students per classroom. It

makes the teachers feel uncomfortable to teach the students, and the students feel

uncomfortable to be cramped with so many children in a small classroom. I have 160

written a proposal to the MoE to address this issue of overcrowding in the

classrooms, but until now there has been no solution. (I4.EBF.F.ZM)

He added that while the national MoE has been informed of the ongoing problem, they do not seem overly concerned about solving it.

At another regional filial school, one school leader added:

When we talk about challenges, this school faces a lot of them. We have issues

related to the students’ learning experience. We want to implement the new system,

so we divide the students into groups, but because we have a large number of

students in one classroom, it does not work well. It is hard for teachers to control

the 60 or more students in the classroom. We have few classrooms. Also, the

classrooms are too small to accommodate the large number of enrolled students.

(I16.EBF.F.APX)

He also stated:

Another problem at this school is that we don’t have a library to store books. We try

to keep books in one classroom, but that is not good because we already don’t have

many classrooms, and the ones we do have are small. But still, we try to keep one

classroom for books and also to use as a teachers’ room. Because we have too many

students and very small classrooms, we divide the teaching lessons into three

rotations, the first starts at 8am to 11am, the second rotation runs from 11am to

2pm, and the last rotation is from 2pm to 5pm. We also encourage parents to help

by encouraging their children to do their homework and to ask them how was their

day at school? As you can see, teachers don’t spend enough time teaching. We only 161

have a few hours to teach the students at this school, and together with the challenge

of limited classroom space and too many students, you can start to see how this

impacts on the quality of the teaching and learning experience. (I16.EBF.F.APX)

The circumstances portrayed here by him suggest that school leaders while trying to support students to get an education, are constrained in their efforts by factors outside of their control. On the matter of the rotation teaching mentioned here, and also earlier, a perceived consequence is that the teaching and learning experience is diminished because of the reduced hours that students spend with their teachers in the classroom. Regarding this, the same school leader went on to add:

The things that I have identified are challenges because they prevent the school

from operating at its full potential. The issue of small classroom size and too many

students per classroom, they affect the teaching experience, and also the learning

outcomes of students. Students suffer because they do not get maximum learning

experience and the quality of the lessons is negatively impacted. Students come to

this school to learn and it is my responsibility as a school leader to try to give

students a quality education experience. (I16.EBF.F.APX)

He concluded by saying “But it is very difficult when we face so many challenges at the school”.

At another school, an experienced school leader reflected on her experience of inadequate classroom size in the following words:

Small classroom size is a major problem for us. In one classroom, we can take from

50 to 70 students, which is too many students in the classroom and difficult for the 162

teacher to attend to every student. But we manage the best we can, because we do

not turn any student away, and we try to make the students have a good learning

experience. We recently got support from a donor, and they constructed two school

buildings with six classrooms. It makes me happy to know that we have more

classes to accommodate the students and to help them to have a good experience at

school. I have now written a proposal to the MoE seeking support by way of chairs

and tables to put in the six new classrooms. (I12.EBC.M.RDC)

She also expressed a view also held by others, that they will seek the support of donors and the national MoE in pursuit of enhancing educational outcomes for their students and schools.

Another variation on the same theme was expressed by a school leader who has held school leadership roles since the Indonesian occupation:

A big challenge at this school is that we don’t have enough classrooms and the class

room size is too small to accommodate the large number of students per class. We

also have seen a gradual rise in student enrolments each year, which is a burden on

the teachers, but we do not turn away any students who come to this school to get

an education. We have tried to build more classrooms in order to accommodate the

high volume of students but we can only afford to construct one classroom every

two years because it is very expensive. So this remains a big challenge for us.

Another related problem is the stress on teachers because we don’t have enough

classrooms. So we divide the teachers into two rotations for teaching. Some teachers

teach from morning to afternoon and other teachers teach from afternoon to the

evening. The government said that we must implement the entire curriculum but we 163

cannot implement all of it as we don’t have enough time because the morning

students have to finish their lesson so that the afternoon classes can start on time. So

this is a challenge. The hours of the classroom time are not sufficient but we must

have rotations so that we can accommodate teaching all the students enrolled at this

school. (I21.EBC.C.GRS)

In addition, as the rest of the section indicates, a lack of adequate school fencing is also seen to be problematic.

7.2.2.2 Lack of adequate school fencing

This school encounters many challenges. First, our school is not in good condition.

The buildings are old and ruined, or run down. Also, we don’t have a fence around

the school grounds, and the people who live around the school, make a lot of noise

when we are trying to teach the students. The noise from outside is very disruptive

to the students. (I7.EBF.R.ADJ)

Such concern centres on a lack of adequate fencing to securing school grounds from outside intrusion, including people or animals.

During visits to primary schools by the present researcher, it was observed that animals, such as dogs, cats, chickens and also pigs could freely enter the school ground because there was not an adequate fence or gate to act as a barrier to the outside area.

Furthermore, in the case of the few schools that do have a high wall around the school, it was noted that there was an absence of a front or side gate, again meaning that people and animals can still enter the school ground. School leaders also indicated that, where school fences did exist, they had been constructed during the Indonesian occupation, and after the 164

conflict of 1999, they had either been scorched, or destroyed, or not repaired.

Primary school leaders also voiced their frustrations about the occurrence of trespassing and vandalism at their schools, and also of teachers and students having to spend time each day cleaning animal faeces and urine from the premises before the commencement of lessons. This situation, while frustrating as it takes away from the classroom lessons, school leaders feel it is important to keep the school grounds clean and hygienic in order to instil in the local community and the students a sense of pride and dignity within the school environment. They also lament that people trespassing in school grounds after hours, are also prone to vandalise property or leave rubbish around.

Some communities, it is held, particularly in the smaller regional filial schools, rally together to keep an eye on their local schools, while those associated with larger urban schools do not tend to have a strong collective responsibility in this regard. Further, it is held that while school fencing issues are of much concern to the primary school leaders, there is frustration that it does not appear to be a priority for the national MoE. One school leader, who was in charge of a regional filial school described the consequences, as he sees it, of the situation:

We don’t have a fence or barrier wall to protect the school ground from animals.

You can see that we have pigs, dogs, chickens and other animals walking about the

school area and this is not hygienic for the students. The school is protected by the

community who look after the school and make sure it is not damaged or

vandalized. But we still need a fence or wall to secure the school grounds from the

local animals. (I18.EBF.C.AF)

165

The same school leader also said:

Yes, not having a school fence is a problem because it is not hygienic for animals to

be in the school when the children are at school. But the fence will take a long time

to build, so as a school leader, I try my best to make the learning environment as

safe as possible because we do not have a security person who can make sure the

pigs, dogs, chickens and other animals do not enter the school grounds.

