Beihefte zur Mediaevistik: Band 29 2016

Andrea Grafetstätter / Sieglinde Hartmann / James Ogier (eds.) 2016

, Islands · and Cities in Medieval Myth, Literature, and History. Papers Delivered at the International Medieval Congress, Univer-sity of Leeds, in 2005, 2006, and 2007 (2011) Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), „vmbringt mit starcken turnen, murn“. Ortsbefesti- Band 29 gungen im Mittelalter (2010)

Hiram Kümper (Hrsg.), eLearning & Mediävistik. Mittelalter lehren und lernen im neumedialen Zeitalter (2011)

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), Symbole der Macht? Aspekte mittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher Architektur (2012)

N. Peter Joosse, The Physician as a Rebellious Intellectual. The Book of the Two Pieces of Advice or Kitāb al-Naṣīḥatayn by cAbd al-Laṭīf ibn Yūsuf al-Baghdādī (1162–1231) (2013)

Meike Pfefferkorn, Zur Semantik von rike in der Sächsischen Weltchronik. Reden über Herrschaft in der frühen deutschen Chronistik - Transforma- tionen eines politischen Schlüsselwortes (2014)

Eva Spinazzè, La luce nell'architettura sacra: spazio e orientazione nelle chiese del X-XII secolo tra Romandie e Toscana. Including an English summary. Con una introduzione di Xavier Barral i Altet e di Manuela Incerti (2016)

Christa Agnes Tuczay (Hrsg.), Jenseits. Eine mittelalterliche und mediävis- tische Imagination. Interdisziplinäre Ansätze zur Analyse des Unerklär- lichen (2016)

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen LANG MEDIAEVISTIK

MEDI 29-2016 271583-160x230 Br-AM PLE.indd 1 24.01.17 KW 04 09:06 Beihefte zur Mediaevistik: Band 29 2016

Andrea Grafetstätter / Sieglinde Hartmann / James Ogier (eds.) 2016

, Islands · and Cities in Medieval Myth, Literature, and History. Papers Delivered at the International Medieval Congress, Univer-sity of Leeds, in 2005, 2006, and 2007 (2011) Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), „vmbringt mit starcken turnen, murn“. Ortsbefesti- Band 29 gungen im Mittelalter (2010)

Hiram Kümper (Hrsg.), eLearning & Mediävistik. Mittelalter lehren und lernen im neumedialen Zeitalter (2011)

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), Symbole der Macht? Aspekte mittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher Architektur (2012)

N. Peter Joosse, The Physician as a Rebellious Intellectual. The Book of the Two Pieces of Advice or Kitāb al-Naṣīḥatayn by cAbd al-Laṭīf ibn Yūsuf al-Baghdādī (1162–1231) (2013)

Meike Pfefferkorn, Zur Semantik von rike in der Sächsischen Weltchronik. Reden über Herrschaft in der frühen deutschen Chronistik - Transforma- tionen eines politischen Schlüsselwortes (2014)

Eva Spinazzè, La luce nell'architettura sacra: spazio e orientazione nelle chiese del X-XII secolo tra Romandie e Toscana. Including an English summary. Con una introduzione di Xavier Barral i Altet e di Manuela Incerti (2016)

Christa Agnes Tuczay (Hrsg.), Jenseits. Eine mittelalterliche und mediävis- tische Imagination. Interdisziplinäre Ansätze zur Analyse des Unerklär- lichen (2016)

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen LANG MEDIAEVISTIK

MEDI 29-2016 271583-160x230 Br-AM PLE.indd 1 24.01.17 KW 04 09:06 Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen

Band 29 · 2016 Stabskirche in Heddal, Notodden, Telemark, in Norwegen (Bild Peter Dinzelbacher)

ISSN 0934-7453 ISSN-Internet: 2199-806X © Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2017 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Peter Lang Edition ist ein Imprint der Peter Lang GmbH. Peter Lang – Frankfurt am Main · Bern · Bruxelles · New York · Oxford · Warszawa · Wien Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. www.peterlang.com Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 1

Inhalt

Aufsätze

John M. Jeep, Das Rolandslied: Stabreimende Wortpaare im Frühmittelhochdeutschen______11 Werner Schäfke, Auf den Leib geschriebene Rollen und eingefleischte Eigenschaften. Körpersymbolik und soziale Rollensysteme in altnordischer Dichtung und Prosa______39 Jan Alexander van Nahl, The Medieval Mood of Contingency. Chance as a Shaping Factor in Hákonar saga góða and Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar______81 Jalal abd Alghani, Medieval Readership, the Loving Poet and the Creation of the Exquisite Ode: A Note on Ibn Zaydūn’s Nūniyya and the Poetic Visualization of Love______99 Deborah Fraioli, Heloise’s First Letter as a Response to the Historia Calamitatum_ 119 Masza Siltek, The Threefold Movement of St. Adalbert’s Head______143 Albrecht Classen, The Transnational and the Transcultural in Medieval German Literature: Spatial Identity and Pre-Modern Concepts of Nationhood in the Works of Wolfram von Eschenbach, Gottfried von Straßburg, Rudolf von Ems, and Konrad von Würzburg______175 Juan Carlos Bayo, El dilema de la resolución del signo tironiano en el Cantar de Mio Cid______195 Inti Athanasios Yanes-Fernandez, Poetics of Dreams: The Narrative Meaning of the Dream-Chronotope in The House of Fame and La Vida es Sueño______207 Werner Heinz, Heilige Längen. Zu den Maßen des Christus- und des Mariengrabes in Bebenhausen______245 Teodoro Patera, Signes du corps, corps du récit : les traces corporelles dans le Roman de Tristan de Béroul______269 Huw Grange, In Praise of Fragments. A Manuscript of the Prose Tristan in Châlons-en-Champagne______287 2 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Rezensionen

Gesamtes Mittelalter

Alexander the Great in the Middle Ages: Transcultural Perspectives, ed. Markus Stock (A. CLASSEN)______307 Gerd Althoff, Kontrolle der Macht. Formen und Regeln politischer Beratung im Mittelalter (J. A. VAN NAHL)______308 Oliver Auge, Christiane Witthöft, Hg., Ambiguität im Mittelalter. Formen zeitgenössischer Reflexion und interdisziplinärer Rezeption (J. A. VAN NAHL)__ 310 Sverre Bagge, Cross & Scepter. The Rise of the Scandiavian Kingdoms from the Vikings to the Reformation (J. A. VAN NAHL)______311 János M. Bak and Ivan Jurković, ed., Chronicon: Medieval Narrative Sources. A Chronological Guide with Introductory Essays (G. VERCAMER)______313 Keagan Brewer, compiler and translator, Prester John: The Legend and its Sources (R. J. CORMIER)______314 Byzantine Images and their Afterlives: Essays in Honour of Annemarie Weyl Carr (G. W. TROMPF)______316 The Character of Christian-Muslim Encounter. Essays in Honour of David Thomas, ed. (J. JAKOB)______318 Albrecht Classen, ed., Mental Health, Spirituality, and Religion in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age. Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture (H. HARTMANN)______320 Albrecht Classen, Reading Medieval European Women Writers. Strong Literary Witnesses from the Past (B. LUNDT)______323 Albrecht Classen, ed., Death in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times: The Material and Spiritual Conditions of the Culture of Death (C. STANFORD)__ 325 Giuseppe Di Stefano, ed., Nouveau Dictionnaire Historique des Locutions: Ancien Français – Moyen Français – Renaissance (W. SAYERS)______329 The World of St. Francis of Assisi. Essays in Honor of William R. Cook, ed. (K. PANSTERS)______330 Sandra Hindman with Scott Miller, Intro. by Diana Scarisbrick, Take this Ring: Medieval and Renaissance Rings from the Griffin Collection (A. CLASSEN)____ 332 Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München. Die Handschriften aus den Klöstern Altenhohenau und Altomünster: Clm 2901–2966 sowie Streubestände gleicher Provenienz (J. M. JEEP)______333 Katalog der mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn beschrieben von Jürgen Geiß (J. M. JEEP)______336 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 3

Patricia Clare Ingham, The Medieval New: Ambivalence in an Age of Innovation. The Middle Ages Series (R. J. CORMIER)______339 Madeline Jeay, Póétique de la nomination dans la lyrique médiévale. “Mult volentiers me numerai (W. PFEFFER)______340 Richard W. Kaeuper, Medieval Chivalry (A. CLASSEN)______344 Klaus Krack und Gustav Oberholzer, Die Ostausrichtung der mittelalterlichen Kirchen und Gräber (T. HORST)______346 Lexikon der regionalen Literaturgeschichte des Mittelalters: Ungarn und Rumänien. Hrsg. Von Cora Dietl und Anna-Lena Liebermann (A. CLASSEN)___ 348 Emily Lyle, Ten Gods: A New Approach to Defining the Mythological Structures of the Indo-Europeans (W. SAYERS)______350 Magia daemoniaca, magia naturalis, zouber: Schreibweisen von Magie und Alchemie in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, hrsg. Peter-André Alt, Jutta Eming, Tilo Renz und Volkhard Wels (A. CLASSEN)______351 Bert Roest, Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission c. 1220–1650 (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______353 Rothenburg ob der Tauber. Geschichte der Stadt und ihres Umlandes, ed. Horst F. Rupp and Karl Borchardt (D. NICHOLAS)______356 Irmgard Rüsenberg, Liebe und Leid, Kampf und Grimm: Gefühlswelten in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters (A. CLASSEN)______358 Sacred Histories: A Festschrift for Máire Herbert, ed. John Carey (W. SAYERS)__ 359 Rüdiger Schnell, Haben Gefühle eine Geschichte? Aporien einer History of emotions (A. CLASSEN)______361 Schaumburg im Mittelalter. Hrsg. von Stefan Brüdermann (A. WOLF)______365 Town and Country in Medieval North Western Europe. Dynamic Interactions, ed. Alexis Wilkin (D. NICHOLAS)______370 Travels and Mobilities in the Middle Ages: From the Atlantic to the Baltic Sea, ed. Marianne O’Doherty and Felicitas Schmieder (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER)______371 E. R. Truitt, Medieval Robots: Mechanism, Magic, Nature, and Art (C. M. CUSACK)______373 Verstellung und Betrug im Mittelalter und in der mittelalterlichen Literatur, hrsg. Matthias Meyer und Alexander Sager (A. CLASSEN)______375 Welterfahrung und Welterschließung in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, hrsg. Anna Kathrin Bleuler (A. CLASSEN)______379 Helmut Zander, „Europäische“ Religionsgeschichte (M. J. ORTUZAR ESCUDERO)______381 4 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Zwischen Rom und Santiago: Festschrift für Klaus Herbers zum 65. Geburtstag, hrsg. Claudia Alraum, Andreas Holndonner, Hans-Christian Lehner, et al. (A. CLASSEN)______384

Frühmittelalter

Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch; Elmar Seebold. Chronologisches Wörterbuch des deutschen Wortschatzes. Der Wortschatz des 8. Jahrhunderts (und frühere Quellen) (Titelabkürzung: ChWdW8); Zweiter Band. Der Wortschatz des 9. Jahrhunderts (Titelabkürzung ChWdW9) (J. M. JEEP)______387 Ava: Geistliche Dichtungen, hrsg. Maike Claußnitzer und Kassandra Sperl (A. CLASSEN)______391 Calcidius, On Plato’s Timaeus (R. J. CORMIER)______392 Tomás Ó Cathasaigh, Coire Sois, The Cauldron of Knowledge: A Companion to Early Irish Saga (R. J. CORMIER)______394 Alice Jorgensen, Frances McCormack, and Jonathan Wilcox, ed., Anglo-Saxon Emotions: Reading the Heart in Old English Language, Literature and Culture (C. M. CUSACK)______396 Albert Derolez, The Making and Meaning of the Liber Floridus: A Study of the Original Manuscript, Ghent, University Library MS 92 (S. G. BRUCE)______399 Ekkehart IV. von St. Gallen. Hg. von Norbert Kössinger, Elke Krotz und Stephan Müller (J. M. JEEP)______400 Joel Kalvesmaki and Robin Darling Young, ed., Evagrius and His Legacy (T. FARMER)______403 Achim Thomas Hack, Karolinger Kaiser als Sportler: Ein Beitrag zur frühmittelalterlichen Körpergeschichte (A. CLASSEN)______405 Akihiro Hamano. Die frühmittelhochdeutsche Genesis. Synoptische Ausgabe nach der Wiener, Millstätter und Vorauer Handschrift (J. M. JEEP)______406 Gerald Kapfhammer, Die Evangelienharmonie Tatian. Studien zum Codex Sangallensis 56 (H. HARTMANN)______409 Bernard Pouderon, ed., Les Romans grecs et latins et leurs réécritures modernes: Études sur la réception de l’ancien roman, du Moyen Age à la fin du XIXe siècle (R. J. CORMIER)______411 Dieter Geuenich and Uwe Ludwig, ed., Libri vitae: Gebetsgedenken in der Gesellschaft des Frühen Mittelalters (S. G. BRUCE)______413 The Long Twelfth-Century View of the Anglo-Saxon Past, ed. Martin Brett and David A. Woodman (A. BREEZE)______414 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 5

