DOCSLIB.ORG

Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia HUMAN RIGHTS AND

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia HUMAN RIGHTS AND Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia HUMAN RIGHTS AND ACCOUNTABILITY Serbia 2003 0 1 Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia HUMAN RIGHTS AND ACCOUNTABILITY Serbia 2003 Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia PUBLISHER: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia FOR PUBLISHER: Sonja Biserko * * * TRANSLATED BY: Ivana Damjanovic Dragan Novakovic Spomenka Grujicic LAYOUT BY: Nebojsa Tasic HUMAN RIGHTS COVER DESIGNE: Ivan Hrasovec AND PRINTED BY: "Zagorac", Belgrade 2004 ACCOUNTABILITY NUMBER OF COPIES: 500 - Serbia 2003 - ISBN - 86-7208-090-4 This book was published thanks to the support of the Swedish Helsinki Committee for Human Rights Belgrade, 2004 2 3 Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia I am here to work for you and in behalf of you. But I cannot work instead of you. Zoran Djindjic 4 5 Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Introduction The Premier Zoran Djindjic assassination not only marked the year 2003 but will also – judging by ongoing developments – face Serbia with a historical crossroads: with one road leading towards Europe and another away from it. The murder of a reformist premier stalled reforms and put an end to the cooperation with The Hague Tribunal. And, moreover, it opened the door to Serbia’s radicalization. The DOS coalition's incapability and unwillingness to make a break with Milosevic’s policy, particularly the warring one, gave scope to restoration of the ancien regime that triumphed in the early parliamentary election. A creeping putsch almost achieved its goals in the period between Djindjic’s assassination and early parliamentary election. And it practically succeeded in spite of the international community’s endeavor to maintain the reformist course primarily by admitting the union of Serbia and Montenegro to the Council of Europe while the state of emergency in Serbia was still on. The entire opposition and most non-governmental organizations and media went for compromising and overthrowing the cabinet. The forces that have been delaying transition and democratization under the pretext that "national issue" should be solved first won the election. Refusing to admit that the national program has been defeated, the Serbian conservative elite turned to a new pillar of its populist policy: production of scandals and affairs. The pillar as such prevents the emergence of the alternative Serbia has been lacking ever since the downfall of the Berlin Wall. For, the same elite was not intent to pursue economic reforms but to disqualify its opponents. And that fully devaluated not only a genuine anti-corruption campaign, but also the very reforms. Electoral victory of the Serbian Radical Party and the Democratic Party of Serbia guarantees continuity to such policy that is already evident in ongoing debates on a new constitution, cooperation with The Hague Tribunal and perception of the state union, as well as in denial to face the past. Belgrade’s radicalized policy further destabilizes not only the country itself, but also the entire region. Djindjic’s assassination, at the same time, fully discloses the violence characteristic of the past decade – in battlefields and in Serbia’s political life alike. The trial of his murderers is most indicative in this context. From the very 6 7 Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Human Rights and Accountability beginning this trial was turned into a farce aimed at presenting a political developments that ensued the October 5 overthrow, but also Serbia throughout murder as a mafia showdown. Murders of Ivan Stambolic and Slavko Curuvija, the 20th century – its attitude towards "both" Yugoslavias and, especially, its as well as the assassination attempt at Vuk Draskovic burden the entire society perception of fundamental values of the Western democracy such as free and symbolize its inability to put an end to the vicious circle of political market, the rule of law and minority policy. With this in mind, it is obvious violence. The fact that a victim (Vuk Draskovic) makes a coalition with the that, the same as throughout the 20th century, today’s Serbia is deeply same people he accuses of assassination attempt is most oppressive indeed. antagonistic to the West. This is all about Serbia's resistance to reforms that Premier Djindjic was the torchbearer of reformist policy that was, in a have been turned down twice in 15 years only. Firstly, when the so-called anti- way, his personal mission and challenge. Taking into account what it had to bureaucratic revolution led to deposal of Prime Minister Ante Markovic. cope with after Zoran Djindjic was gunned down, the government he had Secondly, when Premier Zoran Djindjic was assassinated. Today’s Serbia moves formed was far from being inefficient. Over the past two years that same about without a definite destination, without a vision, without a policy to The government's actions were aimed at overall reforms. It managed to pull the Hague Tribunal, without perception of its recent past and without the idea country out of isolation and secure its international comeback. By using the about how to build its social system. October 5 change to launch reforms – for which he actually captured no Ongoing trials before The Hague Tribunal – the Milosevic trial in popular vote – Djindjic begun to chart the alternative. Now that he is gone, the particular – dramatically lay bare Milosevic's death machinery. Through plea in-house dynamism of his Democratic Party reflects this alternative. The state of bargains the Prosecution managed to have enough insiders take the stand and emergency declared under the circumstances accompanying his murder was testify about the Serbian