(I18.EBF.C.AF)

An experienced school leader who was in charge of a regional filial school reflected in similar vein, focusing, in particular, on the changes that had occurred during his time at the school, stating:

As for school properties, our chairs and tables are all in good condition. What is a

problem is that we don’t have a guard to look after the school when we leave in the

afternoon. This is an issue for us because even the small wall that we have around

our school, the members of the community jump over it and walk through the

school grounds. When classes have finished, there are always strangers that come

inside the school and destroy or vandalise our things. (I6.EBF.R.ADC)

He added:

The thing that should be changed is the school fencing is too low. Often the teachers

teaching in the afternoon feel uncomfortable because the children outside jump over

the small fence and enter the school grounds and disrupt the lesson by making noise

and throwing dust into the classroom. This is a big problem. (I6.EBF.R.ADC)

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Thus, while to an outsider something like the lack of a fence might seem trivial, to the teachers and school leaders, it is a major issue, thus illustrating a major assumption of this thesis, namely, that it is crucial not to make assumptions about context. The latter point is reinforced by considering views expressed by other school leaders. One who is relatively new to the role, expressed his experience thus:

The school is built in the middle of the community and there is no security guard to

look after the school. This is a problem because during holiday time or on Sunday,

strangers come into the school and destroy and vandalise the school properties. We

have written a formal request to the MoE seeking for a high wall to be built around

the school. Otherwise, we will continue to have strangers entering the school and

breaking the windows and sometimes the doors as well. (I8.EBF.TL.PF)

Another, an experienced school leader, stated:

Even though we don’t have a fence, this school is well protected by the community

and we do not have problems with strangers entering the school when we are not

here. But animals do enter the school and destroy the garden and also poo and

urinate around the school. (I27.EBF.L.FS)

Another, yet again, who was in charge of a regional filial school commented:

Another problem at this school is lack of a fence around our school. We also don’t

have a security guard who can look after the school. Sometimes we make a small

garden and then strangers come into the school and destroy the garden and also

dump their rubbish in the school yard when the community trash bins are full. This

is a big problem for me. It is unhygienic to have rubbish littered around the school 167

yard. (I16.EBF.F.APX)

In the minds of some, also, the particular issue is not divorced from others. For example, an experienced school leader, who had been in charge of a large central school for approximately 14 years, stated:

The challenges that I have as a school leader, I often solve them. For example, when

I first come to this school, we didn’t have many of these buildings that you see

today. So I spoke to many donors to ask for financial support to build new

classrooms and the results are still here today. However, we don’t have a proper

school fence or a security guard. These two things concern me greatly because I live

far away from this school and when school is finished, people come into the school

area and write on the walls. When I come back to work, there is writing on the walls

and rubbish around the school. I think building a fence and having a security guard

at the school will prevent unauthorized people from entering and vandalizing the

school grounds. (I12.EBC.M.RDC)

Another school leader similarly expressed how a range of practical issues arise for him daily:

The challenge we face at this school is the school is too wide and we don’t have a

fence all around, so in the morning in our daily activities, we have to go around

cleaning the school grounds from animal poo and urine. We do this action every

morning because we want to have a healthy and hygienic school environment. The

other thing we do each day is check the small fence that we built with wood, if it

breaks, then we have to repair it. The wood fence does not cover the entire school

168

building unfortunately. (I23.EBF.T.RDSA)

Attention is now devoted to a related broad theme relating to concerns of primary school leaders, namely, leadership development.

7.2.3 Participants’ concerns related to leadership development

The leader is the main actor in the school system. So a good school leader, leads

through actions and words. Good leaders demonstrate good behaviours.

(I13.EBC.M.ESM)

Many of the participants, while commenting as above, also express concerns that opportunities for leadership development are lacking, they also state that when it is available, it is only after they have already assumed a leadership position.

The majority of participants who took part in the study being reported here, purported that while they had attended general training, they had not been exposed to regular, targeted leadership development opportunities. Furthermore, they argued that they would benefit from workshops that would potentially equip them with the necessary tools and techniques to effectively lead and achieve success for their particular primary school settings. One school leader who is relatively new to the role, spoke about how he was first exposed to such a possibility:

For me, I gained most of my leadership training by helping out the trainers who

would provide training to the teachers. They would often call me to assist with the

training day, and so that is how I was first exposed to leadership development

programmes. Also, at the end of my studies at the National University of Timor-

169

Leste (UNTL), I learned a lot of theory on being an effective leader, and managing

the school administration. Now as the School Coordinator, I am putting into

practice and testing the theory that I learned at university. I also get training from

the Teacher Training Department of UNTL. (I16.EBF.F.APX)

A school leader at a different school, related a similar experience:

I’ve participated in several trainings about leadership at the National and Municipal

levels. The training was provided by different agencies, and the usual training venue

is INFORDEPE in Dili. I think in general the training has been effective in helping

primary school leaders to plan and manage their time effectively. We have been

given lots of training on lesson planning, which has been effective because we

implement the practical things we learned in the training, in the classroom.

However, I do feel that school leaders should have access to regular and targeted

leadership development, perhaps focusing on specific leadership skills like strategic

planning and improving long-term school outcomes, building consensus for

sustainable development, results-based management, and public speaking

techniques. (I29.EBF.T.AFDC)

Another, yet again, bewailed the fact that such experiences are not more common:

I would like to see leadership development provided to primary school leaders. I

think it would help us to deal with our daily challenges at work. I would personally

like to increase my leadership skills in order to be a more effective leader at my

school. (I10.EBF.VV.AF)

Others were more specific on detailing what they see as the importance of leadership 170

development as follows:

We have over 1,900 students enrolled at this school. This is a central school and

requires a good leader to manage the teachers and students, and also to provide

leadership to the linked regional filial schools and School Coordinators. This cluster

model of Basic Education schools was implemented, in part, to give better

coordination and management of the public school system. There are hundreds of

Basic Education schools, therefore, a concerted effort to develop effective school

leadership is important to ensure the success of the education system in Timor-

Leste. (I12.EBC.M.RDC)

What seems to be highlighted in this latter quotation is a view that the primary school education system in Timor-Leste is complex and that strong leadership at the individual school level could be paramount for the success of the Basic Education system.

An experienced school leader, who was in charge of a large central school, also conveyed a view of the possible foci that professional development should take:

I would like to see the government create more development programmes around

school leadership, so that we can continue to refine our skills and knowledge in how

to lead so that our schools can be more effective. I also want to see leadership

programmes that help primary school leaders to improve management of school

administration. (I21.EBC.C.GRS)

He concluded by saying that “The objective of development opportunities should always be to improve the quality of the education system”.

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It can be inferred from the above commentary that primary school leaders recognise the importance of continuous professional development, and that upskilling would improve the quality of education in Timor-Leste primary schools.

To conclude this part of the chapter, the foregoing sections described current concerns of primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, from the perspectives of school leaders.

These concerns were organised in relation to three themes, namely, ‘teaching and learning’ concerns, ‘infrastructure’ concerns and ‘leadership development’ concerns. While these need to be addressed, it also needs to be stated at this point that they should not be overstated. Indeed, to overemphasise them might lead one to obscuring tangible strategies that they have, and are adopting to deal with them. Further, it could be demoralising for the school leaders through painting an overly negative picture of primary school leadership in post-conflict Timor-Leste.

Attention is now turned to considering the strategies adopted by primary school leaders to deal with the challenges they experience at the individual school level.

7.3 Strategies for dealing with concerns of primary school leaders

We all want to resolve problems with a calm heart. (I8.EBF.TL.PF)

7.3.1 Engaging with the PTA, community and other relevant bodies

Together we can make small improvements and feel happy about our success.

(I18.EBF.C.AF)

Engaging in dialogue with relevant school partners, including the PTA, the school

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community and/ or parents was effective in finding solutions to small problems is regularly mentioned by school leaders as a strategy they use to help them deal with their concerns.