Megan Cavell, Weaving Words and Binding Bodies: The Poetics of Human Experience in Old English Literature (J. M. HILL)______415 Judith Jesch, The Viking Diaspora. The Medieval World Series (A. SAUCKEL)__ 417 Carla Harder, Pseudoisidor und das Papsttum. Funktion und Bedeutung des apostolischen Stuhls in den pseudoisidorischen Fälschungen (A. RAFFEINER)______418 John F. Romano, Liturgy and Society in Early Medieval Rome (S. G. BRUCE)___ 419 Christer Lindqvist, Norn im keltischen Kontext (W. SAYERS)______421 Renate Schipke, Das Buch in der Spätantike: Herstellung, Form, Ausstattung und Verbreitung in der westlichen Reichshälfte des Imperium Romanum (J. FÜHRER)______423 Stefan J. Schustereder, Strategies of Identity Construction: The Writings of Gildas, Aneirin and Bede (A. BREEZE)______425 M. J. Toswell, The Anglo-Saxon Psalter (S. G. BRUCE)______427 Kim Hjardar and Vegard Vike, Vikings at War (A. CLASSEN)______428 Niamh Wycherley, The Cult of Relics in Early Medieval Ireland (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______430

Hochmittelalter

Anna Kathrin Bleuler, Essen – Trinken – Liebe: Kultursemiotische Untersuchungen zur Poetik des Alimentären in Wolframs ‘Parzival’ (A. CLASSEN)______435 Scott G. Bruce, Cluny and the Muslims of La Garde-Freinet: Hagiography and the Problem of Islam in Medieval Europe (A. CLASSEN)______437 Iris Bunte, Der “Tristan” Gottfrieds von Straßburg und die Tradition der lateinischen Rhetorik: Tropen, Figuren und Topoi im höfischen Roman (A. CLASSEN)______438 Die Grafen von Lauffen am mittleren und unteren Neckar, hg. Christian Burkhart und Jörg Kreutz (A. WOLF)______440 Jutta Eming, Emotionen im ‘Tristan’: Untersuchungen zu ihrer Paradigmatik (A. CLASSEN)______442 Das Gerresheimer Evangeliar: eine spätottonische Prachthandschrift als Geschichtsquelle, hrsg. Klaus Gereon Beuckers, Beate Johlen-Budnik (C. M. GRAFINGER)______443 Christine Grieb, Schlachtenschilderungen in Historiographie und Literatur (1150–1230) (A. CLASSEN)______446 6 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Philip Handyside, The Old French William of Tyre (S. LUCHITSKAYA)______447 A Catalogue of Western Book Illumination in the Fitzwilliam Museum and the Cambridge Colleges, Part III: France, ed. D. Jackson, N. Morgan, and S. Panayotova (S. G. BRUCE)______449 Money and the Church in Medieval Europe, 1000–1200: Practice, Morality and Thought, ed. Giles E.M. Gasper and Svein H. Gulbekk (H. KÜMPER)______450 Barbara Newman, Making Love in the Twelfth Century: “Letters of Two Lovers” in Context (R. J. CORMIER)______452 Natalia I. Petrovskaia, Medieval Welsh Perceptions of the Orient (A. BREEZE)__ 454 Dietmar Peschel, Wie soll ich das verstehen? Neun Vorträge über Verstehen, Edieren, Übersetzen mittelalterlicher Literatur (A. CLASSEN)______455 Pierre Monnet, ed., Bouvines 1214–2014: Histoire et mémoire d’une bataille / Eine Schlacht zwischen Geschichte und Erinnerung – Approches et comparaisons franco-allemandes / Deutsch-französische Ansätze und Vergleiche (W. C. JORDAN)______456 Julia Richter, Spiegelungen: Paradigmatisches Erzählen in Wolframs >Parzival< (A. CLASSEN)______458 The Second Crusade: Holy War on the Periphery of Latin Christendom (R. J. CORMIER)______460 Nancy Marie Brown, Ivory Vikings: The Mystery of the Most Famous Chessmen in the World and the Woman Who Made Them (W. SAYER)______463 Regina D. Schiewer (Hg.), Die Millstätter Predigten (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)____ 464 Philipp Sutner, Stephan Köhler, Andreas Obenaus (Hgg.), Gott will es. Der Erste Kreuzzug – Akteure und Aspekte (P. GORIDIS)______467 Frauke Thielert, Paarformeln in mittelalterlichen Stadtrechtstexten (J. M. JEEP)__ 468 Benjamin van Well, Mir troumt hinaht ein troum: Untersuchungen zur Erzählweise von Träumen in mittelhochdeutscher Epik (A. CLASSEN)______471 Walter Map, Die unterhaltsamen Gespräche am englischen Königshof (A. CLASSEN)______472 Stephen Wheeler, ed., trans., Accessus ad auctores: Medieval Introductions to the Authors (Codex latinus monacensis 19475) (R. J. CORMIER)______474 Friedrich Wolfzettel, La poésie lyrique du Moyen Âge au Nord de la France (W. PFEFFER)______475 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 7

Spätmittelalter

700 Jahre Boccaccio: Traditionslinien vom Trecento bis in die Moderne, hg. Christa Bertelsmeier-Kierst und Rainer Stillers (A. CLASSEN)______477 Rolf Kießling, Frank Konersmann, and Werner Troßbach, Grundzüge der Agrargeschichte. Band 1. Vom Spätmittelalter bis zum Dreißigjährigen Krieg (1350–1650). Mit einem Beitrag von Dorothee Rippmann (D. NICHOLAS)_____ 478 Maria Luisa Ardizzone, Reading As the Angels Read: Speculation and Politics in Dante’s Banquet (F. ALFIE)______480 Arnaut de Vilanova, Über den Antichrist und die Reform der Christenheit (A. CLASSEN)______482 Andrew Colin Gow, Robert B. Desjardins, and François V. Pageau, ed. and trans., The Arras Witch Treatises (T. WILLARD)______483 Mittelenglische Artusromanzen; Sir Percyvell of Gales, The Awntyrs off Arthure, The Weddynge of Sir Gawain and Dame Ragnell (A. BREEZE)______485 Die Autobiographie Karls IV. Vita Caroli Quarti (A. CLASSEN)______486 Gertrud Beck, Trojasummen: Das „Elsässische Trojabuch“ und die gedruckten Trojakompilationen (A. CLASSEN)______487 Bettina Full, Passio und Bild: Ästhetische Erfahrung in der italienischen Lyrik des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (A. CLASSEN)______488 Péter Bokody, Images-within-Images in Italian Painting (1250–1350): Reality and Reflexivity (A. SAND)______490 Stefan Fischer, Im Irrgarten der Bilder: Die Welt des Hieronymus Bosch (A. CLASSEN)______492 Christine Boßmeyer, Visuelle Geschichte in den Zeichnungen und Holzschnitten zum „Weißkunig“ Kaiser Maximilians I (C. M. GRAFINGER)______493 James M. Dean and Harriet Spiegel, eds., Geoffrey Chaucer, Troilus and Crisyede (J. M. HILL)______494 Pascal Vuillemin, Une itinérance prophétique: Le voyage en Perse d’Ambrogio Contarini (1474–1477) (A. CLASSEN)______496 The Vulgate Commentary on Ovid’s “Metamorphoses,” Book 1, ed. and translated by Frank T. Coulson (R. J. CORMIER)______498 Wiebke Deimann and David Juste, ed., Astrologers and their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (T. WILLARD)______499 Demetrios Kydones, Thomas Aquinas’s Summa Theologica in Greek Language, editio princeps, vol. XIX, ed. A. Glykofrydi-Leontsini and I. D. Spyralatos (G. ARABATZIS)______501 8 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Andreas Kablitz, Ursula Peters (Hgg.), Mittelalterliche Literatur als Retextualisierung (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______503 Franziskus von Assissi, Sämtliche Schriften. Lateinisch/Deutsch (A. CLASSEN)_ 505 Guillebert De Mets, La description de la ville de Paris 1434: Medieval French Text with English Translation (M. SIZER)______506 Johannes Geiler von Kaysersberg (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______508 Gewalt und Widerstand in der politischen Kultur des späten Mittelalters (D. NICHOLAS)______511 Lena Glassmann, Die Berliner Herpin-Handschrift in der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin (Ms. Germ. Fol. 464): Ein illustrierter Prosaroman des 15. Jahrhunderts (A. CLASSEN)______512 Milena Svec Goetschi, Klosterflucht und Bittgang. Apostasie und monastische Mobilität im 15. Jahrhundert (C. M. GRAFINGER)______514 Elisabeth Gruber, Raittung und außgab zum gepew: Kommunale Rechnungspraxis im oberösterreichischen Freistadt (G. JARITZ)______516 John of Morigny, Liber florum celestis doctrine / The Flowers of Heavenly Teaching (P. DINZELBACHER)______517 Katalog der Handschriften der Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Tirol in Innsbruck. Teil 9 (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER)______519 The King of Tars, ed. John H. Chandler (A. CLASSEN)______520 Philip Knäble, Eine tanzende Kirche. Initiation, Ritual und Liturgie im spätmittelalterlichen Frankreich (C. M. GRAFINGER)______521 Sebastian Kolditz, Johannes VIII. Palaiologos und das Konzil von Ferrara–Florenz (1438/39). Das byzantinische Kaisertum im Dialog mit dem Westen (U. ROTH)______524 Konrad von Würzburg, ‘Trojanerkrieg’ und die anonym überlieferte Fortsetzung (A. CLASSEN)______526 June L. Mecham, Sacred Communities, Shared Devotions: Gender, Material Culture, and Monasticism in Late Medieval Germany, ed. Alison Beach, Constance Berman, and Lisa Bitel (D. L. STOUDT)______527 Michelina di Cesare, Studien zu Paulinus Venetus. De Mapa mundi (T. HORST)_ 530 Annekathrin Miegel, Kooperation, Vernetzung, Erneuerung. Das benediktinische Verbrüderungs- und Memorialwesen vom 12. bis 15. Jahrhundert (H. HARTMANN)______532 Gregory Moule, Corporate Jurisdiction, Academic Heresy, and Fraternal Correction at the University of Paris: 1200–1400 (E. KUEHN)______533 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 9

Natalino Sapegno, A Literary History of the Fourteenth Century: Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio. A Study of Their Times and Works (Storia Letteraria del Trecento (A. CLASSEN)______536 Neidhart: Selected Songs from the Riedegg Manuscript (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. germ. fol. 1062) (A. CLASSEN)______536 Tom Nickson, Toledo Cathedral: Building Histories in Medieval Castile (C. A. STANFORD)______537 Nürnberg: Zur Diversifikation städtischen Lebens in Texten und Bildern des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, hrsg. Heike Sahm and Monika Schausten (A. CLASSEN)__ 540 Emily O’Brien, The Commentaries of Pope Pius II (1458–1464) and the Crisis of the Fifteenth-Century Papacy (A. CLASSEN)______542 William of Ockham, Dialogus (K. F. JOHANNES)______544 Die Lieder Oswalds von Wolkenstein (A. CLASSEN)______545 Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death, ed. Monica H. Green (F. ALFIE)______546 Bettina Pfotenhauer, Nürnberg und Venedig im Austausch: Menschen, Güter und Wissen an der Wende vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit (A. CLASSEN)______549 Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III. (J. KEMPER)______551 Vincent Petitjean, Vies de Gilles de Rais (L. ROSS)______552 Bert Roest and Johanneke Uphoff, eds., Religious Orders and Religious Identity Formation, ca. 1420–1620 (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______554 Luisa Rubini Messerli, Boccaccio deutsch: Die Dekameron-Rezeption in der deutschen Literatur (15.-17. Jahrhundert) (A. CLASSEN)______557 Ralph A. Ruch, Kartographie und Konflikt im Spätmittelalter: Manuskriptkarten aus dem oberrheinischen und schweizerischen Raum (T. HORST)______559 Papier im mittelalterlichen Europa. Herstellung und Gebrauch (H. BERWINKEL)_ 561 Reichtum im späten Mittelalter. Politische Theorie- Ethische Norm-Soziale Akzeptanz (B. LUNDT)______564 Katharina Seidel, Textvarianz und Textstabilität. Studien zur Transmission der Ívens saga, Erex saga und Parcevals saga (W. SCHÄFKE)______566 Karl-Heinz Spieß, Familie und Verwandtschaft im deutschen Hochadel des Spätmittelalters (D. NICHOLAS)______568 Elisabeth Sulzer, Darmgesundheit im Mittelalter: Analyse ausgewählter deutschsprachiger Kochrezepte aus dem Münchener Arzneibuch Cgm 415 vor dem Hintergrund der Humoralmedizin und Versuch einer kritischen Bewertung im Lichte moderner pharmakologischer Erkenntnisse (A. CLASSEN)______571 10 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Petrus W. Tax, Der Münchener Psalter aus dem 14. Jahrhundert. Eine Bearbeitung von Notkers Psalter (H. HARTMANN)______572 Die Handschriften der Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Jena. Band III: Die mittelalterlichen französischen Handschriften der Electoralis- Gruppe; mittelalterliche Handschriften weiterer Signaturreihen (Abschluss) (J. FÜHRER)______573 Universität und Kloster: Melk als Hort der Wissenschaftspflege im Bannkreis der Universität Wien – fruchtbarer Austausch seit 650 Jahren, hg. Meta Niederkorn- Bruck (A. CLASSEN)______575 Jeffrey F. Hamburger and Nigel F. Palmer, The Prayer Book of Ursula Begerin: Art-Historical and Literary Introduction (A. CLASSEN)______576 Alberto Varvaro. La tragédie de l’histoire: la dernière œuvre de Froissart (C. BRATU)______578 Venezia e la nuova oikoumene Cartografia del Quattrocento. Venedig und die neue Oikoumene Karthographie im 15. Jahrhundert, hrsg. von Ingrid Baumgärtner und Pietro Falchetta (C. M. GRAFINGER)______580 Olaf Wagener, Eva Cichy und Martin Vomhof, Hrsg., Grenze, Landwehr, Burgen. Das nördliche Siegerland im Mittelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit (C. GALLE)__ 582 Laura Weigert, French Visual Culture and the Making of Medieval Theater (M. CRUSE)______585 Antje Willing, ed., Das ‚Konventsbuch‘ und das ‚Schwesternbuch‘ aus St. Katharina in St. Gallen. Kritische Edition und Kommentar (H. KÜMPER)____ 588 Birgit Zacke, Wie Tristan sich einmal in einer Wildnis verirrte: Bild-Text- Beziehungen im ‘Brüsseler Tristan’ (A. CLASSEN)______589 Die Zunft zwischen historischer Forschung und musealer Repräsentation. Beiträge der Tagung im Germanischen Nationalmuseum 30 (H. KÜMPER)______591 10.3726/271583_143 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 143

