Recognition in International Law: a Functional Reappraisalt
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Than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional Strengthening of Mexico’S Armed Forces in the Context of U.S.-Mexican Military Cooperation
More than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional Strengthening of Mexico’s Armed Forces in the Context of U.S.-Mexican Military Cooperation By Iñigo Guevara February 2018 More than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional strengthening of Mexico’s armed forces in the context of US-Mexican Military Cooperation By Iñigo Guevara “With Mexico, very, very strong, quiet military-to-military relations” … … “This is a relationship that has been many decades in the making. Just go back - just for an example - go back to World War II. It doesn't start with us. It will not end with us.” -U.S. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis1 Strategic Reasoning for Closer U.S. –Mexico Military Ties Despite the deep cultural and economic diversity of North America’s 486+ million inhabitants, the interconnectedness of the three countries means that they all face, to various degrees, the same threats, which range from serious to existential. Existential threats have long been narrowed to a nuclear war with Russia, to a much lesser degree China, and the now aspiring North Korea. The lack of an existential threat from the south has meant that Mexico was not a priority for the U.S. defense community. Mexico’s non-interventionist interior-looking foreign policy, the lack of an external threat, and an extremely complex politico-military relationship also meant that the defense relationship with the United States was cordial, but distant over several decades. Since the 1980’s, the Mexican Navy and Air Force did source their token conventional fighting capacity from the United States: a squadron of tactical jet fighters and a flotilla of second-hand destroyers and frigates; however, this was mainly out of convenience rather than a strategic decision to develop binational defense ties. -
Surviving Through the Post-Cold War Era: the Evolution of Foreign Policy in North Korea
UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title Surviving Through The Post-Cold War Era: The Evolution of Foreign Policy In North Korea Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nj1x91n Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Yee, Samuel Publication Date 2008 DOI 10.5070/B3212007665 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Introduction “When the establishment of ‘diplomatic relations’ with south Korea by the Soviet Union is viewed from another angle, no matter what their subjective intentions may be, it, in the final analysis, cannot be construed otherwise than openly joining the United States in its basic strategy aimed at freezing the division of Korea into ‘two Koreas,’ isolating us internationally and guiding us to ‘opening’ and thus overthrowing the socialist system in our country [….] However, our people will march forward, full of confidence in victory, without vacillation in any wind, under the unfurled banner of the Juche1 idea and defend their socialist position as an impregnable fortress.” 2 The Rodong Sinmun article quoted above was published in October 5, 1990, and was written as a response to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union, a critical ally for the North Korean regime, and South Korea, its archrival. The North Korean government’s main reactions to the changes taking place in the international environment during this time are illustrated clearly in this passage: fear of increased isolation, apprehension of external threats, and resistance to reform. The transformation of the international situation between the years of 1989 and 1992 presented a daunting challenge for the already struggling North Korean government. -
Explaining Irredentism: the Case of Hungary and Its Transborder Minorities in Romania and Slovakia
Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia by Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fuzesi A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in Government London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2006 1 UMI Number: U615886 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615886 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 DECLARATION I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. Signature Date ....... 2 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON Abstract of Thesis Author (full names) ..Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fiizesi...................................................................... Title of thesis ..Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia............................................................................................................................. ....................................................................................... Degree..PhD in Government............... This thesis seeks to explain irredentism by identifying the set of variables that determine its occurrence. To do so it provides the necessary definition and comparative analytical framework, both lacking so far, and thus establishes irredentism as a field of study in its own right. The thesis develops a multi-variate explanatory model that is generalisable yet succinct. -
GREAT BRITAIN, the SOVIET UNION and the POLISH GOVERNMENT in EXILE (1939-1945) Studies in Contemporary History