Indeed, they state that by engaging with the PTA, they are helped to work harmoniously to make improvements at the school and to strengthen the relationship between it and the parents. On this, one participant from a regional filial school reflected on his experience as follows:

We have an active PTA and they work with the school to help connect us with the

parents. When we need support of the parents for activities at the school, we engage

the PTA, who then inform the parents. We have plans to develop this school, and I

also have plans to engage more closely with parents, so that they may help their kids

to read and write when they are doing their homework. The teachers also have the

competence to invite parents to the school to talk about the students’ behaviour in

class, and their progress during the school year. (I16.EBF.F.APX)

To this he added:

I believe that schools should not sit idle and wait for the MoE to take action for

every problem the school faces because there are hundreds of schools across Timor-

Leste, and if we wait for the MoE to fix little problems, then we will never resolve

anything. So I would suggest that every primary school leader in Timor-Leste, they

need to demonstrate creativity and initiative, and try to resolve things at the

individual school level, instead of relying solely on the MoE. Engage with the

teachers, the PTA, parents, and community to come together and work

collaboratively to find solutions to small problems. This will build trust and

harmony at the school, and between the school and the surrounding community. 173

(I16.EBF.F.APX)

Further, he stated:

I want to make sure that at this school, we have good school management. This is

very important to me. I take my job as school leader seriously and I want to make

sure the school is managed well and responsibly. I want to be a good example to the

teachers, PTA, parents, community and students. I want this primary school to

succeed. That is why I use a consultative approach in decision-making, to build trust

and consensus so that we can have harmony at this school, and so teachers and

students will enjoy coming to this school. (I16.EBF.F.APX)

To summarise, the overall view is that consultative approaches to school challenges, can generate additional support for positive relationships between school stakeholders, including primary school leaders, teachers, parents, PTA, and the community. Crucially, this support is seen as extending to the promotion of a harmonious teaching and learning environment for teachers and students.

Comments were also made about how such support manifests itself. One school leader, who had been in charge of his school for 17 years, stated:

Our school condition is very poor. As you can see, we work in the mud. When it

rains, we have big problems with flooding. Because of this, the community, PTA,

parents, teachers and students all come together to clean the school and make it a

safe and hygienic place. (I6.EBF.R.ADC)

Another, responsible for a regional filial school, described his approach in relation to

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similar matters:

When I am faced with challenges, I like to reflect on the situation and think through

all the options available in resolving the problems. Sometimes when the issues are

complex, I will speak with the teachers, PTA and parents, and consider what

suggestions they have to address the problems at this school. (I8.EBF.TL.PF)

Such examples, of course, it should be clear, relate to resolving small issues that arise at a school. The next section now considers a strategy that school leaders use to deal with challenges that they encountered that relate to maintaining a good working environment.

7.3.2 Drawing on life experiences

I have attended some general leadership training, but mostly my life experiences

have prepared me for this leadership role. I try to be a good example and follow the

rules, and also come to work on time and do my job to the best of my ability. These

are things that I have learnt on-the-job over the years. I hope that I am a good

example to the students, the teachers and my community. (I18.EBF.C.AF)

This matter of finding value in reflecting on life experiences to help generate solutions to challenges to the on-going harmonious conduct of the school is also referred to by others.

One school leader, for example, stated:

I prepared myself according to my life and work experiences, and also the

opportunities that I have been given, through training, and learning on-the-job. I

have been leading this school for 12 years now, and before that I was also working

as a teacher, so I draw on those experiences, both good and bad, to help me to make

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calm, considered decisions about the school. I trust myself to make good decisions

for this school because I have been working at the school for a long time, and I have

a deep understanding of the challenges faced by this school. (I2.EBC.F.ISCSM)

Another, yet again, commented on how her reflection on experiences had helped her in her leadership role over a long period:

Basically my work and life experiences have helped prepare me to be a good leader.

From the 1970s until now, I have been working in schools, and I have all those

experiences in my memory. I learn from my mistakes and I keep going. I always ask

my friends who are teachers for their opinions so that I can be a good example to

the teachers at this school. I follow the rules set by the MoE. (I12.EBC.M.RDC)

She concluded by saying that she shares her experiences and training with teachers so that they can all improve their abilities and skills.

7.3.3 Participating in peer-to-peer meetings

The Ensino Basico Filial (EBF) School Coordinators have six scheduled meetings

per year with the Ensino Basico Central (EBC) School Director. We also have other

meetings of the leadership group throughout the year on an ‘as needed’ basis. This

group is useful to discuss issues at the schools, and hear what strategies other

primary school leaders are using to deal with the complexities of running their

school effectively. (I8.EBF.TL.PF)

What this school leader was drawing attention to in the comments outlined above is another strategy that primary school leaders state they use to deal with challenges at school by

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connecting with peers within their school cluster groups. The groups meet regularly to provide updates on how the schools are progressing, as well as to give members opportunities to share ideas, experiences and what they see to be good practice.

School leaders claim that at group meetings, they give each other advice on how to deal with the challenges they encounter, they celebrate achievements of individual schools, and also, they celebrate what they achieve collectively as a school cluster group. The following comment was made by one school leader to try to capture the spirit of the regular peer-to-peer learning he said takes place:

I speak daily with the teachers and when they have difficulties or issues they want

to raise as a group, they do so at our weekly weekend meeting. Every Saturday I

have a meeting with the teachers of this school. We do a revision of the work from

the past week, any problems we encountered or things that we want to share with

the group, and then we prepare for the week ahead. The teachers also make

presentations about issues they have encountered so that the teachers can give

opinions or suggestions for resolving problems. (I6.EBF.R.ADC)

He concluded by saying that he and his colleagues think that the Saturday meeting is very important because, for example, when the teachers have difficulties with the Portuguese language or curriculum modules, they can discuss and support each other to find solutions.

7.3.4 Following MoE protocols

We don’t get involved in politics. We implement what is directed by the MoE and

the education officials. We do our best with the little that we have to try and

transform the students so they enjoy learning and school, and go on to excel in their 177

education. So they can come back to this community with good jobs and promote

this school as providing a good education. That is why I want everyone to obey the

MoE rules and try to keep this school in a good condition. (I16.EBF.F.APX)

In making the comments detailed above, the school leader in question was stating that another dominant strategy used by him and his peers to address difficulties encountered at the individual school level, is to follow due processes set down by the national MoE and not to ‘rock the boat’. In commenting on this, it was recognised that some primary school leaders feel that bypassing the MoE protocol, disciplinary action could be taken against them. In this sense, primary school leaders recognise that they are constrained in their ability to resolve such complex issues, such as the construction of new classrooms, and building secure fencing around the school grounds. Primary school leaders are required to comply with bureaucratic approval processes. Therefore, they conclude, it is more productive to concentrate on doing the best they can without making a fuss. One participant talked about his thus:

There is a process for informing the MoE about challenges at primary schools. I

follow the process, by first identifying the issues at my school. Then I inform the

central school Director in writing, and they usually come to the school to inspect the

problem. If the central school Director agrees that there is a problem, then they put

it in writing to the relevant Municipality Education Director, who is then

responsible for notifying the MoE. I have informed the central school Director that

at this school we don’t have an adequate fence around the school grounds. I have

also informed the MoE that we don’t have school textbooks. The central school

Director tells me that most of the other schools encounter the same problems that I

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am facing. (I18.EBF.C.AF)

The same school leader also indicated that by following the national MoE protocol, benefits can even occasionally come. In his case it actually led to the construction of new classrooms at his school stating:

I think as a primary school leader, I must lead by example and follow due process

for informing the relevant authorities about problems at the school. When I first

arrived at this school, we only had this building that we are sitting in, and we had to

have three teaching rotations every day to cater for the large number of students

enrolled at this school. We then prepared a written proposal to the central school

Director and then to the MoE. We were very lucky that the MoE responded to our

request and they constructed additional classrooms. This was a big improvement

and I feel happy that as the school leader, I started the process by approaching the

central school Director about constructing more classrooms at this school.