Masza Siltek

The Threefold Movement of St. Adalbert’s Head1

Throughout the Middle Ages the head of St. Adalbert – bishop of Prague, martyr, and pa- tron saint of Poland, Bohemia, Hungary and the Holy Roman Empire – was set in motion in three ways. Firstly, no less than three actual human skulls were maneuvered in three-­ dimensional – and, at the same time, in sacred and political – space.2 Secondly, St. Ad- albert’s hagiographers occasionally dabbled in the topos of cephalophoria – miraculous portage of the head by its decollated owner. The third level is the portability of this body part in visual representation. The purpose of this paper is to discuss convergences between these medium-specific­ practices, which prove far less general and obvious than one might assume. The earliest narratives on the first dislocation of the head, which ended up impaled on a stake by the pagan Old Prussians, was written down soon after the martyrial death of the missionary bishop in 997.3 There is, however, no compelling evidence of the skull functioning as a separate object of veneration prior to 1127. That year Gniezno Cathe- dral witnessed an invention (inventio) of the head relic, i.e., liturgical (re)inauguration of its cult.4 To reconstruct the meaning of that act, one has to look back to a story that has become a founding myth of Poland. Its focus is on the martyr’s cadaver, transported from Prussia and skillfully handled by Boleslaw I of the House of Piast, duke of Poland 992–1025, crowned king in 1025. Playing upon the piety and universalist ambitions of emperor Otto III (983/996–1002), the aspiring ruler had him legitimize Adalbert’s shrine, newly arranged in Gniezno, and to establish on this foundation a new Church province. The Gniezno metropolis, it is claimed, mapped onto the Slavic state (Sclavinia), one of the four peer principalities envisaged in Otto’s Renovatio Imperii project. Therefore, when in 1039 Duke Břetislav I of Bohemia (1034–1055) plundered Gniezno and transported St. Adalbert’s bones to Prague, he might have been hoping to translate the cornerstone of the metropolitan see, and thus the ‘capital’ of the whole of Slavdom.5 Al- though the latter did not come to pass, ever since the ‘holy theft’ St. Adalbert – n.b., bishop of Prague – has been venerated as a patron saint of Bohemia. As such he was paired with the canonized member of the ducal line, Wenceslas I Přemyslid. Not surprisingly, it was in Prague Cathedral that the second skull of St. Adalbert was ‘invented’ in 1143, along with St. Wenceslas’s cilice.6 It may seem logical to view the subsequent cranial ‘rediscoveries’ as a means of im- pugning the deeds of the Bohemian relic thieves and of the Polish relic founders respec- tively.7 What roils this logic is the fact that the event in Gniezno was almost immediately acknowledged by Prague.8 Furthermore, that occasion must not be misinterpreted as the 144 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 re-institution­ of St. Adalbert’s shrine after the plunder of 1039, as in 1127 his same relics had reputedly been back in place for at least three or four decades.9 Besides, with regard to the 12th century, an invention can mostly be seen as “a conventional rite of passage which renewed the saint’s presence amongst his community.”10 Perhaps then, the developments in Gniezno and Prague should be understood first of all as creation of “a relic-complex­ with a portable element whose status is complementary to a more fixed body.”11 Such a movable component not only served to perform a ritual of sanctification within a wider radius, but was also a building-block­ of the sanctuary’s treasury. Taken in its entirety, the collection in turn testified to the glory of the shrine.12 The invention of the third of the martyr’s heads took place in 1475 in Aachen, the cor- onation city of the German kings, appropriately at St. Adalbert’s church, which had been founded as a Reichsstift by Otto III and/or his successor Henry II (1002/1014–1024).13 The congregation of Canons Regular there is believed also to have cultivated ties with the em- perors in the late Middle Ages, when the sanctuary enjoyed renewed prosperity.14 It was under the Luxembourgs and Habsburgs that new images of St. Adalbert came to adorn both his church and Aachen Cathedral.15 Maybe it is not entirely coincidence that the third inventio was effected only a few years after the throne of Prague passed to Wladislaw II Jagiellon in 1471. Thereby, both the older heads of one of the Ottonian Reichspatronen were in the hands of the Jagiellon dynasty, which had reigned in Poland and Lithuania since the late 14th century and had grown so that it was coming to challenge the Habsburgs’s dominance in Central Europe. Curiously, the Aachen skull looks as if it had been modeled after the Prague exemplar, showing the same kind of damage that might have been caused by post-mortal­ decollation and impalement.16 By that time such claims were no longer capable of undermining the pillar of Polish statehood. Shifts in the Polish firmament mirrored the redefinition of the kingdom’s sacral topography: Since 1320 the liturgy of royal inauguration and death had centered around the shrine of Poland’s first home-grown­ martyr, Bishop Stanislaw of Krakow.17 Although in the early 15th century the archbishops of Gniezno won the title of primate, this did not guarantee effective primacy in the Polish episcopate – particularly when an ambitious bish- op of Krakow managed to obtain a cardinal’s hat, as Zbigniew Oleśnicki (1423–1455) did in 1449. Symptomatically, Oleśnicki energetically launched the concept of the kingdom’s four patron saints, which delineated St. Adalbert’s new, diminished role.18 To complete the quartet, Adalbert and Stanislaw were joined by Stanislaw’s two ‘colleagues’ from Krakow Cathedral, Wenceslas and Florian. Curiously, in the 15th century head reliquaries were donated for three of those martyrs, Stanislaw, Florian and, lastly, Adalbert, each one representing the same type of polygonal, domed pyxide19 (fig. 1). The one for St. Adalbert was distinctive in that it was made of pure gold.20 From an international perspective, the commission of the Gniezno chapter, entrusted to the goldsmith Jacob Barth in 1494, was one of yet another series of analogous acts.21 This time, the linking element was not so much the form of the receptacle as the alleged owner of the contained skull. To begin with, the Gniezno relic was preceded by that invent- ed in 1475 in Aachen. The exact date and immediate circumstances of its insertion into a Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 145 silver-plated­ and gilded bust remain unclear, however.22 In Prague, St. Adalbert’s new silver bust-reliquary­ was first registered in 1503 as one of three gifts of this kind donated by King Wladislaw II Jagiellon23 (fig. 2). The other two recipients were St. Wenceslas and St. Vitus. The Jagiellon busts were ‘reproductions’ of three analogous items from the cathedral’s impressive collection of capita sanctorum, which most probably perished in the Hussite Wars. These three were the most prominent among the head-reliquaries­ of the Bohemi- an patron saints, whose relatively fixed canon dates back to the Luxembourgs’s rule in Prague.24 It was during the reign of Charles IV of Luxembourg, king of Bohemia 1346–1378 and holy Roman emperor 1355–1378, that the previous bust of St. Adalbert was made, to replace, in turn, its predecessor.25 Furthermore, Charles’s scenario for the famous annual ostentio of relics at the Prague horse market had the capita appear at the opening of a gran- diose four-act­ spectacle, whose climax was the display of the “imperial relics” (Reichsrel- iquien).26 Another evidenced practice was portage of the ‘national’ heads to the cathedral’s main altar during coronations of the Bohemian kings.27 Apparently, the concerted move- ment of the skulls was akin to that of elements of an artful system of machinery. By means of interplay within the semantic structure of the cathedral treasury, which formed part of the superstructures of the church building, city, kingdom and empire, the heads mutually amplified their agency.28 By contrast, in late medieval Poland the most significant skulls functioned in geograph- ical separation.29 As for St. Adalbert, he could but observe the king’s systematic departure from Gniezno, in the sense of both physical and symbolical presence.30 Admittedly, the holy head could still travel to meet the monarch in other cities, such as Poznan, adding luster to his solemn adventus.31 Nevertheless, the relic’s customary feast-day­ transfers and displays at the saint’s grave in the middle of Gniezno Cathedral were now of predominantly local significance.32 That the movability of St. Adalbert’s head was exercised to an unusual degree was partly due to the proximity of territories haunted by recurrent hostilities between Poland, allied by a group of nobles, clergy and cities of Prussia, and the Teutonic Order. It became almost routine to divide up the cathedral treasury, pack it into chests, and transport it between its proper home and the archbishops’ castle in Uniejów.33 Such treks were reported in 1455, 1461, 1468, 1478, 1480, 1485, 1492–1493, 1502, 1509, 1511, 1512, 1516, 1517 and 1519.34 The list of the body parts thus shuttled back and forth varied, but Gniezno’s chief relic was inevitably at the top, typically followed by the hand of St. Stanislaw.35 For those two relics the journey home often culminated in a tour around the city and a pomp-filled,­ processional carriage into the cathedral.36 At the other end of the route was one of the favorite archiepi- scopal residences.37 One is thus tempted to speculate that some late medieval primates, who shared the itinerant life style of most of the contemporary pontiffs, might have had more contact with St. Adalbert’s skull than with his church. The two remaining levels of the head’s locomotion belong to the realm of fictive creativ- ity. Within the first few decades of the publication of St. Adalbert’s earliest, ‘realistic’vitae , his hagiographers began to introduce semi-cephalophoric­ motifs, such as post-decollation­ locution (cephalologia) or head portage by an angel.38 The vulnerability of the character of 146 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