Ministry of the Interior, the Yugoslav People's Army aimed at stabilizing the country and combating organized crime involved in the and Milosevic's connections with armies and police forces of the so-called assassination itself through the so-called Zemun Clan. In spite of the cases of Republika Srpska Krajina and Republika Srpska. When Milan Babic confessed overt violation of human rights, the international community backed the state that he had taken part in "prosecution of non-Serbs on religious and political of emergency and, moreover, took an unprecedented step: it admitted Serbia grounds," that was almost a prima facie evidence of Belgrade's aggression and Montenegro to the Council of Europe while the state of emergency was still against Croatia, ethnic cleansing, massive prosecution and crimes against on. Amply supported by the media and most non-governmental organizations, humanity. Babic's repentance exceeds a personal act, given its significance for the G17 Plus was a pillar of the anti-government campaign. Exposed to overall relations between Serbs and Croats in Croatia. However, in Serbia it scandals produced on daily basis, defamation of cabinet members and was qualified as a remorse "for personal gain" and, therefore, labeled as "a permanent pressure, the government was ultimately forced to call an early bigger sin that the one he repents." From a psychological angle, the truth parliamentary election. emerging from The Hague increasingly homogenizes masterminds of the war Unreadiness to face the recent past, wars and war crimes figures as a and warlords, who now resume the same arguments they once used as a major moral problem of the Serbian society. Facing the past is a premise of pretext for the war. On the other hand, the emerging truth unlocks the door to political freedom and thus of democratization, given that only awareness of all those that, faced with reality, pave the way to facing the past. The Serbian guilt leads to the awareness of solidarity and accountability. Apart from public – and elites in the first place – increasingly perceive The Hague Tribunal hindering a breakthrough in terms of European civilization’s values, this is a in a negative light. Nevertheless, the new government will have to accept the stumbling block in the way of stabilizing neighborly relations and regaining Tribunal as a top priority of its foreign policy agenda. According to foreign regional trust. To be efficient a project as such must be turned into a national policy experts close to Vojislav Kostunica, his government will be focused on policy backed by a nationwide consensus. For the time being, Serbia is "deposing Carla del Ponte." "If Rwanda's Tutsi managed to do that, why incapable of carrying out such project. For, the Serbian society and its elite in shouldn’t Serbs?" said one of those experts, Aleksandar Fatic."1 the first place, are unwilling to accept their own responsibility for the The outcome of early parliamentary election, the same as electoral developments that took place over the last decade of the 20th century. This is results of the presidential one that preceded, fully identified the actual state of best illustrated by Serbia’s attitude towards The Hague Tribunal and, affairs at the political scene that used to be rather blurred. Such outcome denied moreover, towards the trial of Slobodan Milosevic. the thesis about Serbia’s democratic potential or its democratic tradition. Military defeat and the past decade that never resulted in a bottom line, Today’s Serbia is somewhere in between a general wish to join Europe and a persistence in the Greater Serbia program, identity crisis and overall frustration militant conservativeness, which renounces responsibilities and obligations revived traditional conservativeness. The December early parliamentary implied in the European option. The very fact that Slobodan Milosevic and election contributed, in a way, to an insight into the state of affairs in Serbia. To better understand such electoral outcome, one should analyze not only the 1 Vecernje Novosti, February 23, 2004.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Housing in Serbia
    Contradictions and Antagonisms in (Anti-) Social(ist) Housing in Serbia Ana Vilenica London South Bank University [email protected] Abstract This article tackles contradictions of social housing in contemporary Serbia. It shows how residualised social housing does not bring justice to marginalised groups affected by capitalist expropriation. In this article, the term (anti-)social(ist) housing will be introduced to describe the historically grounded, incomplete, and contradictory solutions that social housing is currently offering in Serbia, as well as its anti-social nature. By focusing on a particular case study, the Kamendin project situated in Zemun Polje, one of the very few social housing projects in Belgrade, the article explores debt crises produced by mechanisms of social housing; the production of racism, segregation, and responsibilisation; and mechanisms of passing responsibility on all levels in an attempt of the state to spend as little money as possible. (Anti-)social(ist) housing is further assessed as a space of struggle that includes different survival and resistance tactics that are used in order to oppose social housing violence. Following that, the article will focus on the possibilities of the activist art project Kamendynamics and the theatre peace How does fascism not disappear? Zlatija Kostić: I sued myself to confront the racialisation and culturalisation of problems by introducing collaborative visual, class-based, and historical-materialist analyses. By documenting and conceptualising mechanisms of social housing and reflecting on the role of activist art within housing struggles, I aim to contribute to anti-segregation and anti-racist housing struggles in Eastern European cities and beyond.
