Iraq Ten Years On
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Uruzgan: 18 Months After the Dutch/Australian Leadership Handover
April 2012 Uruzgan: 18 months after the Dutch/Australian Leadership Handover Goat Herder in Tirin Kot Bazaar / Picture: Casey Johnson TLO Annual Report Uruzgan: 18 months after the Dutch/Australian Leadership Handover A TLO Provincial Profile April 2012 © 2012, The Liaison Office. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the publisher, The Liaison Office. Permission can be obtained by emailing [email protected] 2010/11 Uruzgan 18 Months Assessment Acknowledgements This report is financed by the Royal Netherlands’s Embassy in Afghanistan and the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID). TLO reports are independent surveys and analyses of local perceptions and attitudes. While TLO makes all efforts to review and verify field data prior to publication, some factual inaccuracies may still remain. Data collection for this report was completed by 31 December 2011 and information presented may have changed since that time. TLO is solely responsible for possible inaccuracies in the information presented. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of AusAID, the Australian Government, or the Government of the Netherlands. The report authors would like to thank all individuals who spent time with the research team to contribute to this report as well as TLO colleagues whose comments and contributions helped to improve the clarity of the report and the correctness of its facts. About The Liaison Office (TLO) The Liaison Office (TLO) is an independent Afghan non-governmental organization seeking to improve local governance, stability and security through systematic and institutionalized engagement with customary structures, local communities, and civil society groups. -
A Day-To-Day Chronicle of Afghanistan's Guerrilla and Civil
A Day-to-Day Chronicle of Afghanistan's Guerrilla © and Civil War, June 2003 – Present Memories of Vietnam? A Chinook helicopter extracts troops of the 10th Vietnam epiphany. U.S. troops on patrol in the Afghan countryside, April 2003 Mountain Division in Nov. 2003 in Kunar province (photo by Sgt. Greg Heath, [photo in World News Network 5/2/03]. For more on parallels with Vietnam, see 4th Public Affairs Dept., Nov. 2003). Ian Mather, "Soldiers Fear 'Afghan Vietnam'," The Scotsman [May 4, 2003] A new file was begun after May 31, 2003 for two reasons: (1). during May, Secretary Rumsfeld announced the end of major U.S. combat operations in Afghanistan; and (2) in June, Mullah Omar announced a new 10-man leadership council of the Taliban and urged an increased guerrilla warfare. The new data set better captures the extent of this civil and guerrilla conflict. "...we're at a point where we clearly have moved from major combat activity to a period of stability and stabilization and reconstruction activities...." Spoken by Secretary Rumsfeld in Kabul on May 1, 2003 True or False? On August 22, 2002, the U.S. 82nd Airborne carried out another helicopter assault in Paktia province as part of a week-long campaign, 'Operation Mountain Sweep.' 1 Copyright © 2004 Marc W. Herold Estimated Number of Afghan Civilian "Impact Deaths1” Period Low Count High Count Oct. 2001 - May 2003 * 3,073 3,597 June 2003 – June 2004 412 437 CIVILIAN CASUALTIES TOTAL 3,485 4,034 * Source: “The Daily Casualty Count of Afghan Civilians Killed by U.S. -
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan Submitted by Timor Sharan to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In October 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post- 2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. -
Political Laws and Ethnic Accommodation: Why Cross-Ethnic Coalitions Have Failed to Institutionalize in Afghanistan
Political Laws and Ethnic Accommodation: Why Cross-Ethnic Coalitions Have Failed to Institutionalize in Afghanistan Mohammad Bashir Mobasher A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2017 Reading Committee: Robert Pekannen, Chair Jonathan Eddy, Co-Chair James Long Scott Radnitz Leigh Anderson Program Authorized to Offer Degree: School of Law © Copyright 2017 Mohammad Bashir Mobasher University of Washington ABSTRACT Political Laws and Ethnic Accommodation: Why Cross-Ethnic Coalitions Have Failed to Institutionalize in Afghanistan Mohammad Bashir Mobasher Chairs of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Robert Pekannen – Jackson School of International Studies Professor Jonathan Eddy – School of Law Afghanistan suffers from an ethnic-based