St. Adalbert to such modulations is plausibly linked with the Benedictine background of the most effective ‘saint-makers’­ in the 11th century. In the output narrative, unsuccessful as the bishop of Prague, Adalbert longs tragically for monastic life – which he is destined to savor for but a short time. He does not omit to visit the famous Benedictine sanctuaries, including the shrine of the order’s cephalophoric protagonist – St. Denis of Paris. The oldest known text in which St. Adalbert’s decapitated body stands up self-propelled­ and gives a ride to the head is Cronica Boemorum by Přibík Pulkava from Radenín (d. 1380), written at the instigation of Charles IV of Luxembourg39 – or, to be more precise, the chronicle’s first redaction, usually dated to the 1360s/1370s.40 This conveys a mutation of St. Adalbert’s vita which meaningfully aggrandizes one subplot, namely that of the saint bishop’s foundation – the Benedictine Abbey in Břevnov (today a district of Prague).41 Un- fortunately, this trail goes cold, as the Břevnov urtext has purely speculative value. It may nonetheless be fruitful to analyze the initial “N-ascitur”­ in Provost Vitek’s Brevi- ary from 1342 (Rajhrad, Památník písemnictví na Moravě, Muzeum Brněnska, R 394, fol. 307v), which features the cephalophore St. Adalbert clad in the Benedictine habit42 (fig. 3). The martyr’s headless body is depicted marching with a pole leaned against his shoulder, the head impaled on the pole. This somewhat bizarre paraphrase of the iconographic type concurs with the story quoted by Pulkava. It has been perceived that the selection of the texts in the breviary, complemented by the decorative program, addressed the specific needs of the Benedictine community in Rajhrad in Moravia. This applies in particular to the heral- dic symbol associated with St. Adalbert (unless it is an early modern addition), variations on which were used by the monasteries in Břevnov and Rajhrad until the 19th century.43 Notwithstanding the prevailing stylistic diagnosis, which links the illuminated codex with a Moravian (Brno-based?)­ scriptorium, the head transportation motif has been said to hint at the Prague-Břevnov­ milieu. This conjecture ascribes to the breviary’s designers an inten- tion to counter in this way Gniezno’s claim to possession of the skull. Still, the 14th-century­ Bohemian and Moravian adaptations of the trope never went so far as to let St. Adalbert determine in this way “the locus in which the praesentia of relics is asserted”.44 This holds for two liturgical sequences which mention long-distance­ head portage, one which is believed to have stemmed from Bohemia, the other either from Bo- hemia or from the State of the Teutonic Order.45 Such under-exploitation­ of this standard weapon in medieval relic controversies is all the more notable since some ‘updated’ ver- sions of the martyr’s vita, in which the cadaver is delivered immediately to Prague without ever visiting Gniezno, might have been in circulation shortly after 1039.46 What deserves attention in this context is an episode in a short life of St. Romuald by Jerome (Jan Sylwan) of Prague (d. 1440). The author owed his formation to the academic community of Prague. He subsequently joined the court of the Polish king Wladislaw Jagiello, and then became a Camaldolese monk and superior, in which capacity he remained engaged in Polish and Bohemian affairs on the international stage.47 According to Jerome, St. Adalbert’s corpse took the amputated body part into his hands and carried it from Prussia to Gniezno, where the faithful buried it with reverence.48 But as soon as miracles began to occur at the tomb, the relics were translated to Prague, to the metropolitan see of Bohemia, where a suitable Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 147 locellus of gold and gems had been prepared. Another explanation of the particle’s simul- taneous veneration in two different locations was offered by some tales recorded in the 15th and 16th centuries in Bohemia and Hungary.49 Whether or not these stories were distortions of an original cephalophoric narrative, they furnished the martyr-to-be­ with a head relic of a certain saint, which would afterwards be mistaken for his very own body part. As for the Polish party to the dispute, it employed a set of hagiographic topoi other than cephalophoria to forge its ‘politically correct’ legend of St. Adalbert. Maria Starnawska even suspects the metropolitan see of a campaign against any lore that allowed the martyr to take the whole credit for delivering his relics, and thus to ‘steal the show’ from the Piast ruler Boleslaw I.50 As a countermeasure Starnawska denounces a widespread compilatory legend which presents the severed head as unsuccessful in its attempts to reach Gniezno with the help of a passer-by­ to whom it ‘personally’ entrusted itself.51 In any case, the late medieval liturgical poetry of the Polish Church province acknowledged the ‘fact’ that the head and the body had journeyed to Gniezno separately.52 That a dose of proper cephalophoria did not necessarily harm the Polish ‘national’ in- terest is clear from the saint’s life by John Plastwig (d. 1464), dean of Frombork Cathedral in Ermland, then part of Prussia.53 Here the martyr’s post-mortal­ ambulation indeed takes the form of self-translation­ to a chosen site. Before this can happen, the main villain, a Prussian high priest (kirwajdo), insists on driving St. Adalbert away for fear of the ‘coloni- alist’ tendencies of the Polish organizers of the mission. The kirwajdo’s policy leads to the sacrilegious crime and to the subsequent, somewhat ironical punishment: the later conquest of Prussia by the Teutonic Knights. Turning now to the factual, the subjugation of the pagan lands was sealed in 1243 with the establishment of four Prussian dioceses of ambivalent status. Unlike the other three cathedral chapters, the Frombork congregation was never incorporated into the Teutonic Order.54 During the war between the monastic state and the Polish Crown in the years 1454–1466 (the Thirteen Years’ War), both the chapter and its dean Plastwig eventually adopted anti-Teutonic­ positions. Two years after Plastwig’s death, his concept of Ermland’s formal autonomy under the protectorate of the Polish king found its embodiment in the formulation of the Second Peace of Thorn of 1466. The Ermland see then came under the jurisdiction of Gniezno. In his hagiographic work, Plastwig generously gives legitimacy to three of St. Adalbert’s sanctuaries. To begin with the end of the story, Gniezno is distinguished as the rightful possessor of the relics. Its rights are secured by the saint himself, who swears to Boleslaw that he will come back, dead or alive – and does not fail to fulfill his promise, though not immediately. His journey starts spectacularly with him taking up his severed head at the purported site of death near Tenkitten (today Letnoje) in Samland.55 The transformation of the site into a major center of cult around the 1420s was connected with an outburst of worship on the part of the Teutonic Knights.56 Apparently, in the face of a severe ‘PR cri- sis’ and a losing streak in the prolonged conflict with Poland, the warrior monks ‘became’ St. Adalbert’s continuators as missionaries of Prussia. In the continuation of Plastwig’s story, the cephalophoric corpse walks fifteen German miles, escorted by an astonished audience, until it arrives at a country chapel in the vicinity 148 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 of Gdansk in Eastern Pomerania57. Here, the body lies down in a conveniently shaped altar, where it lingers sine honore for three years. To cut a long story short, had it not been for the eventual personal and financial involvement of Boleslaw I, it would have been hard for St. Adalbert to make his return to Gniezno. The principal function of the self-­translation trope is therefore to lift the small church dedicated to the saint to a rank of a martyrion. Maybe it is worth mentioning that sons of Gdansk patricians constituted an influential fraction in the Frombork chapter.58 At the same time, there have been attempts to weave Plastwig, who apparently based his version of events on Prussian lore, into the reconstructed transfer of cephalophoric tales be- tween Bohemia and the monastic state.59 The mere possibility of such infiltration is beyond doubt given the political and cultural interdependencies between the Teutonic rulers of Prussia and the kings of Bohemia from the 13th century. However, it would be unrealistic to pretend that the malleable magma of piecemeal literary material can be pulled together into any ‘master narrative’ with no exception for the hypothesis of the openness of the Polish folk to the cephalophoric motifs and Gniezno’s anti-cephalophoric­ campaign. At any rate, it would be imprudent to overestimate such vague traces as the fact that 15th-­century Polish manuscripts incorporate examples of the Czech tradition of St. Adalbert, perhaps compiled with knowledge of the Pulkava chronicle.60 Intriguingly, one edition of the latter work was donated to the Krakow chapter library by Cardinal Oleśnicki.61 The third investigation thread follows the distribution in time and space of cephalo- phoric pictures of St. Adalbert. Leaving aside the Rajhrad illumination, which remains, at the current state of research, an isolated caprice62, there is a group of artworks that represent less aberrant redactions of the iconographic formula. All of them were made within the Polish Church province in relatively short intervals.63 The first object in the chronological set is nothing less than an essential medium of archiepiscopal representation – the great seal of Primate Zbigniew Oleśnicki (1481–1493), the nephew and namesake of Cardinal Zbigniew Oleśnicki, bishop of Krakow64 (fig. 4). The primate had the standard design of a high-ranking­ clergyman’s seal – whose elliptical field is articulated with an elaborate gothic nichework – transformed in a highly individual way.65 What is most puzzling is the inverted duplication of the kneeling mitered figure being commended to the axially situated Virgin by a standing saint. One of the intercessors is evidently the cephalophore St. Adalbert, while his symmetrical counterpart can plausibly be recognized as St. Stanislaw. Not long after the seal matrix had been broken following Oleśnicki’s death, the motif reappeared in 1494 on one of the eight sides of the aforementioned pyx-reliquary­ by Jacob Barth (fig. 5). This cannot have been accidental, since the goldsmith was obliged to follow to the letter the chapter’s detailed instructions.66 The exchange of ideas between the arch- bishop’s entourage and the canons is impossible to verify, however.67 For sure, the headless cephalophore engraved by Barth is not a faithful copy of that on the primatial seal. The latter, as well as the examples that will be discussed below, represent an alternative vari- ation on the type in which the saint has two heads. In 1507 just such a ‘bicephalic’ image of St. Adalbert came to adorn a reliquary chest for his own, no longer identifiable remains68 (fig. 7). This quality piece, executed by another Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 149 goldsmith from Poznan, Peter Gelhor, was gifted to the house of Canons Regular in Trze- meszno by their abbot, Andrew of Drzążno (1504–1522).69 In the background looms the fact that, for some reason, Gniezno ceded to Trzemeszno its status of the martyr’s first burial church, contenting itself with the rank of his ultimate resting place. This situation presumably has its roots in the 12th century, when the monastery is believed to have been instituted as the cathedral’s human resource base.70 The fabricated empty grave in Trze- meszno gained a new theatrical setting in the first years of Andrew’s rule. Strikingly, the monumental multi-­part memoria arguably replicated the solutions adapted during the sub- sequent 15th-century­ refurbishment of the main shrine in Gniezno.71 One of those projects was supervised by Archbishop Oleśnicki, who made sure that the inscription on the mon- ument commemorated his endeavors alongside the original initiative of his predecessor, Jacob of Sienno (1473–1480).72 As for Oleśnicki’s interest in the Trzemeszno monastery, in 1483 he confirmed the conventual statutes originally approved in the first half of the th15 century.73 The same date 1507 marks the Five Sorrows of Mary altarpiece, whose elaborate pro- gram embraced the characteristic tandem of a cephalophoric St. Adalbert and St. Stanis- law74 (fig. 8). Ordered, in all likelihood, by Bishop John Thurzo (1505–1520) for Wro- claw Cathedral, the saints confirmed the affiliation of the Silesian diocese to the Gniezno province. This ecclesiastical tie was not undisputed, as Silesia had been part of the Bohe- mian Crown since 1335. In the early 16th century the thrones of Bohemia and Poland were likewise occupied by members of the Jagiellon dynasty, and Bishop Thurzo cooperated with both kings. Taking this ambiguous status into account, it is possible that the Wroclaw cephalophore continues the Bohemian tradition documented in the 14th century. Perplex- ingly, the cathedral’s liturgical worship of St. Adalbert combined cult forms indicative of Gniezno as well as of Prague.75 What seems unique for this site is the abidance of the cephalophoric modus, evidenced by a late 17th-century­ drawing of the martyr’s sculpture (Wroclaw, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, B 1649, fol. 64v and 65 r.)76, and by a mention of an 18th-century­ painting hanging in the ambit.77 Although it could be the Thurzo retable that set the pattern, one is always free to project the custom further back in time78. In any case, high and late medieval Wroclaw was filled with depictions of the severed head of its patron saint, John the Baptist.79 Turning now to the donor’s biography, one of his earlier career stages should not be overlooked: Thurzo became scholaster in Gniezno Cathedral under Archbishop Oleśnicki and retained this prelature long enough to witness the Barth reliquary being commissioned, and then used for a couple of years.80 A valuable asset to the hypothetically delineated group of Gniezno-oriented­ artworks might be seen in the head-carrier­ figure sculpted around the beginning of the 16th century in Elblag, the largest city of the Prince-Bishopric­ of Ermland81 (fig. 9). However, not only are the immediate circumstances of its production unknown, but also its original spatial and iconographical context is far from certain, save the fact that it has a pendant representing St. Nicolas, hence it is impossible to verify the cephalophore’s identity.82 All that could speak in favor of St. Adalbert are general premises, such as the fact that veneration of the martyr accelerated perceptibly in Ermland around the turn of the 15th century.83 His two 150 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 non-cephalophoric­ sculptures, which complemented the imagery of altarpieces produced by Elblag workshops around 1500, are among the earliest visual records of his cult in Prus- sia.84 Moreover, in the years 1489–1512 Ermland was ruled by Bishop Lucas Watzenrode, a famous patron who built his career with the backing of Zbigniew Oleśnicki.85 The primate pushed his episcopal candidature against the wishes of King Kazimierz Jagiellon, whose successors Watzenrode ultimately served as counsel. It is high time that we try to weave the three strands together, even if we can offer no single framework for connecting all the facts about St. Adalbert’s head understood as a physical, literary and artistic object. The question arises as to whether any of the illus- trious actors – members of Central Europe’s ruling houses and Church executives – ever developed a comprehensive, three-pronged­ promotion strategy. One potential anchorage is the occurrence of the same, awkward redaction of cephalophoria in different works of Bohemian writing and book illumination, especially when seen in the light of the intensity of the head portage motif in Prague under the Luxembourgs. Yet the trope surfaced most patently not so much in dynastic and state propaganda as in the self-centered­ creativity of the Benedictine communities in Břevnov and Rajhrad. It is thus an open question whether these randomly preserved pieces of evidence reveal any sense of need to confirm the auth- enticity of the Prague relic. Such a need is more tangible in 15th-century­ literary sources from Poland.86 Evidence from all three head-possessing­ sanctuaries shows that the cliché of aggressive ‘interna- tional’ rivalry can easily lead to abuse of the piecemeal source material. At the same time, recent scholarship raises awareness of the pitfalls linked with interpreting late medieval hagiography through the prism of present-day­ political goals.87 It may nevertheless be rewarding to take the risk of such an experiment, starting from the iconography of the Barth reliquary. Here, the saint’s cephalophoric portrayal is inserted into a cycle of his life, which otherwise clearly recalls the grandiose pictorial legend unfolding on the late 12th-century­ bronze doors of Gniezno Cathedral.88 It is still debatable whether the composition is meant to pass for a narrative scene, namely an extra episode absent from the program of the doors. Although portrayed in a representational manner, St. Adalbert is posited in a landscape dominated by a church on a hill. This snapshot permits associations with the version of events recorded by Plastwig.89 On the one hand, it would not have been impolitic of Gniezno to grant authorization to a specifically Prussian narrative about the patron saint and to advertise in this way the ‘his- torical’ bonds between his relics and the lands incorporated into the Polish Crown. Notably, the tradition of the sanctuary near Gdansk is twofold: apart from being St. Adalbert’s first burial place, the site also reputedly hosted him when he was still on his path toward martyr- dom, and greatly benefited from mass baptism.90 Needless to say, Gdansk’s early inaugu- ration as a Christian city would have made redundant the mission of the Teutonic Knights. Importantly, the king’s northern policy received strong backing from Polish hierarchs.91 Indeed, prior to his election as archbishop, Oleśnicki performed duties of royal governor for Prussia, embarking on a diplomatic and military struggle to secure Polish sovereignty Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 151 over Ermland.92 He remained a senior figure of authority thereafter, Prussian affairs being part and parcel of his responsibilities as primate. Regrettably, nothing more definite can be quoted to support the above reasoning. Little knowledge may be gleaned from an obscure note in the Chapter Acts, made soon after Oleśnicki’s demise, which describes a portion of gold donated for the new reliquary as “also brought from Gdansk”.93 These words do not build a coherent whole with other en- tries that specify the material gathered for this purpose. On the other hand, there are no other indications that the archiepiscopal see ever appropriated the narrative written down by Plastwig. It was rather the story of the first temporary grave in Trzemeszno that resounded both in Gniezno Cathedral and in other Polish churches, both in the liturgy of the hours and the mass.94 Reconciliation of the two divergent traditions proved possible much later, in the Prussian worship of St. Adalbert, as showed by a litany in an 18th-­century codex.95 Another point to consider is the probability of reciprocal influence between literary and visual depictions of the martyr. Due attention should be given namely to the possible role of circulating images of other popular head-carriers,­ to name but St. Denis.96 Crucially, the merging of and shifts within iconography of saints often occurred irrespectively of the evolution of literary motifs.97 This is all the more reason to mourn the fact that the scattered remnants of early medieval imagery of St. Adalbert point to a disconcerting void – a mem- ento of the now inaccessible pictorial tradition.98 By contrast, a supply of unused sources, encompassing also early modern and modern images, still awaits discovery in country parish churches. A good example is the early 17th-century­ wall painting of a cephalophore in Giebułtów, in the part of Lesser Poland where St. Adalbert’s cult is particularly vigorous to this day.99 To make matters even more confusing, there is a category of narrative pictures that emphatically illustrate the impalement of his severed head, as if elucidating the ‘historical’ grounds for individual agency of this body part.100 Some scholars associate these composi- tions with an intense cult of the skull relic101, but this simplified explanation falls short for at least one example of the kind: the life cycle of St. Adalbert spanning the closed Coronation of the Virgin altarpiece. This is the only confirmed donation of the Teutonic grand master that glorifies the saint; it was destined to mark the reputed site of his martyrdom in Tenkit- ten102 (fig. 10). It took two neighboring panels to visualize the subsequent manipulations with the head, which is being impaled on and then taken down from a leafless trunk. In order to find more convincing interconnectedness between these cephalophoric im- ages and the movability of the actual bone, one must consider the function and site-specific­ context of the prestigious realizations in Gniezno. What is striking about the Barth reliquary is that the head-carrier­ image serves as a label for the head’s current container – its feretrum or “carriage.” The golden box is thus compared to the saint, inasmuch as the latter is pres- ented in his role as an “auto-reliquary”.­ 103 Hence, through the visualization of his body, St. Adalbert testifies to the authenticity of the missing body part. No less tellingly, the cycle engraved by Barth juxtaposes the cephalophoric portrayal with the following scene: the head is impaled on a tree next to the shrouded body, which, in turn, is displayed on a sort of platform (fig. 6). This composition emulates one of the panels 152 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 of the Gniezno Doors (fig. 11). Like the prototype, Barth’s rendition appears to transcend spatiotemporal constraints and the logic of the pictorial legend. Crucially, no particular piece of writing explains such focused ostentation of Gniezno’s two-part­ treasure – one part being enshrined in the stationary grave behind the bronze doors, the other in the portable reliquary.104 What is more, the scene corresponded with the actual sight on feast days, when the head would be brought out of the closet and presented next to the body, which at some point ended up in a reliquary hanging from the canopy of the memoria.105 Symptomatically, when the chapter was still working on plans to make the new capsule for the skull, finishing the canopy was a parallel topic. Combined with the motif of elevation on a tree, St. Adalbert’s ostensive, quasi-­ eucharistic gesture highlights the ‘metonymic’ moment that characterized any relic as such.106 The cephalophoric formula could thereby help convey the particle’s identity as a sign that stands for the corpus Christi mysticum as well as for Christ the head.107 More specifically, the ostensio capitis performed by St. Adalbert might be a subtle allusion to Gniezno’s leading role in the body of the Polish Church. Such a suggestion would be con- ceivable with regard to Oleśnicki’s seal, which otherwise pictures St. Adalbert on a par with St. Stanislaw. This beautifully balanced composition seems to represent the office of the metropolitan archbishop by glorifying the Gniezno province and its episcopate, taken in its entirety. Should my reading prove accurate, this message would converge with the meaning of the joint processional portage of St. Adalbert’s head and St. Stanislaw’s hand.108 The question remains: Why did such an evocative concept prove so ephemeral? Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 153