    [Show full text]
  • Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W
    Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W. Ingrao, senior editor Gary B. Cohen, editor Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies A Scholars’ Initiative Edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert United States Institute of Peace Press Washington, D.C. D Purdue University Press West Lafayette, Indiana Copyright 2009 by Purdue University. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Second revision, May 2010. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars’ Initiative / edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert. p. cm. ISBN 978-1-55753-533-7 1. Yugoslavia--History--1992-2003. 2. Former Yugoslav republics--History. 3. Yugoslavia--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 4. Former Yugoslav republics--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 5. Ethnic conflict-- Yugoslavia--History--20th century. 6. Ethnic conflict--Former Yugoslav republics--History--20th century. 7. Yugoslav War, 1991-1995. 8. Kosovo War, 1998-1999. 9. Kosovo (Republic)--History--1980-2008. I. Ingrao, Charles W. II. Emmert, Thomas Allan, 1945- DR1316.C66 2009 949.703--dc22 2008050130 Contents Introduction Charles Ingrao 1 1. The Dissolution of Yugoslavia Andrew Wachtel and Christopher Bennett 12 2. Kosovo under Autonomy, 1974–1990 Momčilo Pavlović 48 3. Independence and the Fate of Minorities, 1991–1992 Gale Stokes 82 4. Ethnic Cleansing and War Crimes, 1991–1995 Marie-Janine Calic 114 5. The International Community and the FRY/Belligerents, 1989–1997 Matjaž Klemenčič 152 6. Safe Areas Charles Ingrao 200 7. The War in Croatia, 1991–1995 Mile Bjelajac and Ozren Žunec 230 8. Kosovo under the Milošević Regime Dusan Janjić, with Anna Lalaj and Besnik Pula 272 9.
    [Show full text]
  • "The Problem Is They See Us As a Whole"
    "The Problem Is They See Us As A Whole" Explaining Gender and Ethnicity-based Inequalities Among the Roma in Serbia “The Problem Is They See Us As A Whole”: Explaining Gender and Ethnicity-based Inequalities Among the Roma in Serbia © 2019 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. This publication was produced with the financial support of the Umbrella Facility for Gender Equality. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the World Bank. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this work is subject to copyright. Because the World Bank encourages dissemination of its knowledge, this work may be reproduced, in whole or in part, for noncommercial purposes as long as full attribution to this work is given. Any queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: 202-522-2625; e-mail: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800S-1900S
    The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800s-1900s February 2003 Katrin Bozeva-Abazi Department of History McGill University, Montreal A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 Contents 1. Abstract/Resume 3 2. Note on Transliteration and Spelling of Names 6 3. Acknowledgments 7 4. Introduction 8 How "popular" nationalism was created 5. Chapter One 33 Peasants and intellectuals, 1830-1914 6. Chapter Two 78 The invention of the modern Balkan state: Serbia and Bulgaria, 1830-1914 7. Chapter Three 126 The Church and national indoctrination 8. Chapter Four 171 The national army 8. Chapter Five 219 Education and national indoctrination 9. Conclusions 264 10. Bibliography 273 Abstract The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Military Academy University of Defence Military Academy
    Honour Is Our Asset Is Honour UNIVERSITY OF DEFENCE MILITARY ACADEMY UNIVERSITY OF DEFENCE Military Academy Honour Is Our Asset MILITARY ACADEMY – THE SOURCE OF KNOWLEDGE AND SKILLS The Military Academy is a higher education and scientific institution of the University of Defence of the Republic of Serbia Ministry of Defence. It is the main pillar of educational activities for the Ministry of Defence and the Armed Forces of Serbia. Education at the Military Academy comprises a strongly connected set of academic programmes, military training and professional development of the command staff. MISSION OF THE MILITARY ACADEMY “Through the military education system, the identity of a professional officer as an honourable, loyal, and trained leader, prepared for intellectual and ethical challenges of an officer’s vocation in service of the homeland – the Republic of Serbia – is to be built.” THE AIM OF EDUCATION PROCESS The aim of education at the Military Academy is to prepare officers for the initial duties in their branch or service, according to the missions and tasks of the Armed Forces of Serbia, and to enable their further professional development. MILITARY ACADEMY TODAY Today, after 160 years of the successful application and implementation of military education, the Military Academy, in the scope of the defence reforms in our country, stands committed to full integration into the system of higher education in the Republic of Serbia, while observing and studying the experiences of military education in the countries of our region, and the NATO and Partnership for Peace member countries, as well as preserving all the historical and traditional values acquired through the long and fruitful history of military education in Serbia.