GREAT BRITAIN, THE SOVIET UNION AND THE POLISH GOVERNMENT IN EXILE (1939-1945) Studies in Contemporary History Volume 3 I. Rupieper, Hermann J. The Cuno Government and Reparations, 1922-1923: Politics and Economics. 1979, viii + 289. ISBN 90-247-2114-8. 2. Hirshfield, Claire. The Diplomacy of Partition: Britain, France and the Creation of Nigeria 1890-1898. 1979, viii + 234. ISBN 90-247-209<)-0. 3. Kacewicz, George V. Great Britain, the Soviet Vnion and the Polish Government in Exile 193~1945. 1979, xv + 252. ISBN 90-247-2096--6. G REA T BRITAIN, THE SOVIET UNION AND THE POLISH GOVERNMENT IN EXILE (1939-1945) by GEORGE V. KACEWICZ . ~ '. •. ~ . I979 MARTINUS NIJHOFF PUBLISHERS THE HAGUE/ BOSTON/LONDON The distribution of this book is handled by the following team of publisbers: for Ihe United Stoles "lid Canada Kluwer Boston, Inc. 160 Old Derby Street Hingbam, MA 0204) USA far 0/1 alher co ulllrit~ Kluwer Academic Publishers Group Di stribution Center P.O. Box)2l 3300 AH Dordrocht The Netherlands Libr ~ r y of Congress C~ l a l og in g in Publication D ata Kacewicz. George V Great Britain. the Soviet Union. and Ihe Polish Government in Exile (t939-1945) Bibliography: p. Includes index. I, World War, 1939-1945 - Go\'ernments in exile. 2. World War, 1939-1945 - Poland. 3. Poland -History - Occupation, 1939-1945. 4. Great Britain - Foreign re lations -Russia. 5. Russia _ Foreign relations - Great Britain. 6. World War. 1939-1945 - Diplomatic Hi story. I. Title. D81 0.G6K3l 1979 940.53'438 78- 31832 ISBN-13: 978-94-009-9274-0 c-ISBN-13 : 978-94-009-9272-6 001 : 10.1007/978-94-009-9272-6 Copyright 1979 by Mor linus Nijhoff Publishers br, The Hogue. -
Relations: the Case of South Korea
*4- Values, Governance, and International Relations: The Case of South Korea CrrrrNc Oxtvr:r,r DIFFERTNG cuLTURAL HABrrs can facilitate the resolution of dis- putes involving parties from other countries. But very often the hidden cultural premise s that inform human behavior impede, or obstruct a1- together, reconciliation between disputilrg partics. Elites socialized in different cultures may behave in different ways and make di{ferent choices, even when placed in similar situations. To understand how a country's elite views dispute resolution mechanisms designed to deal with international conflicts, it is necessary to examine domestic atti- tudes andpractices. Membersof diffcrent societiesattribLrteconflicting significance to social, economic, andpolitical disputes and their reso- lution because their assumptions about the world and themselves vary. And cultural values, sometimes in very subtle ways, are embodied in institutions, the main mechanism of policy implementation and Ieed- back.' The purpose of this chaptet is to outline vadous ways in whic}r culture, economy, governance, and international relations are linked. Topics include tl.re following. How does culture, as reflected in valucs, alfect South Korean politics and economic practices, and how has governance affected South Korea's international relations? Is the tra- dition of Confucianism compatible with liberal dernocracy? What are the rnain value systems speciflc to South Korea? And how have these cultural elements impacted on South Korea's foreign relations? In fact, few societies have changed as rapidly or as dramatically since the end of WorldWarII as South Korea. Annexation by fapan, the Korean War, and the division into North and South have contributed 76 souTH KoREA + 77 to abrupt social changes. -
Abkhazia: the Long Road to Reconciliation
Abkhazia: The Long Road to Reconciliation Europe Report N°224 | 10 April 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Political Realities in Abkhazia .......................................................................................... 3 A. Russia’s Military Presence ......................................................................................... 3 B. Russian Financial Dependence .................................................................................. 6 C. Property and Other Disputes ..................................................................................... 8 III. Overcoming Obstacles in the Georgia-Russia Standoff and Abkhazia ........................... 12 A. Georgia-Russia Relations .......................................................................................... 12 B. The Geneva International Discussions and Humanitarian Issues ............................ 13 C. The Non-Use of Force ............................................................................................... -
Between Two Revolutions: Cultural Relations Between Mexico and Cuba*
Jahrbuch für Geschichte Lateinamerikas Anuario de Historia de América Latina 54 | 2017 | 108-128 Amelia M. Kiddle University of Calgary Between Two Revolutions Cultural Relations between Mexico and Cuba Except where otherwise noted, this article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0) https://doi.org/10.15460/jbla.54.23 Between Two Revolutions: * Cultural Relations between Mexico and Cuba Amelia M. Kiddle Abstract. - This article examines the role that Revolutionary Mexican foreign policy played within Mexican and Cuban society through an analysis of the 1938 voyage to Havana of the Brigada Mexicana and the 1939 visit to Mexico of Colonel Fulgencio Batista. These goodwill missions contributed to Mexican and Cuban state formation. In the Mexican case, the goodwill mission created domestic support by providing evidence of international support for the oil expropriation of 1938, and in the Cuban case, it provided legitimacy to the Batista regime by demonstrating affinity with the Mexican Revolution. While visiting Mexico in 1939, Batista witnessed the commemoration of the Constitution of 1917. Although he may not have been influenced to emulate its radical content in the Cuban Constitution of 1940, the two documents came to carry tremendous symbolic weight in the populist politics of both countries. Keywords: Goodwill; Foreign Relations; Cultural Relations; Mexico; Cuba; Lázaro Cárdenas; Fulgencio Batista. Resumen. Este artículo examina el papel que la política exterior del México Revolucionario jugó en las sociedades mexicana y cubana a través de un análisis del viaje de la Brigada Mexicana a La Habana en 1938 y la visita de Fulgencio Batista a México en 1939. -
The Mexican Foreign Policy Tradition