(I18.EBF.C.AF)

Another experienced primary school leader described how she regularly writes to the MoE to explain the problems she is addressing at her school, stating:

I have written often to the MoE about everything that is needed at my central school

and the linked regional filial schools that I am in charge of, especially about the

issue of lack of textbooks for the students to accompany the teachers in class. The

education authority has answered my request, but they have to follow many

bureaucratic processes before the materials can be delivered to this school.

Sometimes I go to the MoE personally to speak to the officers directly about what I

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need at this school. I respond to issues in the manner in which I do because as a

school leader I must follow due process. But I can also be proactive and follow up

with the education authority to make sure they are looking into the needs of my

school. The students at this school are citizens of this nation, so it is my duty to help

them to succeed in life. The teachers and I have to educate our students so that they

can have access to a good quality free education, so they can be intelligent and have

a good future. (I12.EBC.M.RDC)

And, she concluded, the effort is occasionally worth it when she obtains what she seeks.

Another experienced school leader, who is in charge of a regional filial school, related his perspective on the matter as follows:

The challenges that we encounter, we always inform the MoE. Unfortunately, the

MoE often does not respond to our requests. The central authority tells us that

everything should be done in accordance with approved processes. Even though we

try to follow the MoE processes, we still encounter challenges, so we try to solve

the issue at the school level while we wait for the central authority to respond to our

formal requests. (I4.EBF.F.ZM)

Overall, it appears that school leaders prefer not to be in any way confrontational, deeming that the little yielded by adopting this approach is worth obtaining, since the alternative could be their dismissal.

7.3.5 Establishing internal school rules

At this school, we have our own set of rules, along with the central school rules, and

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also the MoE rules. Our school rules were decided by consensus, involving all the

school teachers and myself. I always seek the opinions of the school teachers when

making important decisions about this school, so we cannot go against the rules that

we have all agreed to. For example, if there is a teacher who needs to take time off

to do something, they must inform one of the other teachers, or myself as the school

leader, either verbally or in writing. In turn, we give him/ her permission to go and

do what they need after considering the situation, and how it will impact on the

students and the school. (I16.EBF.F.APX)

This quotation captures a view of the participants in the study being reported here that developing internal school rules to complement those of the national MoE as another effective strategy for resolving problems at the individual school level. Some described how they developed, through consultation and agreement, such rules to help them in the effective day-to-day management of their individual schools. One summarised what he sees as a resultant success:

The success of this school is that nowadays, teachers really take pride in their jobs

and obey the school rules. They show up on time and they try to do their best in the

classroom. This is different from the past where teachers were not interested in their

jobs. So because teachers are more focused, committed and motivated, and follow

the school rules, the students are also making better progress with their education.

(I14.EBF.B.CDS).

He concluded by saying that adopting this approach also reinforces the positive view amongst staff members, students and the community that each school is unique and has its own way of addressing problems specific to it and its context. 181

7.4 Conclusion

Chapter Seven has addressed the third aim of the study being reported in this thesis by providing a detailed exposition of the current concerns of primary school leaders in Timor-

Leste, and the strategies they adopt to deal with them. The concerns were organised into three broad themes generated from the data, namely, ‘teaching and learning’,

‘infrastructure’, and ‘leadership development’.

The chapter has also described the strategies that primary school leaders in Timor-

Leste adopt to deal with the problems that they encountered in their day-to-day work. These consist of ‘engaging with the PTA, community and other relevant bodies’, ‘drawing on life experiences’, ‘participating in peer-to-peer meetings’, ‘following MoE protocols’, and

‘establishing internal school rules’. Chapter Eight now provides the conclusion to the thesis.

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CHAPTER EIGHT

OVERVIEW, DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

8.1 Introduction

The geographic area that constitutes the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, formally gained its political independence on 20 May 2002. Prior to this, it was ruled by foreign powers; the Portuguese were in situ from approximately 1515 to 1975, and were replaced by the Indonesians in 1975. These, in turn, were replaced by UNTAET, which continued to administer from 1999 until 2002. Each foreign regime attempted to implement its own educational ideology and strategies.

Today, Timor-Leste is a country in transition from post-conflict stabilisation to development. Its education system has undergone numerous changes, mainly related to policy development and practice. These have had an effect on the Basic Education school system and primary school leadership. For example, the primary school curriculum has been reformed to ensure that a context specific national curriculum has been introduced that incorporates the unique culture, history and language of the Timorese population.

Furthermore, in recent years, the national MoE has focussed attention on improving leadership and learning in primary schools. These initiatives, as well as others, have been introduced to increase access to and improve the quality of basic education.

The education system of Timor-Leste was decimated during the violent withdrawal of Indonesia from the country in 1999. Since then, the international donor community has provided significant assistance to reconstruct and develop the primary school system. On

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this, it is instructive to know how education has progressed under the GoTL, assisted by the international community. Some studies have been conducted in order to investigate how the

Timor-Leste education system has been shaped by the legacies of foreign powers and violent conflicts. While they focused on education broadly, very few investigated primary school leadership specifically in a post-conflict era. The study reported in this thesis was undertaken to address the deficit.

This final chapter is in six parts. First, an overview of the research undertaken is described. Secondly, the significance of the study is discussed. Thirdly, the research design and methodology are summarised. Fourthly, the results presented in Chapters Five, Six and

Seven are reviewed and three key and interlinked related assertions are presented. Fifthly, the transferability of the study’s results is considered. Finally, the implications of the research for the literature, for future research, and for policy development and practice are discussed.

8.2 Overview of the study

The study reported in this thesis was guided by three fundamental aims. The first aim was to develop an understanding of the historical background to primary school leadership in

East Timor from colonial times to 2002, the year in which the country became formally independent and officially known as the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste. The second aim was to develop an understanding of the developments that have occurred in relation to primary school leadership in Timor-Leste from the time it gained formal independence in

2002 to 2016. The third aim was to develop an understanding of the current concerns encountered by primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, and of the strategies adopted by

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them to deal with those concerns.

8.2.1 Significance of the study

Investigating leadership at the primary school level in post-conflict Timor-Leste was considered significant for three main reasons. The first reason is that despite the well- documented positive correlation that has been made between school leadership and students’ learning achievement that is reflected in the academic literature, there is still a distinct lack of empirical data on the problems school leaders in post-conflict societies encounter, and on how they deal with these problems (Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2013).

The second reason for conducting the study was that school leadership literature has been dominated by the cultural, economic, or political systems of developed countries, especially those located in Europe and North America, and few insights have been forthcoming from the developing world (Nawab, 2011; Oplatka, 2004). Thus, in the study reported in this thesis, the way school leadership is informed and shaped by one developing country’s politics and its low socio-economic circumstances has been elucidated.

The third reason for conducting the study was that the relationship between context and leadership continues to be under-theorised. Indeed, until recently there has been little acknowledgement of the importance of considering context and its influence on leadership practices (Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2013; Gronn & Ribbins, 1996; Vroom & Jago, 2007). It follows that the paucity of research on school leadership in post-conflict and developing nations can be partly attributed to the neglect by researchers of the role of contextual factors in informing leadership policy and practices in such societies (Clarke &

O’Donoghue, 2013).