Illustrations

1. Pyx-­reliquary of St. Adalbert, Jacob Barth, 1494. Archive photo. 154 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

2. Bust-­reliquary of St. Adalbert, before 1503. Prague, Holy Cross Chapel. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 155

3. Initial “N-­ascitur”, Provost Vitek’s Breviary, c. 1342. Rajhrad, Památník písemnictví na Moravě, Muzeum Brněnska, R 394, fol. 307v. 156 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

4. Great seal of primate Zbigniew Oleśnicki, cast of an impression. Krakow, Uniwersytet Jagielloński, Zakład Nauk Pomocniczych Historii, D. 484. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 157

5. Pyx-­reliquary of St. Adalbert, galvanoplastic copy (detail), 1914. Poznan, National Museum, Applied Art Collection. 158 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

6. Pyx-­reliquary of St. Adalbert. galvanoplastic copy (detail), 1914. Poznan, National Museum, Applied Art Collection. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 159

7. Chest-­reliquary of St. Adalbert, Peter Gelhor, 1507. Archive photo, 1944. 160 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

8. Five Sorrows of Mary altarpiece, wing panels, 1507. Wroclaw, National Museum. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 161

9. Sculpture of a cephalophoric saint, early 16th century. Elblag, Collection of the Diocesan Curia. 162 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

10. Coronation of the Virgin altarpiece, wing panels, c. 1504, copies, 1903–1905. Warsaw, National Museum. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 163

11. Gniezno Cathedral, bronze doors [detail], late 12th century (?). 164 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Photo credits

• Joanna Sikorska, Relikwiarze puszkowe w Polsce, Warsaw 2010 (fig.1) • Svatovítský poklad. Katalog stálé výstavy v kapli sv. Kříže na Pražském hradě, ed. Ivana Kyzourová, Praha 2012 (fig. 2) • Katedra gnieźnieńska, ed. Aleksandra Świechowska, Poznan 1970 (fig. 5–6) • Zofia Białłowicz-Krygierowa,­ “Zabytki Mogilna, Trzemeszna, Strzelna i okolic od gotyku po barok,” in: Studia z dziejów ziemi mogileńskiej, ed. Czesław Łuczak, vol. 1, Poznan 1978 (fig. 7) • Sztuka na Śląsku XII–­XIV w. Katalog zbiorów, ed. Bożena Guldan-Klamecka,­ Wroclaw 2003 (fig. 8) • Wiesława Rynkiewicz-Domino,­ Rzeźba elbląska około 1500 roku. Katalog wystawy, Elblag 1998 (fig. 9) • Fundacje artystyczne na terenie Państwa Krzyżackiego w Prusach. Katalog, ed. Barbara Pospieszna, Malbork 2010 (fig. 10) • Adam Bujak and Adam S. Labuda, Porta regia. Drzwi gnieźnieńskie, Gniezno 1998 (fig. 11)

Endnotes

1 This paper is partly based on material previously presented at the workshop Moving Body Parts: Their Transcendence of Time and Space in Pre-Modern­ Europe, which took place on April 11–12, 2014 in Munich. I would like take the opportunity to thank the organizers of that inspir- ing event, Dr. Urte Krass and PD Dr. Romedio Schmitz-­Esser. I am also indebted to those who supported my research: my supervisor Dr. hab. Marek Walczek, Dr. Piotr Pokora, Prof. Tomasz Węcławowicz, Ewa Kozaczkiewicz, Prof. Zenon Piech (Prof. UJ), and Jiří David. 2 The three heads under investigation do not constitute the sum of St. Adalbert’s cranial relics. See Antonín Podlaha & Eduard Šittler, Album svatovojtěšské, Prague 1897 (Památky úcty vzdávané svatým patronům národa českoslovanského, 2), p. 44. 3 The respective fragment of S. Adalberti Pragensis episcopi et martyris vita prior in all three redactions is published in Jadwiga Karwasińska, Święty Wojciech. Wybór pism, Warsaw 1996, p. 137. See also Thietmari Merseburgensis episcopi Chronicon, hg. von Robert Holtzmann, Berlin 1935 (MGH SS rer. Germ. N. S., 9), IV, 28. Cf. Bruno of Querfurt, S. Adalberti pragensis episcopi et martris vita altera auctore Brunone Querfurtensi, published by Jadwiga Karwasińs- ka, Warsaw 1969 (Monumenta Poloniae Historica [=MPH], series nova, 4/2). 4 See MPH 2, Lviv 1872, pp. 832, 875; MPH 3, Lviv 1878, p. 153. 5 Marzena Matla-Kozłowska,­ Pierwsi Przemyślidzi i ich państwo (od X do połowy XI wieku): ekspansja terytorialna i jej polityczne uwarunkowania, Poznan 2008, pp. 471–474. 6 Monachi Sazaviensis continuatio Cosmae, ed. Josef Emler, Prague 1874 (Fontes rerum Bohem- icarum [=FRB], 2), pp. 261–262. 7 A reconstruction of events based on the ‘argument–counterargument’­ pattern reappeared most recently in Julia Ricker, Reliquienkult und Propaganda. Translationsbildzyklen im Mittelalter, Weimar 2013, pp. 149–150, 162. 8 Canonici Wissegradensis Continuatio Cosmae, ed. Josef Emler, Prague 1874 (FRB 2), p. 205. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 165