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Security Sector Governance in Serbia
    PRIF-Reports No. 94 Democratic Security Sector Governance in Serbia Filip Ejdus This report was prepared with the kind support of the Volkswagen-Stiftung. Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2010 Correspondence to: PRIF Baseler Straße 27-31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49(0)69 95 91 04-0 Fax: +49(0)69 55 84 81 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-942532-04-4 Euro 10.- Summary On 5 October 2000, the citizens of Serbia toppled Slobodan Milošević in what came to be known as the “Bulldozer Revolution”. This watershed event symbolizes not only the end of a decade of authoritarian rule but also the beginning of a double transition: from authoritarian rule to democracy, on the one hand, and from a series of armed conflicts to peace, on the other. This transition has thoroughly transformed Serbian politics in general and Serbia’s security sector in particular. This October, Serbia’s democracy celebrated its tenth anniversary. The jubilee is an appropriate opportunity to reflect on the past decade. With this aim in mind, the report will seek to analyse the impact of democratization on security sector governance in Serbia over the period 2000-2010. In order to do so, in the first part of the report we have developed an analytical framework for studying democratic security sector governance, which is defined as the transparent organization and management of the security sector based on the accountability of decision-makers, respect for the rule of law and human rights, checks and balances, equal representation, active civic participation, public agreement and democratic oversight.
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia in 2001 Under the Spotlight
    1 Human Rights in Transition – Serbia 2001 Introduction The situation of human rights in Serbia was largely influenced by the foregoing circumstances. Although the severe repression characteristic especially of the last two years of Milosevic’s rule was gone, there were no conditions in place for dealing with the problems accumulated during the previous decade. All the mechanisms necessary to ensure the exercise of human rights - from the judiciary to the police, remained unchanged. However, the major concern of citizens is the mere existential survival and personal security. Furthermore, the general atmosphere in the society was just as xenophobic and intolerant as before. The identity crisis of the Serb people and of all minorities living in Serbia continued. If anything, it deepened and the relationship between the state and its citizens became seriously jeopardized by the problem of Serbia’s undefined borders. The crisis was manifest with regard to certain minorities such as Vlachs who were believed to have been successfully assimilated. This false belief was partly due to the fact that neighbouring Romania had been in a far worse situation than Yugoslavia during the past fifty years. In considerably changed situation in Romania and Serbia Vlachs are now undergoing the process of self identification though still unclear whether they would choose to call themselves Vlachs or Romanians-Vlachs. Considering that the international factor has become the main generator of change in Serbia, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia believes that an accurate picture of the situation in Serbia is absolutely necessary. It is essential to establish the differences between Belgrade and the rest of Serbia, taking into account its internal diversities.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a New Transitional Justice Model: Assessing the Serbian Case