and fragmented party system. Although some cross-ethnic coalitions have emerged, especially during the presidential elections, these coalitions have failed to survive across elections and branches of government. As for what explains the failure of the consolidation of coalitions, some scholars pointed to the SNTV system and others to the presidential system. This study examines all related institutional designs, including the SNTV system for parliamentary elections, the runoff system for presidential elections, the presidential system, dual vice presidency, and party qualification thresholds. These systems and institutions are designed by three bodies of political laws: the Constitution, electoral laws, and party laws. Analyzing these laws and institutional designs, this study makes three observations. First, the failure of coalitions to institutionalize in Afghanistan is not due to a single political law or institutional design but due to the influence of a number of them. Second, for cross-ethnic coalitions to institutionalize, all related institutional designs must act cohesively or else they fail to incentivize coalition-building, as is the case in Afghanistan. -
Eagle's Summit Revisited
Noah Arjomand Eagle’s Summit Revisited Decision-Making in the Kajaki Dam Refurbishment Project EXECUTIVE SUMMARY and the British military to show their mettle to a dominant US Department of Defense. The turbine The USAID-led effort to install an additional thus took on significance beyond the actual 18.5 hydroelectric turbine at the Kajaki Dam power megawatts of electricity that it was to provide, station in northern Helmand has been among the especially bearing in mind that this would, in fact, most costly development projects in Afghanistan put only a small dent in the ever-increasing since 2001, yet nearly eight years after the demand for electricity from southern Afghanistan’s contract was signed for its installation, the turbine cities. And so, this paper argues, the transport remains offline. Of particular note in the saga was operation went forward not because it was in a large-scale British-led military transport some objectively logical sense the best way to operation that brought parts for the turbine to the serve the war effort at the time, but because it dam by force in summer 2008. This paper revisits served the particular interests of the organizations that operation, seeking to explain why, despite that championed it. widely recognized warning signs that the turbine would not be producing electricity for destination 1. INTRODUCTION cities in the foreseeable future and at a time when insurgency was raging and British troops were In summer 2008, in what was hailed as the largest spread thin in Helmand, the decision was made to 1 British-led ‘route clearance operation’ since World devote enormous military resources to War II, nearly 5,000 International Security and transporting the turbine to the dam. -
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This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Commanders in Control Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration in Afghanistan under the Karzai administration Derksen, Linde Dorien Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 27. Sep. 2021 Commanders in Control Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration in Afghanistan under the Karzai administration ABSTRACT Commanders in Control examines the four internationally-funded disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programmes in Afghanistan between 2003 and 2014. -
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Hakimi, Aziz Ahmed (2015) Fighting for patronage: American counterinsurgency and the Afghan local police. PhD thesis. SOAS, University of London. Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. Fighting for Patronage: American counterinsurgency and the Afghan Local Police AZIZ AHMED HAKIMI Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Development Studies School of Oriental and African Studies University of London 2015 1 Abstract This thesis examines the emergence and evolution of the Afghan Local Police (ALP), a pro-government militia supported by the US military as an entry point for exploring the fluid security and political terrain of post-2001 Afghanistan. The study reveals how the ALP emerged as a compromise between the US ambition to scale up the use of local militias and the Afghan president’s attempts to control the local armed groups and the flow of patronage that the US support to these groups represented. -