9 It is unclear, however, what kind of particles had to suffice to represent the patron saint and how they found their way to the looted cathedral. Given the current state of knowledge, it is disput- able whether the renewal of this politically important center of cult only came about as late as 1090. See, e.g., Leszek Wetesko, Historyczne konteksty monarszych fundacji artystycznych w Wielkopolsce do początku XIII wieku, Poznań 2009, p. 210; Gerard Labuda, Święty Wojciech – biskup-męczennik,­ patron Polski, Czech i Węgier, Wrocław 2000, p. 271, ann. 563. In any case, in 1113 Duke Boleslaw III reaffirmed the presence of the relics by donating a costly feretory fer( - etrum), presumably a chest reliquary that looked as if it could hold the whole corpus. See Galli Anonymi cronicae et gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum, ed. Karol Maleczyński, Kraków 1952 (MPH, series nova, 2), III, 25, pp. 159–160. See also Kazimierz Śmigiel, “Gnieźnieńskie relikwie św. Wojciecha,” in: Ecclesia Posnaniensis: opuscula Mariano Banaszak septuagenario dedicata, ed. Feliks Lenort & Konrad Lutyński, Poznań 1998, pp. 39–45. 10 Thomas E.A. Dale, “Stolen property: St. Mark's first Venetian tomb and the politics of commu- nal memory,” in: Memory and the medieval tomb, ed. Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo & Carol Stam- atis Pendergast, Aldershot 2000, pp. 205–225. See also Patrick J. Geary, Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages, Ithaca 1994, pp. 204–205; Maria Starnawska, Świętych życie po życiu. Relikwie w kulturze religijnej na ziemiach polskich w średniowieczu, Warsawa 2008, pp. 317–318. 11 Cynthia Hahn, Strange beauty: issues in the making and meaning of reliquaries, 400 – circa 1204, University Park, Pa. 2012, p. 120. 12 See, e.g., James Robinson, “From Altar to Amulet: Relics, Portability, and Devotion,” in: Treas- ures of heaven: saints, relics, and devotion in medieval Europe, ed. Martina Bagnoli, Holger A. Klein & Charles Griffith Mann, Baltimore, Md. 2011, esp. p. 115; Hahn 2012, pp. 161–198. 13 Although it is commonly assumed that Otto takes the credit for supplying the Reichsstift’s main treasure, i.e., St. Adalbert’s arm obtained from Boleslaw I in Gniezno, the only evidenced fact is that the foundation process was brought to completion by Henry II in 1005. See Jaroslav Nemeš, “Svätovojtešský kult v Cáchach v stredoveku,” in: Svätý Vojtech – svätec, doba a kult, ed. Jaroslav Nemeš, Rastislav Kožiak et al., Bratislava 2011, pp. 75–88. For the controversial idea that Otto initially planned to deposit the whole body in Aachen, see Przemysław Urbańczyk, Trudne początki Polski, Wrocław 2008, pp. 279–290; Dariusz A. Sikorski, Kościół w Polsce za Mieszka I i Bolesława Chrobrego. Rozważania nad granicami poznania historycznego, Poznań 2011 (Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza, Historia, 216), pp. 338, 341, 350, 352. 14 Nemeš 2011, p. 85. 15 For the sculpture in St. Adalbert’s, which probably dates from 1350–1360, see Jirí Fajt & Mark- us Hörsch, “Zwischen Prag und Luxemburg – eine Landbrücke in den Westen,” in: Karl IV. Kaiser von Gottes Gnaden. Kunst und Repräsentation des Hauses Luxemburg 1347–1437, ed. Jirí Fajt, Munich 2006, pp. 358 and 365, fig. V.8. Another depiction of the saint forms part of the intriguing iconography of a mid 15th-century­ altarpiece on the gallery of Aachen Cathedral (the octagon). It has hypothetically been interpreted as a legitimizing strategy of Ladislaus the Post- humous of the House of Habsburg, king of Hungary (1444–1457) and Bohemia (1453–1457). See e.g. Peter Cornelius Claussen, “Der Wenzelsaltar in Alt St. Peter. Heiligenverehrung, Kunst und Politik unter Karl IV.”, in: Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 43/3 (1980), pp. 292–294, Abb. 8; Nemeš 2011, pp. 86–87. 16 See Emanuel Vlček, “Porovnání pozůstatků připisovaných sv. Vojtěchovi z Prahy a sv. Adalber- tovi z Cách,” in: Svatý Vojtěch. Sborník k mileniu, ed. Jaroslav V. Polc, Prague 1997, pp. 168–196. 17 The metropolitan archbishops of Gniezno succeeded only in securing their rank as crowners. See e.g. Marek Walczak, “The Jagiellonian Saints. On Some Political, National and Ecclesiastical Aspects of Artistic Propaganda in Jagiellonian Poland,” in: Die Jagiellonen. Kunst und Kultur einer europäischen Dynastie an der Wende zur Zeuzeit, ed. Dietmar Popp & Robert Suckale, 166 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Nuremberg 2002 (Wissenschaftliche Beibände zum Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuse- ums, 21), pp. 139–149; Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei,­ Pater Patriae: the Cult of Saint Stanis- law and the Patronage of Polish Kings, 1200–1455, Krakow 2008. 18 Walczak 2002, p. 147: “In the 15th century, their development [of the cults of the four patron saints – MS] seems to have been dominated by the bishops and the Cracow Cathedral chapter. … The more important the role of the patron saints was in Polish political life under the Jagiellons, the more influential the position of the Cracow hierarchs.” The rare cases in which St. Adalbert was honored as the patron saint of Poland in the late Middle Ages have been enumerated by Piotr Węcowski, Początki Polski w pamięci historycznej późnego średniowiecza, Krakow 2014 (Monografie Towarzystwa Naukowego Societas Vistulana, 2), pp. 297–298. 19 The silver-gilt­ caskets for Saints Stanislaw and Florian were gifted by Queen Sophia of Halsh- any (1422–1461) and Bishop Oleśnicki, respectively. See, e.g., Joanna Sikorska, Relikwiarze puszkowe w Polsce, Warszawa 2010, cat. nos. I.16, pp. 246–248 and II.3, p. 274; Krzysztof J. Czyżewski, “Srebrne wyposażenie średniowiecznego ołtarza św. Stanisława w katedrze krakowskiej,” in: Folia Historica Cracoviensia 9 (2003), pp. 27–28. It remains an open question whether it is these two companion pieces that gave the decisive impetus to the amazing prolifer- ation of pyx-reliquaries­ in late medieval and early modern Poland. From the perspective of this study, an alternative conception would be tempting, namely that of an unpreserved archetype that some claim encapsulated St. Adalbert’s head from the 12th century until 1494 (see ann. 20–21). It is popularly claimed that the new pyxide mimics the form of its predecessor. See. e.g. Sikorska 2010, pp. 64–67, 97, 239–240, 272–273. Alas, the key argument for the “remake” hypothesis apparently boils down to a misinterpretation of an archive record. In any case, the piece from 1494 seems to have influenced the shape and iconography of the second reliquary for the skull of St. Stanislaw, whose execution in 1504 was again the result of the endeavors of the royal family and Krakow hierarchs. See Natalia Nowakowska, Królewski Kardynał. Studium kariery Fryderyka Jagiellończyka (1468–1503), Kraków 2011, p. 116. Regrettably, no details have been delivered concerning the alternative use of the older or the newer pyxide of Krakow’s foremost patron saint. See Krzysztof J. Czyżewski, “Der Krakauer Dom um 1600 im Lichte zeit- genössicher Quellen,” in: Martin Gruneweg (1562 – nach 1615). Ein europäischer Lebensweg, ed. Almut Bues, Wiesbaden 2009 (Deutsches Historisches Institut Warschau. Quellen und Stu- dien, 21), p. 367; Sikorska 2010, cat. no, I.17, pp. 248–249; Dariusz Nowacki & Magdalena Piwocka, Klejnoty w dawnej Polsce, Warszawa 2011, pp. 175–176. 20 The precious original piece fell prey to theft in 1923. Its galvanoplastic copy from 1914 is held in the Applied Art collection of the National Museum in Poznan. A bibliography on the reliquary is collected in Sikorska 2010, cat. no. I.10, pp. 239–240 and Na znak świetnego zwycięstwa. W sze- śćsetną rocznicę bitwy pod Grunwaldem, ed. Dariusz Nowacki, vol. 2, Kraków 2010, cat. no. 95, pp. 184–185 (Renata Sobczak-Jaskulska).­ The complete set of black and white photographs is comprised in Katedra gnieźnieńska, ed. Aleksandra Świechowska, vol. 2, Poznań 1970, ill. 295–304. 21 The commission is well documented. See Bolesław Ulanowski, Acta capitulorum nec non iudi- ciorum ecceslasticorum selecta [=AC], vol. 1, Kraków 1894 (Monumenta Medii Aevi Historica Res Gestas Poloniae Illustrantia, 13), nos. 2330, 2336, 2343, 2359, 2381, 2410, 2428–2431, 2433–2434, 2448; Akta radzieckie poznańskie [=ARP], vol. 2, Poznań 1931 (PTPN, Wydawnict- wa Źródłowe Komisji Historycznej, 8), nos. 1581, 1586 – full citation in Katedra gnieźnieńska 1970, vol. 1, Annex 1, nos. 5–5a. 22 Nemeš 2011, pp. 85–86. 23 All three on permanent display in the Holy Cross Chapel in Prague. See Svatovítský poklad. Katalog stálé výstavy v kapli sv. Kříže na Pražském hradě, ed. Ivana Kyzourová, Praha 2012, cat. nos. 65–67, pp. 100–105. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 167

24 Apart from Wenceslas, Vitus and Adalbert, the community of Bohemia’s advocates also com- prised Ludmila, Procopus and Sigismund. Most interestingly, the head of the latter was another object of rivalry between the Polish and Bohemian monarchs. One exemplar was brought to Prague by Charles IV in 1365. Another one, preserved at that time in Plock Cathedral in Mas- ovia, was translated in 1370 into a new bust reliquary donated by Kazimierz the Great, the last king of the House of Piast on the Polish throne. See, e.g., Thomas Wünsch, “Kultbeziehungen zwischen dem Reich und Polen im Mittelalter,” in: Das Reich und Polen, id., Stuttgart 2003, pp. 367–368, 380; Starnawska 2008, pp. 74–5, 79, 226, 374–375, 535. 25 Karel Otavský, “Der Prager Domschatz unter Karl IV. im Lichte der Quellen: ein Sonderfall unter spätmittelalterlichen Kirchenschätzen,” in: Das Heilige sichtbar machen. Domschätze in Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft, ed. Ulrike Wendland, Regesnburg 2010, p. 221. For the older bust see the cathedral treasury’s inventories in Antonín Podlaha & Eduard Šit- tler, Chrámový poklad u Sv. Víta v Praze: jeho dějiny a popis, Praha 1903; Inv. I/1354, č. 29; Inv. II/1355, č. 3. In all likelihood it is the new artwork that was described in Podlaha & Šittler 1903, Inv. VI/1387, č. 3. See also, e.g., Jaroslav Kadlec, Svatovojtešká úcta v ceských zemích, in: Svatý Vojtěch 1997, pp. 46–52; Dana Stehlíková: “Svatovojtěšské památky uměleckého řemesla 10.-15. věku v Čechách,” in: Środkowoeuropejskie dziedzictwo św. Wojciecha, ed. Antoni Bar- ciak, Katowice 1998, p. 252; Paweł Stróżyk, Źródła ikonograficzne w badaniu źródłoznawczym na przykładzie drzwi gnieźnieńskich. Heureza i krytyka zewnętrzna, Poznań 2011 (Publikacje Instytutu Historii UAM, 98), p. 235. 26 See, e.g., Hartmut Kühne, Ostensio reliquiarum. Untersuchungen über Entstehung, Ausbrei- tung, Gestalt und Funktion der Heiltumsweisungen im römisch-deutschen­ Regnum, Berlin 2000 (Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte, 75), esp. pp. 213–116 and 122 ff.; Paul Crossley & Zoë Opačić, “Die Krone des böhmischen Königtums,” in: Karl IV 2006, p. 205; Karel Otavský: Das Mosaik am Prager Dom und drei Reliquiare in Prag und Wien: Karls IV. Kunstaufträge aus sein- er Spätzeit, in: Künstlerische Wechselwirkungen in Mitteleuropa, ed. Jirí Fajt & Markus Hörsch, Ostfildern 2006 (Studia Jagellonica Lipsiensia, 1.), pp 57 ff. 27 Podlaha & Šittler 1897, p. 16; Kyzourová 2012, p. 100. 28 Otavský 2006, pp. 53–72. 29 It is frequently assumed that the better documented cult practices focused on St. Stanislaw’s head were complemented – and to some extent mirrored – by those involving the skull of St. Florian. See ann. 19 and Marek Walczak, “Przemiany architektoniczne katedry krakowskiej w pierwszej połowie XV wieku i ich związek z działalnością fundacyjną kardynała Zbigniewa Oleśnickiego,” in: Studia Waweliana 1 (1992), p. 27; Walczak 2002, p. 141; Rożnowska-Sadraei­ 2008, p. 389; Sikorska 2010, pp. 206–207, 209–213. 30 Antoni Gąsiorowski, “Gniezno monarsze i Gniezno biskupie w średniowieczu. Problem rezy- dowania,” in: 1000 lat Archidiecezji Gnieźnieńskiej, ed. Jerzy Strzelczyk & Janusz Górny, Gniezno 2000, esp. pp. 147–150, 158–161. Gniezno became a medium-­sized royal city, a seat of the castellan, and, from the 14th century, of the general governor of Greater Poland. 31 AC 1, no. 2800. 32 Public presentation of St. Adalbert’s skull on his anniversaries was first registered in 1354. See Kodeks dyplomatyczny Wielkopolski, vol. 3, published by Ignacy Zakrzewski, Poznan 1879, no. 1322. It is difficult to evaluate a mid 17th-century­ account of a reportedly medieval custom, which consisted in bringing the caput to the main memoria, so that it could be kissed through a barred window of special construction called a xystus. See Stefan Damalewicz: Series Archi- episcoporum Gnesnensium, Varsaviae 1649, pp. 87–88. It is almost unanimously assumed that the record concerns an “iron chapel” (capella ferrea) built 1414–1418. Arguments for this hy- pothesis were presented by Aleksandra Świechowska and Zygmunt Świechowski, “Konfesje św. Wojciecha,” in: Katedra gnieźnieńska, Poznan 1970, vol. 1, pp. 136–140. Cf. Ignacy Polkowski, 168 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Katedra gnieźnieńska, Gniezno 1874 (reprint: Gniezno n.d.), pp. 82–83. Interestingly, an analo- gous facility, i.e., a protective “cage” furnished with a suitable exposition window, was erected by King Sigismund I Jagiellon (1507–1548) around the tomb of St. Stanislaw in Krakow. See Czyżewski 2009, pp. 263–264, 267. Such an arrangement was similar to the iron chapel-like­ construction in Cologne Cathedral. See Anton Legner, Kölner Heilige und Heiligtümer. Ein Jahrtausend europäischer Reliquienkultur, Cologne 2003, fig. 58; Lisa Victoria Ciresi, “A Litur- gical Study of the Shrine of the Three Kings in Cologne,” in: Objects, images, and the word: art in the service of the liturgy, ed. Colum Hourihane, Princeton, NJ 2003 (Index of Christian Art occasional papers, 6), p. 207. 33 Perplexingly, in medieval legends relating to cathedral treasuries, removal of the entire collec- tion to another place could signify the transferal of the seat of the bishopric. See Hahn 2012, pp. 166–167. 34 AC 1, nos. 1839, 2002, 2186, 2210, 2357, 2363, 2381, 2576, 2695, 2697, 2699, 2700, 2765, 2800, 2830, 1831, 2848, 2878, 2879; Polkowski 1874, p. 100. 35 In AC 1, no. 2381 the relic of St. Stanislaw is exceptionally called ‘arm’ (brachium). 36 AC 1, nos. 2360, 2830, 2878. 37 Most of the analyzed entries in the chapter acts specify reasons of safety as the motives behind the transportation. Yet, the sole purpose did not necessarily determine the house of refuge. In- terestingly, in May 1509 the canons had the treasury sent to a “safe place” in Poznan, which provoked protests from Archbishop Andrzej Boryszewski (AC 1, nos. 2695, 2697, 2699, 2700). 38 The literary phenomenon of St. Adalbert’s cephalophoria has been discussed by Maria Star- nawska, “Kefaloforia św. Wojciecha,” (=Starnawska 2008a) in: Podróżnicy. Fundatorzy. Święci, ed. Tomasz Ratajczak, Poznań 2008 (Wydział Nauk o Sztuce PTPN, Prace Komisji Historii Sztuki, 35), pp. 213–220; Starnawska 2008, pp. 488–490. 39 Legenden über den heiligen Adalbert aus polnischen und böhmischen Chroniken, no. 3, in: Scriptores rerum Prussicarum, vol. 2, ed. Max Toeppen, Leipzig 1863, p. 422. 40 According to Jerzy Wyrozumski (“Legenda pruska o św. Wojciechu,” in: Święty Wojciech i jego czasy, ed. Andrzej Żaki, Kraków: WYDAWCA, 2000, p. 137), the legend itself dates from the 1320s. 41 Ryszard Grzesik, “Święty Wojciech w środkowoeuropejskiej tradycji hagiograficznej i histo- rycznej,” in: Studia Źródłoznawcze 40 (2002), pp. 52–53. See also the following two papers in Środkowoeuropejskie dziedzictwo 1998: Jan Powierski, “Legenda pomezańska o śmierci św. Wojciecha,” p. 147; Wojciech Iwańczak “Święty Wojciech w historiografii czeskiej XIV w.,” pp. 311, 316–318. 42 For the current state of research see Král, který létal. Moravsko-slezské­ pomezí v kontextu stře- doevropského prostoru doby Jana Lucemburského, Ostrava 2011, cat. no. 249, pp. 654–661 (Pavol Černý) and Kaliopi Chamonikola, “Mähren – auf dem Weg zur Eigenständigkeit,” in: Karl IV 2006, p. 294. There has been also an attempt to link the breviary with Bishop Jan Volek of Olomouc (Johann das Öchslein), Charles IV’s step-uncle,­ who founded a Benedictine convent in Pustiměř. 43 Dana Stehlíková, “Středověké pečeti se sv. Vojtěchem ve střední Evropě,” in: Svatý Vojtěch 1997, p. 134. 44 Scott B. Montgomery, “Securing the sacred head: cephalophory and relic claims: Disembodied Heads in Medieval and Early Modern Culture,” in: Disembodied Heads in Medieval and Early Modern Culture, ed. Catrien Santing, Barbara Baert & Anita Traninger, Leiden 2013, p. 78. 45 Cantica medii aevi polono-latina­ , ed. Henryk Kowalewicz, vol. 1, Varsoviae 1964 (Bibliotheca Latina Medii et Recentioris Aevis, 14), nos. 80, 81 (especially strophe 14a), pp. 92–96; Star- nawska 2008a, p. 219. A tale of St. Adalbert who visited a couple of towns and villages car- rying his head in his hands and singing Hospodyne pomaluj ny, was quoted by the historian Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 169