    BAKER FINAL (DO NOT DELETE) 12/7/2009 9:36 AM Towards A New Transitional Justice Model: Assessing the Serbian Case ROOZBEH (RUDY) B. BAKER* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 172 II. A SURVEY OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE EPISODES ................................................ 176 A. The Concept and Existence of the “Pact” ............................................... 177 1. Negotiated Pacts............................................................................... 178 a. Negotiated Prior to Transition.................................................. 178 b. Negotiated in the Midst of the Transition.................................. 180 2. Imposed Pacts................................................................................... 181 a. Imposed by Old Regime ............................................................ 181 b. Imposed by New Regime ........................................................... 182 3. Absent or Broken Pacts..................................................................... 183 B. Specific Types of Legal Institutions.......................................................... 184 1. Regular (Domestic) Courts............................................................... 185 2. Special (Domestic) Courts ................................................................ 186 3. Quasi-Judicial Institutions................................................................ 187 C. Putting the Pieces Together: A Typology
    [Show full text]
  • Third Amended Indictment
    THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA CASE NO. IT-01-42-PT THE PROSECUTOR OF THE TRIBUNAL AGAINST PAVLE STRUGAR THIRD AMENDED INDICTMENT The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, pursuant to her authority under Article 18 of the Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ("the Statute of the Tribunal") charges: PAVLE STRUGAR With VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR as set forth below: THE ACCUSED: 1. Pavle STRUGAR was born on 13 July 1933 in Pec, in present-day Kosovo. He graduated from the Military Academy for Ground Forces in 1952 and was thereafter assigned to various Yugoslav Peoples’ Army (the "JNA") posts in the Socialist Republic of Slovenia and the Socialist Republic of Serbia. He subsequently was promoted to Major General and was named Commander of the Military Academy for Ground Forces. In 1989, he was made the Commander of the Territorial Defence forces in the Socialist Republic of Montenegro. In December 1989, he was promoted to Lieutenant General. In October 1991, he was named as the Commander of the Second Operational Group, which was formed by the JNA to conduct the military campaign against the Dubrovnik region of the Republic of Croatia ("Croatia"). In 1993 he was retired from the Yugoslav Army (the "VJ"). Among the formations subordinated to him was the Ninth VPS commanded by Miodrag JOKIC. INDIVIDUAL CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY 2. As commander of the JNA Second Operational Group set up to conduct the Dubrovnik campaign, General Pavle STRUGAR exercised both de jure and de facto power over the forces under his command.
    [Show full text]
  • AN EXAMPLE of NOISE ABATEMENT MEASURES for RAILWAY LINE Aleksandar Gajicki1, Momir Praščević2
    AN EXAMPLE OF NOISE ABATEMENT MEASURES FOR RAILWAY LINE Aleksandar Gajicki1, Momir Praščević2 1 PhD Student, University of Nis, Faculty of Occupational Safety, Serbia, [email protected] 1 Institute of Transportation CIP, Nemanjina 6,11000 Beograd, Serbia, [email protected] 2 University of Nis, Faculty of Occupational Safety, Serbia, [email protected] Abstract - Reconstruction and modernization of railway modeling software package “Predictor-LimA Software Suite - section from Beograd Centar to Stara Pazova with total Type 7810“. length of 34.7 kilometers, provides upgrading of existing railway line in double-track line with the designed speed up 2. PROJECT DESCRIPTION to 200 km/h. The paper discusses the current state of the The existing double-track line from Beograd Centar to environment in terms of noise, and possible impacts during Batajnica will continue as it is but overhaul and construction and exploitation of the railway line. Procedure modernization works will be undertaken. Only passenger for developing a simulation model of railway traffic, noise traffic was planned on this section; freight traffic will be mapping, annoyance analysis, design procedure for possible in exceptional circumstances. optimizing of noise barriers and a proposal of noise abatement measures are presented. The calculation of noise Passenger and freight traffic will be merged and split in propagation, annoyance analysis and optimization of noise Batajnica station within the group of tracks belonging to barriers were made using simulation modeling software Belgrade Railway Junction. In addition, Batajnica will be the package “Predictor-LimA Software Suite - Type 7810“. For terminal station for urban-suburban railway traffic in the City 477 houses which were exposed to excessive noise levels of Belgrade.