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8.2.2 Research design and methodology

Guided by the interpretivist research paradigm (Lincoln, Lynham & Guba, 2011) that human experiences and actions hold meanings and need to be interpreted within a social context, the study set out to investigate school leadership in context, from the perspective of educational leaders. The participants in this study comprised primary school leaders

(School Directors and School Coordinators), representatives of the PTAs in schools, and education officials.

The main data gathering methods included semi-structured, in-depth interviews and document analysis. The first research aim was addressed solely by document analysis. The second aim of the study was also addressed primarily by means of document analysis, but was supplemented by two interviews with education officials involved in Basic Education policy development in Timor-Leste. The third research aim was addressed by means of semi-structured, in-depth interviews with school leaders, representatives of the PTA, and education officials, and informal observations.

The data were analysed using grounded theory methods of data analysis, and particularly open coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). The latter process allowed for the generation of concepts, which, through constant comparison, were in turn drawn upon to generate categories (Punch, 2009). Themes and associated categories for each of the three central research questions were then generated.

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8.2.3 Summary of the results of the study

Chapters Five, Six and Seven addressed the first, second and third aims of the study respectively. Chapter Five provided insights into the historical background to primary school education, in general, and to primary school leadership specifically in East Timor, from Portuguese colonisation (1515 – 1975), during the Indonesian military occupation

(1975 – 1999), and throughout the UNTAET period (1999 – 2002). Events that took place during the three historical foreign administrations in East Timor were analysed in order to provide a background understanding to key elements of contemporary education development.

Chapter Six examined developments that have taken place in relation to primary school education in general, and school leadership more specifically, in Timor-Leste from the time of political independence in 2002 to 2016. It sought to promote understanding of what the Timor-Leste government and the international donor community did to try to resuscitate primary school education, and, in particular, to shape primary school leadership in the post-conflict era. Chapter Seven then identified challenges of current concern to primary school leaders in Timor-Leste, and strategies these school leaders adopt to try to deal with them. Attention is now turned to synthesising the main results of each of these chapters, as well as to presenting three key and interlinked assertions related to them.

8.2.3.1 The first research aim

Chapter Five addressed the first aim of the study, namely, to develop an understanding of the historical background to primary school leadership in East Timor from colonial times to

2002. It charted the history of primary school education and of primary school leadership,

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with reference to the three distinct foreign administrative regimes. These administrations were those of Portuguese colonisation from approximately 1515 to 1975, Indonesian military occupation from 1975 to 1999, and the UNTAET period from 1999 to 2002.

8.2.3.1.1 Results from the first research aim

Chapter Five revealed that the literature on the history of primary school education developments in East Timor indicates that the three distinct foreign administrations did not prioritise Timorese primary school leadership. For example, education policy and practices during Portuguese colonisation precipitated a situation of extreme education neglect. The colonisers opened up education to an elite few, the aim being to educate a small administrative class that could effectively manage the colony in Portugal’s best interests

(Hill, 2002; Millo & Barnett, 2004; World Bank, 2004). Education during this period instilled ideas that Timorese culture and history were closer to those of other Portuguese colonies in Africa than to cultures and histories of its Asian neighbours (Shah & Quinn,

2016). It also neglected to promote any discussion of pre-colonial Timorese culture, history and language (Boughton, 2011; Hill, 2002). Further, social control was maintained by socialising children into Portuguese and Catholic values, with a focus on rote learning and limiting access to schooling to a minority elite (Hill, 2002; Millo & Barnett, 2004; World

Bank, 2004). When Portugal withdrew from East Timor in 1975, the departure of almost all nuns and priests meant that the Catholic education system lost most of its leadership (Hill,

2002).

During the Indonesian occupation, education played an important ideological and indoctrinating role in an effort to legitimate its continuing presence in East Timor. In

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particular, after Indonesia invaded East Timor, it regarded education as one of the means to be used to integrate the region into the rest of Indonesia and it quickly established a system that promoted Indonesian culture and history (Butcher et al., 2015). Schooling under tightly regulated and centralised Indonesian control was a mechanism to “forge nationalistic loyalties and identities over ethnic, religious and class division” (Kipp, 1993, p. 77) and assimilate future generations into Indonesian society, while discounting the existence of a distinct Timorese identity (Shah & Quinn, 2016). Rote learning, rather than encouraging more interactive learning, was a feature of both the Portuguese and Indonesian administrations. Also, both Portugal and Indonesia taught the curriculum in what for students were foreign languages, namely, Portuguese and Bahasa Indonesia respectively.

Under the Indonesian military occupation, the majority of staff working at the

Department of Education and at training institutes were Indonesians, with most of the top positions being held by them. Furthermore, a UNICEF (2010) report noted that School

Directors often lacked experience in teaching and tended to be retired Indonesian civil servants and military officers. The objectives of the Indonesian education system were to make the Timorese forget that they were Timorese, to imbue them with Indonesian nationalism, and to cream off the high achievers and send them to work in well-paid jobs in

Indonesia in an effort to undermine the clandestine Resistance movement (Arenas, 1998;

Hill, 2017).

During the UNTAET period, the education focus was placed on emergency reconstruction and on ensuring that schools became operational once more (World Bank,

2004; World Bank, 2007). Primary school leadership was not an urgent consideration during the period. In summary, for centuries, primary school education in East Timor was

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dominated by foreign systems that prioritised ‘colonial epistemologies’ (Shah & Lopes

Cardoso, 2016, p. 4) over local knowledge systems. In addition, foreign dominance in the country did not emphasise Timorese primary school leadership.

Assertion

The historical foreign administrations in East Timor, namely, Portugal, Indonesia and

UNTAET, each had a clear purpose for the education system, which did not include promoting and/or developing Timorese primary school leaders. Rather, education, particularly during the Portuguese and Indonesian administrations, was a strategy to subjugate the local population to foreign powers.

Chapter Five revealed that the three historical foreign administrations in East Timor, adopted a similar approach to education in that the Portuguese, Indonesians and UNTAET each had a clear intention for education in the country. In other words, education developments were deliberate and were targeted, to achieve a specific purpose.

Particularly in relation to the Portuguese and Indonesian administrations, education was an effective strategy used to oppress the local population and to gain political, social and cultural control. Also, Portugal and Indonesia had political motivations for educating

Timorese children. In the case of Portugal, educating an elite few enabled a minority of the local population, the assimilados, to assist Portugal to effectively administer the colony. In the case of Indonesia, the school system promoted pancasila, an ideology based on a singular Indonesia with a shared history and a shared set of values and beliefs, despite the marked diversity in cultures that exists within the Indonesian archipelago (Cribb, 1997;

Hill, 2002; Leach, 2017). In spite of there being greater access to primary school education

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during the Indonesian military occupation than there was under the Portuguese, it tended to be the ‘brightest’ Timorese students and/or the high achievers, as pointed out already, who were given well-paid jobs in Indonesia (Arenas, 1998; Hill, 2002).

Education was also used by the Portuguese and Indonesian administrations to segregate the local society. In the case of Portugal, there was the perception that one could not be a civilised person without being schooled in the Portuguese language and literature.

Thus, over time, segregation emerged as the elite few who had been ‘civilized’ by gaining a

Portuguese education, the assimilados, were deemed to be superior to the majority of the

‘uncivilized’ local population.