Christofer Hartknoch (1644–1687) as originating from Czech lore. See Zofia Wiewióra, Święty Wojciech w piśmiennictwie Pomorza Wschodniego i Prus dokońca XVIII wieku, Gdańsk 2010, p. 167. 46 Elżbieta Dąbrowska, “Cluny a święty Wojciech. Relacja Historiae libri quinque Rudolfa Gla- bera o męczeństwie św. Wojciecha,” in: ead., Groby, relikwie i insygnia. Studia z dziejów men- talności średniowiecznej, Warszawa 2008 (Collectio archaeligica, historia et ethnologica, 2), pp. 263–271. 47 Encyklopedia Katolicka 6, col. 858 (Mirosław Daniluk). 48 Alia vita sive sermo de vita S. Romualdi auctore Hieronymo Eremita Camald., Antverpiae 1658 (Societe des Bollandistes, Acta SS Februari II), cap. VIII, 47, p. 133 [Bruxelles 1966, PDF]. 49 Starnawska 2008, p. 489. 50 See ann. 38. 51 This episode is contained in the legend In partibus Germanie locus est, which dates from the second half of the 13th century, one part of which, entitled Miracula sancti Adalberti, some- times functioned as a separate work (published by Wojciech Kętrzyński, in: MPH 4, Lviv 1884, pp. 221–238). The legend was included in the local version of the Legenda aurea by Voragine and became the basis for almost all late medieval adaptations, summaries, distorted copies and compilations in Poland. See Węcowski 2014, esp. pp. 74–82 and 132 ff. 52 Henryk Kowalewicz & Jerzy Morawski, “Hymny polskie,” in: Musica Medii Aevi 8 (1991), no. 4, pp. 43–44. 53 See Jerzy Wyrozumski, Legenda pruska o Świętym Wojciechu, Krakow 1997; Wyrozumski 2000, pp. 129–145. On Plastwig see, e.g., Polski Słownik Biblioraficzny26 (1981), pp. 642–644 (Zenon Hubert Nowak); Encyklopedia Katolicka 15 (2011), col. 797–798 (Edward Gigilewicz); Teresa Borawska, “Kapituła warmińska w średniowieczu i na początku czasów nowożytnych,” in: Warmińska kapituła katedralna. Dzieje i wybitni przedstawiciele, ed. Andrzej Kopiczko, Ja- cek Jezierski & Zdzisław Żywica, Olsztyn 2010, pp. 170–171. 54 Borawska 2010, pp. 155–171. 55 From the second half of the 13th century it was taken for granted that St. Adalbert had been martyred on the territory of Sambia. As clarified by Piotr Węcowski, the Tenkitten tradition was characteristic for Prussia, whereas Poles tended to identify the death spot with the nearby Lochstadt, and then with Fischhausen (today Primorsk). In 1518, in the vicinity of the latter town, archbishop of Gniezno John Łaski encountered two churches dedicated to St. Adalbert. See Węcowski 2014, pp. 180–182. 56 Initially, St. Adalbert’s veneration in the monastic state was limited to a local cult, whose consist- ent promotion, evidenced since the beginning of the 14th century, served to forge the identity of the Bishopric of Samland. See, e.g., Wiesława Rynkieiwcz-Domino,­ “Kult św. Wojciecha w sz- tuce pogranicza Prus Królewskich i Prus Książęcych,” in: Studia Elbląskie 3 (2001), pp. 77–83; Waldemar Rozynowski, Omnes Sancti et Sanctae Dei. O świętych w państwie zakonu krzyżack- iego w Prusach, Malbork 2006, pp. 52, 87–88, 200; Monika Czapska, “Retabulum Koronacji Najświętszej Marii Panny z Tenkit,” in: Święci orędownicy. Rzeźba gotycka na zamku w Malbor- ku, Malbork 2013, pp. 126–127. 57 Nowadays the locality, named significantly Świety Wojciech (Saint Adalbert), is part of Gdansk. The existence of a parish church in that area was first mentioned in 1223. See, e.g., Róża Godula-­ Węcławowicz, „Onego czasu, gdy Święty Wojciech…”, czyli rzecz o mityzacji Sławnikowicza, Kraków 2005, pp. 184–186. 58 Borawska 2010, pp. 161–165. 59 The full title of the legend intimates only that it is informed by documents in the archive of the Ermland see and “ex Majorum traditione” – from high-ranking­ persons who enjoyed authority. 170 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

See Węcowski 2014, p. 222. While the prehistory of Plastwig’s story remains elusive, more can be said about its later life, see Wiewióra 2010, 55–61, 147–151, 198–200. 60 Węcowski 2014, p. 133. 61 Maria Hornowska & Halina Zdzitowiecka-Jasieńska,­ Zbiory rękopiśmienne w Polsce średnio- wiecznej, Warszawa 1947, p. 216; Edward Potkowski, Książka rękopiśmienna w kulturze Polski średniowiecznej, Warszawa 1984, p. 139. Today there are two medieval manuscripts of Pulka- va’s chronicle in Polish collections, one from the 14th century (Krakow, The Princes Czartoryski Foundation, Porycka Library Collection) and one from around 1500 (Wroclaw, Biblioteka Un- iwersytecka). See Danuta Kamolowa & Teresa Sieniatecka, Zbiory rękopisów w bibliotekach i muzeach w Polsce, Warszawa 2003 (Zbiory Rękopisów w Polsce, 1), pp. 160, 539. 62 The information that a cephalophoric image of St. Adalbert appears in the Madonna of Vyšší Brod painting from c. 1460 preserved in Alšova jihočeská galerie, Hluboká nad Vltavou, is in- accurate. Cf. Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, ed. Wolfgang Braunfels, vol. 5, Freiburg im Breisgau 1973, col. 27 (Emanuel Poche). There is a risk of over-­interpretation linked with such pieces as the unpreserved Crucifixion altarpiece from a hospital chapel in Frombork, whose style was reminiscent of the court art under the Luxembourgs. It includes an enigmatic motif of a forward-leaning­ cephalophore. The proposal that the martyr be recognized as St. Denis or St. Thomas Becket is but conjecture. See e.g. Hermann Ehrenberg, Deutsche Malerei und Plastik von 1350–1450. Neue Beiträge zu ihrer Kenntnis aus dem ehemaligen Deutschordensgebiet, Bonn–Leipzig­ 1920, pp. 56–61, fig. 38–41; Adam S. Labuda, “Die Retabelkunst in Deuts- chordensland 1350–1450,” in: Malerei und Skulptur des späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit in Norddeutschland. Künstlerischer Austausch im Kulturraum zwischen Nordsee und Baltikum, ed. Hartmut Krohm, Uwe Albrecht & Matthias Weniger, Wiesbaden–Berlin­ 2004, pp. 42–43, 51, 54, ann. 90; Adam S. Labuda, “Das Meer im Blick – Expansion nach Norden,” in: Karl IV 2006, p. 404, fig. V.33 and p. 408. Naturally, Plastwig might have been familiar with that picture. 63 The list of examples would be longer if it were possible to confirm the existence of two further sculptures enumerated in Ryszard Knapiński, “Św. Wojciech w sztuce polskiej,” in: Dziedzictwo kultu św. Wojciecha, id., Lublin 1998, p. 182. This information is repeated in Starnawska 2008, p. 490. 64 I would like to thank Dr. hab. Marek Walczak for bringing this object to my attention. I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Piotr Pokora, who kindly permitted me to consult his monumental work on Polish episcopal seals in the early Jagiellonian monarchy prior to its publication. The relevant catalogue entry summarizes the current state of research. See also Zofia Wilk-Woś,­ Późnośredniowieczna kancelaria arcybiskupów gnieźnieńskich (1437–1493), Łódź 2013, pp. 151–153; ead., “Defensor cleri liberatisque vestustae assertor, patriae prae- cipuus clypeus – śladami stryja? Kilka uwag o karierze Zbigniewa Oleśnickiego młodszego,” in: Ecclesia Regnum Fontes. Studia z dziejów średniowiecza, ed. Sławomir Gawlas et al., Warszawa 2015, pp. 714–715. Only one original impression of this seal is known to exist, attached to a document from March 17, 1487 (Archdiocesan Archive of Gniezno, Dypl. Gn, sygn. 518). 65 Miroslav Glejtek, “Sv. Vojtech v ikonografickej skladbe cirkevnej pečate v Ostrihomskej ar- cidiecéze,” in: Svätý Vojtech 2011, p. 151. Cf. Julian Gardner, “Some Cardinals’ Seals of the Thirteenth Century,” in: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 38 (1975), pp. 72–96. 66 See ARP 2, no. 1581. 67 The opinion prevails that Oleśniecki not only renewed the intellectual level of the archiepisco- pal court, but also endorsed in Gniezno a group of canons of lower social status but excellent education. See Jacek Wiesiołowski, “Gnieźnieńskie środowisko katedralne w XIV i XV wieku,” in: Gniezno mater ecclesiarum Poloniae. Katalog wystawy, Gniezno 2000, p. 100; Wilk-Woś­ 2013, p. 265. Turning to the reliquary commission, the chapter acts merely imply that the canons Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 171