Lucy Morgan Edwards to the University of Exeter As a Thesis for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics by Publication, in March 2015
Western support to warlords in Afghanistan from 2001 - 2014 and its effect on Political Legitimacy Submitted by Lucy Morgan Edwards to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics by Publication, in March 2015 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certifythat all the material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted or approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. !tu ?"\J�� Signature. ... .......................L�Uv) ......... ...!} (/......................., ................................................ 0 1 ABSTRACT This is an integrative paper aiming to encapsulate the themes of my previously published work upon which this PhD is being assessed. This work; encompassing several papers and various chapters of my book are attached behind this essay. The research question, examines the effect of Western support to warlords on political legitimacy in the post 9/11 Afghan war. I contextualise the research question in terms of my critical engagement with the literature of strategists in Afghanistan during this time. Subsequently, I draw out themes in relation to the available literature on warlords, politics and security in Afghanistan. I highlight the value of thinking about these questions conceptually in terms of legitimacy. I then introduce the published work, summarising the focus of each paper or book chapter. Later, a ‘findings’ section addresses how the policy of supporting warlords has affected legitimacy through its impact on security and stability, the political settlement and ultimately whether Afghans choose to accept the Western-backed project in Afghanistan, or not. -
Understanding Ethnic-Electoral Dynamics: How Ethnic Politics Affect Electoral Laws and Election Outcomes in Afghanistan
MOBASHER 4/18/2016 3:11 PM UNDERSTANDING ETHNIC-ELECTORAL DYNAMICS: HOW ETHNIC POLITICS AFFECT ELECTORAL LAWS AND ELECTION OUTCOMES IN AFGHANISTAN *Mohammad Bashir Mobasher After the fall of the Taliban in 2001, Afghanistan began transitioning toward democracy. The democratization, which began with the Bonn Agreement, was very promising for all ethnic groups in Afghanistan. The Bonn Agreement provided that Afghanistan must establish “broad based, gender sensitive, multi- ethnic and fully representative government.”1 As a part of this agreement, Afghanistan adopted a new Constitution in 2004, which established elections as the foundation for representative government and guaranteed that the elections be inclusive, fair, and representative of all groups and regions. Despite this progress in the laws, Afghanistan has not been able to reduce ethnic tensions. In fact, this article shows that ethnic tensions tend to intensify during elections, a result that belies the vision of the Bonn Agreement. After presenting a statistical and qualitative analysis of voting practices across three presidential elections and 26 provinces, this article makes several observations about the role of ethnicity in Afghan presidential elections. These observations are: (1) people of an ethnic community are more likely to vote for a candidate of their own ethnic group; (2) voters from one ethnic group are likely to vote for a candidate from another ethnic group only when they do not have a candidate of their own; (3) cross ethnic voting is more likely to occur in blocs and in exchange for patronage to the elites of voting groups; and (4) candidates and ethno-political elites tend to prioritize their electoral campaigns by ethnic mobilization, manipulation of laws and political bargains rather than by policy development in order to generate votes. -
People of Ghazni
Program for Culture & Conflict Studies www.nps.edu/programs/ccs/ Province: Helmand Updated: May 1, 2010 Governor: Mohammad Gulab Mangal Provincial Police Chief: Brigadier General Abdul Hakim Angar Population Estimate: 1,441,769 Urban: 86,506 (6%) Rural: 1,355,263 (94%)1 Population Estimate by Gender: Male: 51% Female: 49% Area in Square Kilometers: 58,584 Capital: Lashkar Gah Major Languages: Pashtu: 94% Dari/Balochi- 6% Names of Districts: Dishu, Garmser, Reg, Nad Ali, Nawai Barakzai, Lashkar Gah, Nahrisarraj (Gereshk), Sangin, Washer, Naw Zad, Musa Qala, Kajaki, and Baghran. Ethnic Groups: Religious Groups: Sunni Tribal Groups: Barakzai (32%), Pashtun majority, Baluch Muslim, minority Shi’a, Noorzai (16%), Alokzai (9%), minority in South, Naqalin Hindu and Sikh population Eshaqzai (5.2%) (“migrant;” usually eastern Pashtun