In the case of Indonesia, schooling under tightly regulated and centralised

Indonesian control was a mechanism to “forge nationalistic loyalties and identities over ethnic, religious and class division” (Kipp, 1993, p. 77). However, despite attempts by

Indonesia to subjugate the local population, not all students passively accepted all aspects of the Indonesian curriculum. Thus, over time, two distinct and opposing social groups emerged. In other words, there were Timorese who were outwardly pro-Indonesia, and

Timorese who were quietly pro-independence, with many joining the Resistance movement.

Education under both administrations was also intended to oppress and/or eradicate the unique and distinctive cultures of the local population. In the case of Portugal, the curriculum prioritised Portuguese history and culture, and the speaking of Tetum in classrooms was strictly forbidden. Portuguese was the language of instruction as well as the national language.

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Under Indonesian rule, the curriculum conveyed the message to local students that

Timorese culture was second best to that of Indonesia. The Indonesians downgraded and devalued indigenous knowledge, including that relating to traditional foods, medicinal plants and fishing skills. Bahasa Indonesia was the language of instruction as well as the national language, and speaking Tetum and Portuguese in the classroom was forbidden.

During the UNTAET period, the focus in education was on emergency reconstruction and efforts were made to rebuild school infrastructure, to replenish the depleted teaching workforce, and to get children back to school in the years immediately after Indonesia’s violent withdrawal. Throughout the period, the education sector was completely reconstructed by international donors. This continued to be the case even after formal independence in 2002. As a result, early curricular interventions remained dependent on foreign assistance and were minimally adapted to Timorese culture and conditions (Quinn, 2013; Shah, 2012). Thus, it could be viewed as yet another attempt by a foreign power to try to denigrate the unique indigenous cultures and history of the local

Timorese population.

In summary, Chapter Five revealed that each historical foreign administration had its own specific education purpose for the local indigenous population. This did not include promoting and developing primary school leadership. Instead, education was a strategy used to subjugate the locals. On the other hand, there were some amongst the indigenous population who did not accept all forms of foreign education. Rather, over time, they saw education as a means for the Timorese people to open their consciousness to the ‘hidden’ and ‘overt’ ways in which foreign powers were using education to oppress them and gain political, social and cultural control.

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8.2.3.2 The second research aim

Chapter Six addressed the second aim of the study, namely, to develop an understanding of the developments that have occurred in relation to primary school education generally, and to primary school leadership specifically, in an independent Timor-Leste, from 2002 to

2016. The rationale behind the pursuit of this aim arose out of the recognition that it is instructive to know what the Timor-Leste government did to try to resuscitate and develop primary school education, and, in particular, to shape primary school leadership after gaining formal independence. It is for this reason that the developments related to primary school education, and school leadership, were deliberately chronicled according to three periods; that related to post-independence from 2002 to 2005, that related to the impact on the primary education system during the 2006 internal emergency crisis, and the period from 2007 to 2016.

8.2.3.2.1 Results from the second research aim

Chapter Six revealed that since gaining formal independence in 2002, the GoTL, through the MoE, began to transform the education system at the level of Basic Education in order to try to increase access and improve quality. Of particular note are the developments that took place regarding promoting school management principles, the implementation of the

Professional Learning and Mentoring Program (PLMP), the Child Friendly Schools (CFS) project, primary school education reform, and pre-secondary school curriculum reform.

These developments have been intended to improve education outcomes by creating a uniquely Timorese education system to enable young citizens to contribute to the development of the sovereign nation and make it competitive in the global economy

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(RDTL, 2011). These and other Basic Education initiatives that have been introduced are seen to have the potential to have a powerful impact on the generations yet to come.

Assertion

Since gaining formal independence in 2002, Timor-Leste has made significant progress in rebuilding a functioning education system, after the country was decimated in 1999 by rampant pro-Indonesia militia. While developments to increase access and improve quality in education are a positive step forward, systemic challenges persist, which have hindered school leaders’ ability to achieve transformational school outcomes.

Building a relevant and accessible education system of quality may necessitate making deep structural and institutional change that prioritises the development of political and social literacies in schooling, skills that support sustainable livelihood opportunities, and an explicit focus on changing social relations that might be influenced by past and ongoing conflict, both in society and within the school system itself (Shah & Quinn 2016; Smith et al., 2011). Realising these aspirations may take generations, particularly in a country that is transitioning from post-conflict stabilisation to development. In relation to Timor-Leste there is, in one sense, widespread acknowledgement that since 2002, the national MoE, together with its international donor partners, have under extremely challenging circumstances, made significant progress in increasing access to and improving the quality of Basic Education. However, systemic challenges which have had an impact on school leaders’ work, particularly in their efforts to achieve significant improvements in primary school outcomes, persist.

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In recent years, the national MoE, with funding from the Australian government, has implemented the Professional Learning and Mentoring Program (PLMP). This is an initiative to assist school leaders in Timor-Leste to develop strong leadership skills and to support teachers to effectively implement the National Basic Education Curriculum. While the PLMP has the potential to make incremental improvements in the area of school leadership, other widespread broader challenges prevalent in many primary schools, including problems with the language of instruction, a chronic under supply of textbooks, derelict school buildings, and the low socio-economic status of schools, can hinder school leaders’ ability to transform substantially school outcomes.

On this matter, Winthrop (2011) notes that for children to gain the ability ‘to live, to know, to be, and to become’ in post-conflict and post-colonial societies, a focus on quality learning in a broad sense is required. Therefore, effective school leaders in Timor-Leste need to be sensitive to diverse forms of learning in challenging environments, including, for example, those which School Directors and School Coordinators encounter each day. While worthy efforts are being made to develop Timorese school leaders, more strategic and systemic education leadership reforms are necessary. In this regard, school leadership reforms would benefit from being debated and developed with school practitioners themselves, as well as with other school partners, including teachers, parents, students, and those in the surrounding community, to incorporate their knowledge base, experience, skills, values and beliefs.

In summary, since gaining formal independence in 2002, Timor-Leste has made substantial progress in revitalising its Basic Education system, including making an effort to promote and develop Timorese primary school leadership. However, more is needed to

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significantly improve teacher and student experiences, and ultimately bring school outcomes to the level necessary to enable the country to move from a post-conflict and developing one, to being a middle-income economy. Since school leaders can play a central role in ensuring that the administration and strategic direction is effective in schools,

School Directors and School Coordinators need to be appropriately equipped with the knowledge, skills, experience, and financial resources to navigate the interrelated endemic problems in Timorese primary schools. In this connection, providing opportunities to allow school leaders themselves to see the gaps that currently prevent them from reaching their full potential, and being part of the solution, may be an effective way forward in attempts to empower and develop school leaders to achieve sustainable transformational school outcomes.

8.2.3.3 The third research aim

Chapter Seven addressed the results of the third aim of the study, namely, to develop an understanding of the current concerns school leaders encountered, and of the strategies adopted by them to deal with those concerns. The challenges identified provided an opportunity to understand the day-to-day circumstances in which Timorese primary school leaders operate, as well as the thinking behind the local solutions school leaders adopt to resolve their school problems.