    [Show full text]
  • Serbische Vergangenheitsaufarbeitung
    Daniela Mehler Serbische Vergangenheitsaufarbeitung 2015-08-14 09-32-58 --- Projekt: transcript.titeleien / Dokument: FAX ID 0335405936593978|(S. 1- 4) TIT2850.p 405936593980 Daniela Mehler arbeitet als Referentin in der Präsidialabteilung der Goethe-Uni- versität Frankfurt am Main. 2015-08-14 09-32-58 --- Projekt: transcript.titeleien / Dokument: FAX ID 0335405936593978|(S. 1- 4) TIT2850.p 405936593980 Daniela Mehler Serbische Vergangenheitsaufarbeitung Normwandel und Deutungskämpfe im Umgang mit Kriegsverbrechen, 1991-2012 2015-08-14 09-32-58 --- Projekt: transcript.titeleien / Dokument: FAX ID 0335405936593978|(S. 1- 4) TIT2850.p 405936593980 Zugl.: Jena, Univ., Diss., 2013 Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deut- schen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. © 2015 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld Die Verwertung der Texte und Bilder ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages ur- heberrechtswidrig und strafbar. Das gilt auch für Vervielfältigungen, Überset- zungen, Mikroverfilmungen und für die Verarbeitung mit elektronischen Sys- temen. Umschlagkonzept: Kordula Röckenhaus, Bielefeld Umschlagabbildung: Ausgesondertes Polizeifahrzeug in Belgrad, 2007 (Daniela Mehler) Lektorat & Satz: Jan Wenke, Leipzig Printed in Germany Print-ISBN 978-3-8376-2850-0 PDF-ISBN 978-3-8394-2850-4 Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier mit chlorfrei gebleichtem Zellstoff. Besuchen Sie uns im Internet: http://www.transcript-verlag.de Bitte fordern Sie unser Gesamtverzeichnis und andere Broschüren an unter: [email protected] 2015-08-14 09-32-58 --- Projekt: transcript.titeleien / Dokument: FAX ID 0335405936593978|(S. 1- 4) TIT2850.p 405936593980 Inhalt Abkürzungsverzeichnis | 7 Danksagung | 9 1. Einleitung | 11 1.1 Forschungsstand, Leerstellen, Innovationen | 13 1.2 Theoretische Einbettung | 21 1.3 Vergangenheitsaufarbeitung | 32 1.4 Analyseschritte und Operationalisierung | 41 1.5 Material | 44 2.
    [Show full text]
  • TIME to REFLECT Ambassador of Serbia Dr Ognjen Pribićević Writes on the 180Th Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations Between Serbia and the UK
    30 SERBIA SERBIAN PRIME MINISTER ALEKSANDAR VUCIC AND BRITISH FOREIGN SECRETARY BORIS JOHNSON PAY THEIR RESPECTS AT THE COMMONWEALTH MILITARY CEMETERY IN BELGRADE ON 11 NOVEMBER, 2016, ARMISTICE DAY TIME TO REFLECT Ambassador of Serbia Dr Ognjen Pribićević writes on the 180th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Serbia and the UK HIS YEAR MARKS the 180th anniversary wrote the first history of modern Serbia in English, calledA of the establishment of diplomatic Fragment of History of Servia. relations between Serbia and the United Furthermore, these strong ties were reinforced by a close Kingdom. This short review will focus on alliance in both World Wars. One of the best examples of events that were particularly important in this outstanding friendship can be found amoungst the connecting our peoples and contributing to British and Scottish women who volunteered in Serbia as a better understanding between them. By their timeless T doctors, nurses and drivers during World War I. Lady Paget, importance and values they reflect, these events left a deep imprint lasting to the present-day. Captain Flora Sanders, Miss Emily Simmonds, Mrs Ada Barlow, Miss Violet O’Brien, Miss Ada Mann, Miss Rebeca It all started back in 1837, when Serbian Prince Milos Hartney, Mrs Barber and Dr Elsie Inglis were heroines who Obrenovic received letters of credence from Colonel selflessly and devotedly helped our wounded soldiers in the Hodges, a British consul in Kragujevac, the then capital Great War. For outstanding acts of bravery, Dr Inglis was of the Princedom of Serbia. This event marked the official the first woman to be awarded the highest Serbian medal – start of diplomatic relations between the two countries.
    [Show full text]