tribes). Occupation of Population Major: Farming.2 Minor: agriculture, animal husbandry, potential for fishery Crops/Farming/Livestock: Opium, tobacco, sugar beets, cotton, sesame, wheat, mung beans, maize, onions, nuts, sub flowers, onions, potato, tomato, cauliflower, peanut, apricot, grape, and melon. Animals include donkey, sheep, goats, chickens, cows, and camels. Irrigation trends: Access to irrigated land: 97% Access to rain-fed land- 5%3 Literacy Rate Total: 4%4 Poppy (Opium) Cultivation: 2006: 69,500 2007: 2008: 2009: 2010: *UNODC statistics ha 102,770 ha 103,590 69,833 Forth- ha ha coming Transportation: Primary Roads: The ring road passes through Helmand from Kandahar to Delaram. There is a major north-south route (Highway 611) that goes from Lashkar Gah to Sangin. 33% of Helmand’s roads are not passable during certain seasons and in some areas there are no roads at all.5 Electricity: Could be quite extensive should the Kajaki dam become fully operational. -
Putting It Together Southern Afghanistan
P UTTING IT T OGETHER IN S OUTHERN A FGH A NI S T A N Cultural & Geographic Research TRIBAL ANALYSIS CENTER MAY 2009 Putting it Together in Southern Afghanistan P UTTING IT T OGETHER IN S OUTHERN A FGH A NI S T A N Copyright © 2009 Tribal Analysis Center, LTD All Rights Reserved Cultural & Geographic Research TRIBAL ANALYSIS CENTER About Tribal Analysis Center Tribal Analysis Center, 6610-M Mooretown Road, Box 159. Williamsburg, VA, 23188 Putting it Together in Southern Afghanistan Putting It Together in Southern Afghanistan One aspect of the insurgency in southern Afghanistan that seems to escape a great deal of scrutiny is its similarity to the situation in eastern Afghanistan and the Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It is nearly axiomatic that an insurgency having its base areas within a neighboring country’s safe havens is nearly impossible to defeat and time remains the insurgent’s best ally. FATA is clearly recognized as an insurgent base area. Little discussion has resulted from reviews of the similar situation found in southern Afghanistan and its border with Pakistan. It is, however, crucial to the survival of the western insurgency with its north-south infiltration routes emerging from Pakistan through a generally uncontrolled border. These follow old, established trade and nomad migration paths that allow the insurgents, as well as drug smugglers, relatively unrestrained access into central Afghanistan. Much of the southeastern border region between Afghanistan Map No. VII Southeastern Afghanistan Nomad Routes and Pakistan is blocked by a large barrier of drifting sand. This geographic reality generally has forced insurgent infiltration routes to shift westward into southern Helmand Province. -
Chronology of Events in Afghanistan, May 2003*
Chronology of Events in Afghanistan, May 2003* May 1 Human Rights Office set up under Afghan Interior Ministry. (Afghan news agency Hindokosh) The Office of Human Rights Enforcement was inaugurated at the Interior Ministry in the presence of the interior minister Ali Ahmad Jalali, the Information and Culture Minister Makhdum Rahin and Ms Sima Samar, the head of the Human Rights Commission. The office has been assigned to defend due legal and civil interests in society and enforce governance with the help of its security departments. Primary school burnt down in Nangarhar Province. (Radio Afghanistan) It was reported that a primary school was set ablaze. Unidentified people set on fire the school located in Shenki village of Chaparhar District in Nangarhar Province. It is said that a number of books and other equipment were destroyed by the fire at the school. Illegal arrests of foreigners in Azerbaijan . (World Markets Research Centre / WMRC Daily Analysis). A lawyer campaigning for immigrants' rights in Azerbaijan said that the 'illegal' arrests of foreign Muslims could worsen relations with Muslim countries in Azerbaijan's vicinity. Since May 2002, according to lawyer Alovsat Aliyev, 140 Afghans, 42 Iraqis and 17 Iranians have been arrested and several more expelled from the country. Some people have been arrested for months without charges, says Aliyev. May 2 Helmand governor says 60 Taliban arrested. (Reuters) Afghan government forces arrested 60 Taliban rebels following a rocket attack on a major dam in the southwest of the country, a provincial governor said. The governor of the province of Helmand, Sher Mohammad Akhundzada, said that three rockets had been fired in the night of May 1 at Kajakai dam in the north of the province, but had missed their target.