8.2.3.3.1 Results from the third research aim

Chapter Seven organised the current concerns of School Directors and School Coordinators into three broad themes, namely ‘teaching and learning’, ‘infrastructure’, and ‘leadership development’. The chapter then described the strategies that primary school leaders in 196

Timor-Leste adopted to deal with the problems that they encounter in their work. Those strategies deemed to be successful consisted of ‘engaging with the PTA, community and other relevant bodies’, ‘drawing on life experiences’, ‘participating in peer-to-peer meetings’, ‘following MoE protocols’, and ‘establishing internal school rules’.

Assertion

Primary school leaders in Timor-Leste conduct their work in a context of complex, interrelated sub-standard conditions, which place further strain on an already weak education system. Working in sub-standard environments, constrains school leaders’ ability to steer their school towards achieving the educational outcomes needed to transition Timor-Leste to a middle-income economy.

In many government schools of Timor-Leste, primary school leaders’ grapple with basic education necessities. A significant number of them have had to contend daily with problems of overcrowded classrooms and high student-to-teacher ratios, inadequate school fencing, and a chronic under supply of textbooks, to name but a few. Furthermore, many schools are often littered with rubbish and animal faeces. School leaders, teachers and students have, as a result, to interrupt their teaching time to clean the school surroundings.

While this undoubtedly takes time away from valuable classroom teaching, it can be perceived by school leaders as being necessary in order to instil a sense of pride and dignity within the school community (I6.EBF.R.ADC; I18.EBF.C.AF; I27.EBF.L.FS).

In addition, primary school leaders say that they tend to follow due process by formally requesting financial support from the national MoE to erect fencing and other adequate barriers around school grounds, to protect building and land from disruptive

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outside intrusion. However, school leaders claim they often do not receive a response from the MoE in relation to their written request regarding what they sees as a basic school necessity. The few school leaders who do receive a response from the MoE, are more often than not, they say, informed that their request cannot be met due to budget limitations or other completing priorities, and are told that other schools in Timor-Leste are also encountering similar challenges.

A substantial number of School Directors and School Coordinators consider some of the problems they experience to be mundane yet serious. They further note that these could become compounded as enrolment numbers continue to increase annually, putting further strain on an already weak education system. Therefore, it seems reasonable that rising student enrolment numbers should be matched by improvements in available funding, facilities and services for Timor-Leste primary schools.

In summary, it can be argued that the current Basic Education system in Timor-

Leste, despite having made substantial progress since 2002 to increase access and improve quality, is still grappling with basic education necessities. This, in turn, is constraining school leaders’ ability to lead primary schools effectively, due, in part, to the low socio- economic development of school communities, leading to lack of local finance to invest in trying to improve the school environment through providing adequate facilities. Basic education necessities include having adequate classroom sizes, sufficient textbooks, school fencing, and enough classroom chairs and desks. These matters, if left unaddressed, could significantly impede the GoTL aspirations of achieving the transformational education outcomes necessary to help Timor-Leste to make the transition to a middle-income economy by 2030.

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8.3 Transferability of the results

The three main aims of the reported study were to develop an understanding of the historical background to primary school leadership in East Timor, of the recent developments in relation to primary school leadership in Timor-Leste, and of the current concerns of Timor-Leste primary school leaders, and the strategies that they adopt to deal with those concerns. The research was designed to focus on discovery, insight and understanding, especially from the point of view of the perspectives of primary school leaders, and thus to contribute to the knowledge base and practice of leadership at the primary school level in the nation. However, because of the “uniqueness of human events” and the “particularistic” nature of qualitative research, the results of this study limit the extent to which they can be considered transferable (Yin, 2011, p. 98), or, in other words, the “extent to which findings of one study can be transferred to other situations” (Merriam,

2009, p. 223).

Specifically regarding the third research question, the study participants were primary school leaders working in 14 government primary schools located in two

Municipalities of Timor-Leste. Thus, it could be suggested that the study’s results are limited because it focused only on two Municipalities. However, it may also be argued that the results generated from this component of the research have relevance for other primary schools throughout the country. This is for two reasons. First, the education policies and practices that are prescribed by the national MoE are required to be implemented by all government primary schools in all of the Municipalities across the country. Secondly, the reported study focused on primary school leaders working in two administrative categories, namely, the School Director and the School Coordinator, who are under the aegis of the

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MoE throughout the country.

The main reason, however, why the results of the study are transferable is because readers can potentially draw on them in order to understand their own and others’ situations

(O’Donoghue, 2007). In this regard, Geertz (1973, p. 6-7) recommended that researchers provide a “thick description” of the context and phenomenon in question to enable readers to decide on the degree of transferability of the outcomes of the study to other situations.

Burns (1994, p. 327) referred to this as “reader or user generalisability”. Specifically, primary school leaders and other providers of primary education in post-conflict and/ or developing countries can relate to the insights generated by the reported study and reflect upon their own situations. In addition, understandings arising from the study can be used as a valuable framework for researchers wishing to engage in related studies in Timor-Leste and in other post-conflict and/ or developing country settings. To help on this, the research context, participants, and research approach were described in detail. Taking account of them can enable readers to determine the degree of transferability of the results to their own situations.

8.4 Implications of the research for the literature, for further research and for policy development and practice

The results of the study reported in this thesis may have implications in the substantive area of school leadership for primary schools in Timor-Leste. Those related to research questions One and Two provide a framework that can be used to contextualise and understand current issues facing primary school leaders in the country. Such understanding, it is held, is critical for addressing current school leadership problems. Attention is now turned to examining implications of the study for the existing body of academic literature, 200

for further research, and for policy development and practice.

8.4.1 Implications of the study for the literature

There seems to be a strong belief among scholars that the literature on educational leadership has been dominated by reflecting on the experiences of practices emanating from developed and Western countries, and that it is very impoverished in its treatment of experiences from developing nations. Many, including Harber and Davies (1997), Otunga,

Serema and Kindiki (2008), Oplatka (2004), and Moorosi and Bush (2011) have made this observation and recommend that more empirical research on educational leadership should be undertaken in developing countries in order to address the gap. The reported study is one contribution in this regard.

As discussed in Chapter Three, the scant literature on school leadership and management in developing countries has focused more on the challenges that affect school leaders (Bush, 2008; Bush & Oduro, 2006; Harber & Davies, 1997; Otunga et al., 2008) than it has on the strategies those leaders adopted to deal with the problems they encounter.

In contrast, the study reported here has revealed both challenges, and strategies that primary school leaders use to deal with the concerns they encounter at the individual school level. In doing so, it contributes to filling a void in the existing literature on effective school leadership and management in developing countries.

Relatedly, the reported study contributes to addressing a gap in terms of related academic literature and empirical research on leadership in education because it provides insight into the unique experiences and practices in a specific context, namely, Timor-

Leste, which has previously not been the subject of such an investigation. Moreover, it can

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contribute a deep understanding of complex and interlinked relationships that exist between education, conflict, and education reconstruction in post-conflict settings, and particularly in relation to the micro-level of the school.

8.4.2 Implications of the study for further research

The literature reviewed in Chapter Three of this thesis revealed that the area of educational leadership in post-conflict contexts has been neglected as a subject of academic attention.

Research specifically into school leadership is even more barren terrain (Clarke &

O’Donoghue, 2013). It is hoped, therefore, that the study reported here will serve to promote further research into ‘school leadership’ in post-conflict societies. In this connection, Clarke and Wildy (2010) have argued for the construction of a research base embedded in the day-to-day realities of the context in which schools are located. This reiterates Gronn and Ribbins (1996) exhortation for research that captures the reality of school leaders in diverse contexts. Therefore, further interpretive research has the potential to provide descriptive and detailed insights into the realities of the work of school leaders in diverse and atypical contexts, such as those of post-conflict and developing world societies.