expected the project to receive the primate’s attention (AC 1, nos. 2336, 2343). In January 1493 the chapter wanted to regain the relic as well as the gold secured for the new container, along with other valuables, which were then in the custody of Oleśnicki (AC 1, no. 2350). It was only after his death in February that the skull finally entered the cathedral (AC 1, nos. 2360, 2363). The goldsmith Barth was contracted more than a year later, in May 1494, under Oleśnicki’s successor Frederic Jagiellon (1493–1503), the king’s brother, a cardinal, and bishop of Krakow (1488–1503). Interestingly, the powerful cardinal and primate bequeathed funds for the new pyx-reliquary­ of St. Stanislaw (see ann. 19). 68 The original piece was lost in 1944–1945. Its copy is held in the Applied Art collection of the National Museum in Poznan. For the current state of research see Na znak 2010, cat. no. 96, pp. 186–188 (Renata Sobczak-Jaskulska).­ 69 Notwithstanding the content, the image of St. Adalbert is placed on the back of the container. The front is dominated by commemorative representation featuring St. Augustine – the patron saint of the Canons Regular. Andrew of Drzążno honoured St. Adalbert also with an arm reliquary and a non-­extant altarpiece. See Jacek Wiesołowski, “Drzążyński Andrzej,” in: Wielkopolski Słownik Biograficzny, Warszawa 1981, pp. 159–160; Zofia Białłowicz-Krygierowa:­ “Zabytki Mogilna, Trzemeszna, Strzelna i okolic od gotyku po barok,” in: Studia z dziejów ziemi mogileńskiej, ed. Czesław Łuczak, vol. 1, Poznan: WYDAWCA, 1978, pp. 319, 326, 352–358, 365–367. 70 Zofia Białłowicz-Krygierowa,­ “Gotycka konfesja św. Wojciecha w kościele kanoników reg- ularnych w Trzemesznie świadectwem fatcum sepulchri. Uwagi w związku z przekazem w kronice konwentu z XVII wieku,” in: Tropami świętego Wojciecha, ed. Zofia Kurnatowska, Poznań 1999 (Prace Komisji Archeologicznej PTPN, 18), pp. 325, 327; Godula-Węcławowicz­ 2005, pp. 195–196. 71 Białłowicz-Krygierowa­ 1978, pp. 366–367; Białłowicz-Krygierowa­ 1999, Annex no. 1, pp. 311–312; Andrzej Woziński, “Hans Brandt czy anonim z początku XVI wieku? Św. Wo- jciech czy Andrzej Boryszewski?” in: Tropami świętego Wojciecha 1999, p. 300; Przemysław H. Dorszewski, Uposażenie i działalność gospodarcza klasztoru kanoników regularnych w Trze- mesznie do początku XVI wieku, Olsztyn 2013, pp. 121–122. 72 See, e.g., Szczęsny Dettloff, “Dwie konfesje w katedrze gnieźnieńskiej,” in: Święty Wojciech 997–1947. Księga pamiątkowa, ed. Zbigniew Bernacki et al., Gniezno [1947], pp. 255–292; Przemysław Mrozowski: Polskie nagrobki gotyckie, Warszawa 1994, pp. 105–107 and cat. no. I.12, pp. 169–171; Woziński 1999; Małgorzata Kierkus-Prus,­ “Między ‘użyciem’ a ‘przy- wołaniem’. Dzieła sztuki pomorskiej a literatura z zakresu historii sztuki – dwa ‘teksty’ kultury o wpływie Stwosza na rzeźby z terenów Pomorza Wschodniego,” in: Wokół Wita Stwosza, ed. Dobrosława Horzela & Adam Organisty, Krakow 2006, pp. 335–336. 73 Wilk-Woś­ 2013, p. 37. Since he limited himself to making a relevant note on an existing docu- ment, no new diploma was issued to be sealed with the “cephalophoric” seal. 74 Wing panels (including St. Adalbert) in the National Museum in Wroclaw; central panel in the Archdiocesan Museum in Wroclaw. See, e.g., Aleksandra Szewczyk, Mecenat artystyczny biskupa wrocławskiego Jana V Thurzona (1506–1520), Wrocław 2009 (Biblioteka Dawnego Wrocławia, 4), pp. 54–64, 80, 104–105, 144–145; Van Eyck bis Dürer: Altniederländische Meister und die Malerei in Mitteleuropa, ed. Till-Holger­ Borchert, Stuttgart 2010, s. 491, cat. no. 270–271, pp. 490–491 (Bożena Guldan-Klamecka);­ Alicja Karłowska-Kamzowa,­ Wiz- erunek św. Wojciecha – męczennika, in: Mariusz Mierzwiński (ed.), Praeterita posteritati: studia z historii sztuki i kultury ofiarowane Maciejowi Kilarskiemu, Malbork 2001, p. 200. 75 Wojciech Danielski, Kult św. Wojciecha na ziemiach polskich w świetle przedtrydenckich ksiąg liturgicznych, Lublin 1997 (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL. Prace Wydziału Teologicznego, 117), pp. 239–246; Helmut J. Sobeczko, “Liturgiczny kult św. Wojciecha na Śląsku w wiekach 172 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

średnich,” in: Środkowoeuropejskie dziedzictwo 1998, pp. 229–245; Bogusław Czechowicz, Między katedrą a ratuszem. Polityczne uwarunkowania sztuki Wrocławia u schyłku średnio- wiecza, Warszawa 2008, p. 156. 76 Karłowska-Kamzowa:­ Św. Wojciech patron Polski: oblicze świętego, Gniezno 1997, cat. no. IV 15, p. 43; Czechowicz 2008, pp. 156–157. 77 The piece was lost in 1945. See Ludwig Burgemeister, Die Kunstdenkmäler der Stadt Breslau, Breslau 1930, p. 108. 78 Starnawska (2008, pp. 487–488; 2008a, p. 215) convincingly takes issue with a hypothesis that recognizes St. Adalbert in a non-extant­ relief from the Benedictine abbey on the Ołbin (nowadays part of Wroclaw), dating from the period c. 1150 – c. 1250. Cf. Witold Sawicki, “Zapoznane źródło ikonograficzne do dziejów ustroju i Polski Piastowskiej,” in: Zeszyty Nau- kowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego 8/1 (1965), pp. 28–29. 79 Variations on the theme Johannisschüssel functioned “as political emblems of power.” See Ma- teusz Kapustka, “Chasing the Caput: head images of John the Baptist in a political conflict,” Disembodied Heads 2013, pp. 161–189. 80 Szewczyk 2009, p. 23. 81 Michael Gottlieb Fuchs, Bearbeitung der Stadt Elbing und ihres Gebietes in topographischer, geschichtlicher und statistischer Hinsicht, Elbing 1926, vol. 3/1, p. 44; Georg Dehio, Handbuch der deutschen Kunstdenkmäler, vol. 2, 3rd edition, Berlin 1926, p. 128; Wiesława Rynkiewicz-­ Domino: Rzeźba elbląska około 1500 roku. Katalog wystawy, Elbląg 1998, p. 9 and cat. no. 4, p. 18–19, il. 11; Andrzej Woziński, “Rzeźba elbląska w latach 1500–1525,” in: Rocznik Elbląski 17 (2000), p. 79 and cat. no. 17, pp. 104–105; Karłowska-Kamzowa­ 2001, pp. 200–201. 82 Cf. the argumentation for identifying the figure as St. Denis in Rynkiewicz-Domino­ 2001, p. 80. On the cult of both Saints Adalbert and Denis in the Prussian dioceses, see also Rozynowski 2006. 83 This upgrading of St. Adalbert’s feast is noticeable in an Ermland missal dating from 1497. Ermland breviaries “promoted” the saint in 1490, thus ahead of the Teutonic ones, where such a change is first documented in 1492. See Powierski 1998, p. 153; Wiewióra 2010, pp. 89–90, 105–106. Moreover, according to a note in a 15th-century­ manuscript, Bishop John Striper- ok (1335–1373) donated to Frombork Cathedral particles obtained from St. Adalbert’s arm in S. Bartolomeo in Rome. See Wiewióra 2010, pp. 65–57; Węcowski 2014, p. 78. 84 Woziński 2000, cat. nos. 24 and 28, pp. 107 and 109; Rynkieiwcz-Domino­ 2001, pp. 79–80. 85 Śmigiel 2002, p. 113; Wilk-Woś­ 2013, pp. 217–218. 86 According to the most optimistic version of events, the genuine head was indeed saved from theft in 1039, as was the rest of the body, likewise revealed to the public during the ceremony in Gniezno in 1127. See Jan Długosz, Annales seu Cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, lib. 4, Varsoviae 1970, p. 307; Węcowski 2014, pp. 142–143). See also Wiewióra 2010, pp. 97–98; Węcowski 2014, pp. 84–85, 151. 87 Węcowski 2014, pp. 141–142. 88 See, e.g. Sikorska 2010, pp. 96–97. A study on selected aspects of the Gniezno Doors was re- cently presented by Ricker 2013, pp. 145–176. A comprehensive bibliography is collected in Stróżyk 2011. 89 Sikorska 2010, pp. 97–98. 90 At the entrance to the church, pilgrims can still see a relic stone to which St. Adalbert’s boat was allegedly moored. Intriguingly, Gdansk celebrated its millennium in 1997, i.e., 1000 years after the landing of the missionary, notwithstanding the fact that its traceable history is even longer. See Godula & Węcławowicz 1997, pp. 49–50. 91 Tomasz Graff, Kościół w Polsce wobec konfliktu z zakonem krzyżackim w XV wieku. Studium z dziejów kultury politycznej polskiego episkopatu, Kraków 2010. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 173

92 See, e.g., Wojciech Fałkowski, Elita władzy w Polsce za panowania Kazimierza Jagiellończy- ka (1447–1492). Studium aspektów politycznych, Warsaw1992, pp. 177, 179; Marceli Kos- man, Między ołtarzem a tronem. Poczet prymasów Polski, Poznań 2000, pp. 85–87; Kazimierz Śmigiel, Słownik biograficzny arcybiskupów gnieźnieńskich i prymasów Polski, Poznań 2002, pp. 111–114; Przemysław Mrozowski, Poczet arcybiskupów gnieźnieńskich prymasów Polski, Warszawa 2003, p. 105. 93 AC 1, no. 2381: “Item dni .. facto computo de singulis rebus ecclesie, reliquiis sacris et sig- nanter capite s. Adalberti, allato unacum brachio s. Stanislai, …; item duobus calicibus aureis necnon auro pro implicacione dicti capitis s. Adalberti cum III peciis, eciam de Gdano portato [boldface – MS]” 94 A legend in which the body laid itself to rest first in Trzemeszno and only later in Gniezno is to be found, e.g., in Gniezno breviaries from 1502 and 1540. This tradition emerges also in breviaries written in Krakow between 1399 and 1508, as well as in the Złotkowski Missal of 1490. See Danielski 1997, pp. 247–253, 158. 95 Wiewióra 2010, pp. 131–134. 96 Karłowska-Kamzowa­ 2001, p. 203; Sikorska 2010, p. 168. 97 See Barbara Abou-­el-Haj, The Medieval Cult of Saints: Formations and Transformations, New York 1997; Marek Walczak, “Cykle hagiograficzne w sztuce średniowiecznej do początków wieku XIII. Zarys problematyki,” in: Folia Historiae Artium 5–6 (2001), pp. 119–138 98 What might suggest the existence of an important missing link is the perplexing similarity of motives between the hagiographic cycles of the Gniezno Doors and St. Heribert’s reliquary (c. 1146–1159 and c. 1160–1170), as well as between both these works and an illustration in the Martyrologium Zwiefaltense (1138–1147 or c. 1160). See Jarosław Jarzewicz, “Drzwi i relikwiarz. O ewentualnych obrazowych źródłach Drzwi Gnieźnieńskich,” in: Visibilia et In- visibilia w sztuce średniowiecza. Księga pamiątkowa poświęcona pamięci profesor Kingi Szczepkowskiej-­Naliwajek, Warszawa: WYDAWCA, 2009, pp. 391–408; Abou-­el-Haj 1997, pp. 154–155; Ricker 2013, p. 156. The latter depicts St. Adalbert’s decapitated body standing in an upright position next to the impaled head, holding his crosier with one hand and making a blessing with the other. The narrative character of the illustration is only signalized by the pres- ence of squirting blood and the inclusion of an axe-wielding­ assassin. Hence associations with the type of a headless cephalophore are perhaps at least not absurd. See Sawicki 1965, p. 28 and ann. 78 in this paper. 99 Godula-Węcławowicz­ 2005, p. 154. 100 For instance, a mid 16th-century­ panel in the parish church of St. Anthony the Abbot in Męcina (Lesser Poland) presents the head fixed on a branch held by one of the assassins. This attracts the torturers’ gaze, and their gesticulation has been described as an illustration of the shock caused by seeing the severed head speak. See: Róża Godula and Tomasz Węcławowicz, Polska Legen- da Świętego Wojciecha. Spojrzenie antropologiczne, Kraków 1997, fig. 31; Wawel 1000–2000, ed. Magdalena Piwocka & Dariusz Nowacki, vol. 2, Kraków 2000, cat. no. II/20, p. 62 (Marta Giżyńska-Matecka)­ and fig. 435; Karłowska-Kamzowa­ 2001, pp. 199–200, 202. 101 See, e.g., Karłowska-Kamzowa­ 2001. 102 The retable was executed around 1504, most probably at the expense of Grand Master Frederic of Saxony (1498–1510), procurator of Lochstädt Dietrich von Reitzenstein and Amber Master Leo von Weiblingen. The piece is preserved in the Castle Museum in Malbork. The original wings are badly damaged, to the extent that their iconography can no longer be deciphered. Cop- ies painted in 1903–1905 are to be seen in the National Museum in Warsaw. See Czapska 2013, pp. 121–127 and cat. no. 58, p. 303; Karłowska-Kamzowa­ 2001, pp. 199–201; Rynkieiwcz-­ Domino 2001, p. 79; Labuda 2004, p. 360. 103 Montgomery 2013, pp. 98. 174 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

104 The elevated position of both the head and the corpus evokes not so much pagan profanation rites, but rather festive exposition of relics. With reference to the visual grammar of hagiograph- ic cycles, the H-shaped­ composition resembles the core image of translation. See: Abou-el-haj­ 1997, esp. pp. 48–55. The suggestion that the picture was perceived as a visual argument against the justified claims of Prague seems reasonable, the more so that such controversies are reported to have become a frequent stimulus for the creation of pictorial legends. See Jarzewicz 2009, p. 400; Abou-­el-Haj 1997, p. 132. 105 For the arrangement and embellishments of St. Adalbert’s shrine from the 15th to the early 17th centuries, see Dettloff [1947], pp. 262–265 and 349–350; Świechowska & Świechowski 1970, p. 141. 106 Hahn 2012, esp. p. 161. 107 Wittekind 2005, esp. p. 108–110. 108 Symptomatically, in AC 1, no. 2363, both St. Adalbert and St. Stanislaw are referred to as patron saints of Gniezno Cathedral.