Another implication of the reported study for further research relates to the need to conduct interviews with primary school teachers. Such interviews should focus on what

School Directors and School Coordinators in the study have reported about their teachers.

School leaders in the study that has been reported here stated that a significant number of their teachers lack proficiency in the language of instruction, and that they struggle to control the large number of students that are in classrooms. This suggests that investigating teachers’ perspectives on the challenges facing schools may provide additional valuable

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insights into primary education and primary school leadership in post-conflict Timor-Leste.

In addition, future researchers could also extend the ‘voice’ reported so that it moves beyond School Directors and School Coordinators, to include that of other important education participants, including school community members and primary school students.

To do so would elicit rich, contextualised descriptions of significant place-based influences that relate to the work of school leaders in such settings.

Finally, it may also be instructive to extend future research on school leadership in

Timor-Leste to privately-run primary schools, in order to ascertain the extent to which there is variation in the strategies and leadership styles adopted by school leaders to deal with problems encountered at the micro-level within them. In particular, investigating how private schools are led and managed might reveal valuable political, social, cultural, economic and religious influences at play in relation to leadership and management of school operations, and thus contribute to the elucidation of the relationship between school leadership and context.

8.4.3 Implications of the study for policy development and practice

8.4.3.1 Implications of the study for improving policy development

The study reported in this thesis has also revealed that School Directors and School

Coordinators in government primary schools of Timor-Leste, are attempting to implement an education system in which policy development tends to be debated and developed by education officials who are removed from the complex and interrelated day-to-day realities of school operations. Therefore, primary school leaders in urban, rural and remote schools

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of Timor-Leste could offer an important ‘voice’ in all stages of education policy formulation, development, implementation and monitoring, in order to ensure that policies are informed by the ‘lived experiences’ of those involved at the service delivery level. In this regard, education policies in Timor-Leste that are evidence-based and that incorporate the diversity encountered by school leaders at the three tiers of government primary schools

(urban, rural and remote) are required.

8.4.3.2 Implications of the study for practice

The study reported here further revealed that there is a need to significantly improve leadership practices in primary schools of Timor-Leste. The study provides first hand insights from School Directors and School Coordinators that portray the reality of leadership at the individual school level that arguably, would otherwise be unknown. On this, the results offer key areas for consideration by current and aspiring school leaders, education policy makers, teachers, students, parents, and members of school communities, on the unique and complex operations of government primary schools in Timor-Leste.

The results reveal that those guiding the process of initial leadership preparation, as well as ongoing leadership learning and development, need to take cognisance of the day- to-day circumstances of school leaders’ work. In this connection, Clarke and O’Donoghue

(2016) have posited a set of interconnected principles about leadership in diverse contexts that may be applicable to school leaders of Timor-Leste, namely, school leaders should be sensitive to their own contexts, school leaders should apply contextually responsive strategies, and school leaders should be flexible in their strategies.

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In relation to the principle that school leaders should be sensitive to their own contexts, the study describes the day-to-day circumstances in which Timorese school leaders operate in urban central schools and in resource-constrained rural filial schools.

They also provide insight into the relationships that exist between the primary school leader and the teachers, students, parents and community. On this, Clarke and O’Donoghue (2016) posited that school leaders should have the ability to ‘read’ the complexities of their context, especially the people, the problems and issues, as well as the culture of the school and the community in which it is located. Therefore, it is desirable that school leaders develop a nuanced understanding of the people, community, and geographic location in which they work (Kelly, 2017). It also needs to be emphasised, however, that school leaders’ sensitivity to context should not be confined to circumstances occurring in the micro-context of the school and its community (Clarke & O’Donogue, 2016). Rather,

School Directors and School Coordinators in Timor-Leste would also benefit from staying abreast of education developments at the macro-context environment (Lovett et al., 2014) and become sensitive to such influences as the historical, political, economic, cultural, religious and social contexts in which they are operating.

In relation to the principle that school leaders should apply contextually responsive strategies, the study describes the local strategies that School Directors and School

Coordinators adopt to resolve problems at the individual school level, such as engaging with the PTA, community and other relevant bodies. This concurs with the rationale that school leaders would benefit from being highly attuned to the unique and dynamic complexities of their school community (Clarke, Stevens & Wildy, 2006; Kelly, 2017).

Over time, they can determine areas of priority based on a holistic understanding of the

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intricate complexities of their school environment, and as their leadership practices mature and incremental improvements in school outcomes are realised.

In relation to the principle that school leaders should be flexible in their strategies, the study describes how School Directors and School Coordinators use a variety of approaches to resolve problems at the individual school level. What these approaches are depends on the specific problem that needs to be resolved. This concurs with the observation that school leaders should be able to adapt their approaches to suit different sets of circumstances (Clarke & O’Donoghue, 2016). In this connection, Hallinger (2010) has highlighted the need for processes of leadership preparation and development to promote flexibility in the employment of leadership styles and strategies.

8.5 Conclusion

It is hoped that the results of the study reported in this thesis will inform primary school leadership preparation, development and support in Timor-Leste. There is also a hope that it will inform policy development for improving the Basic Education system in the country.

Overall, they could serve as a useful reference to be used by the national MoE, education practitioners, Municipality school administrators, School Inspectors, and others in Timor-

Leste, as well as non-nationals, to reflect on their experiences and come up with ways of improving policy development and practice.

In order for education stakeholders to enhance leadership at the primary school level in Timor-Leste, they need, in particular, to be aware of the following current concerns of school leadership challenges:

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• School leaders and teachers are required to instruct in the Portuguese language,

that, in many cases, they are not fluent in either writing or speaking.

• School textbooks do not arrive at schools in time for the school calendar year,

and when they do arrive, there is often an under supply of textbooks to cater for

the number of enrolled students.

• Classrooms are often overcrowded due to inadequate classroom size, and the

high volume of students enrolled at the school.

• School leaders often have to contend with unwanted intrusion from outside

people and animals into the school surroundings, often as a result of inadequate

school fencing.

• There is a perceived lack of leadership development opportunities for school

leaders, and when it is offered, it is only after school leaders have assumed their

school leadership position.

It must be highlighted, however, that overstating these challenges could hinder academic debate and could paint an overly negative picture of primary school education and primary school leadership in Timor-Leste. What keeps primary schools running, despite the challenges described above, are the effective local strategies that school leaders adopt to deal with the problems encountered. That said, there is much room for continuing to improve primary school education generally, and primary school leadership specifically in

Timor-Leste.

Finally, the challenging circumstances within which school leaders operate in post-

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conflict Timor-Leste requires that capable, responsible and resilient primary school leaders, who are crucial for exercising contextually sensitive, contextually responsive, and flexible school leadership practices, be prepared. This requirement also calls for further research to be conducted into the realities of school leadership as understood and practised in such contexts in order to help inform leadership development and support programmes already underway in these settings. Furthermore, for primary school leadership in Timor-Leste to be effective, preparation should be informed by the day-to-day realities in which schools operate, rather than be driven by normative models of leadership that often have little application to those realities. Put differently, further research into the realities of school leadership as understood and practiced by those in charge at the individual school level, should inform leadership development and support programmes in a manner where likelihood of success is improved because the policies are ‘fit-for-purpose’ and context specific.

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