Fauriol: DIFFERING PERCEPTIONS IN FOREIGN POLICY AND SECURITY: The Mexican DIFFERING PERCEPTIONS IN FOREIGN POLICY AND SECURITY THE MEXICAN FOREIGN POLICY TRADITION Dr. Georges Fauriol* INTRODUCTION Mexico's foreign policy is quite unique. More than any other large country, the Mexican tradition has been to renounce the un- stated assumptions of "power politics." In its place, twentieth cen- tury Mexican decision makers have substituted a defensive foreign policy distilled from their ideology, prudent self-interest and their national experience. In the late 1980s, this has begun to slowly change. Oil, financial crises, tension at Mexico's northern and southern borders, and domestic unrest have altered Mexico's inter- action with the world. It is unclear whether this has altered Mex- ico's perception of its own interests. Mexico's position and participation in international politics thus defies easy categorization. The issue is not whether it has the means to enter the ranks of powerful nations. Mexico is already a signifi- cant nation whose sense of nationalism confirms that. The question is how Mexico will face its overwhelming problems. Positioned to take off industrially with its resources, energy, and growing tech- nology Mexico is an upwardly mobile nation. The global petroleum economy has brought a new challenge to Mexico, that is now forc- ing major choices on Mexican policy. Even with the potential for being a modern state, Mexico does not appear to have the national self-confidence and attendant interests for even regional power aspi- rations. In strategic terms, Mexico has the foundation to become a powerful nation, but appears reluctant to accept the responsibility. -
Seventh Report on Unilateral Acts of States, by Mr. Víctor Rodríguez Cedeño, Special Rapporteur [Original: English/French/Spanish] [22 April 2004]
UNILATERAL ACTS OF STATES [Agenda item 5] DOCUMENT A/CN.4/542*1 Seventh report on unilateral acts of States, by Mr. Víctor Rodríguez Cedeño, Special Rapporteur [Original: English/French/Spanish] [22 April 2004] CONTENTS Page Multilateral instruments cited in the present report ..................................................................................................................................... 207 Works cited in the present report ................................................................................................................................................................. 208 Paragraphs INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................................................................................. 1–12 211 Chapter I. ACTS AND DECLARATIONS THAT MAY REPRESENT THE PRACTICE OF STATES................................................................................................. 13–201 212 A. Acts whereby States assume obligations .................................................................................................................................... 13–79 212 B. Acts by which a State waives a right or a legal claim................................................................................................................. 80–88 232 C. Acts by which a State reaffirms a right or a legal claim ............................................................................................................. 89–178 -
Diplomatic Recognition of Israel by UAE and Bahrain: Regional Reactions and India’S Concerns
Author Dr Shelly Johny, Senior Fellow (West Asia & Security Studies), Centre for Public Policy Research. Published in October 2020 by Centre for Public Policy Research, Kochi Centre for Public Policy Research (CPPR) First Floor, “Anitha”, Sahodaran Ayappan Road Elamkulam, Kochi, Kerala , India-682020 www.cppr.in | E-mail: [email protected] Distributed by Centre for Public Policy Research, Kochi Copyright © Centre for Public Policy Research, Kochi All rights reserved. This publication, or any part thereof shall not be reproduced in any form whatsoever without permission in writing from the publisher. Views expressed by the author are personal and need not reflect or represent the views of Centre for Public Policy Research. Diplomatic Recognition of Israel by UAE and Bahrain: Regional Reactions and India’s Concerns Diplomatic Recognition of Israel by UAE and Bahrain: Regional Reactions and India’s Concerns Abstract The recent Abraham Accords signed between Israel, the UAE and Bahrain marked the establish- ment of diplomatic relations between Israel and the two GCC states. But clandestine relations be- tween Israel and most of the GCC states have been going on since the past three decades and the Accords are merely a formalisation of an ongoing process. The establishment of diplomatic relations has brought about interesting reactions from the region, especially the different GCC states. Apart from the UAE and Bahrain, two different sets of reactions are visible among the GCC states. The first group, which includes Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Oman already has friendly relations with Israel but are not in a position to formally establish diplomatic relations because of various reasons. -
The Cardenas Doctrine and Twentieth-Century Mexican Foreign Policy
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1974 The aC rdenas Doctrine and Twentieth-Century Mexican Foreign Policy. Jerry Edwin Tyler Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Tyler, Jerry Edwin, "The aC rdenas Doctrine and Twentieth-Century Mexican Foreign Policy." (1974). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 2768. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/2768 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. t INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. -
France: Factors Shaping Foreign Policy, and Issues in U.S.-French Relations
France: Factors Shaping Foreign Policy, and Issues in U.S.-French Relations Paul Belkin Analyst in European Affairs April 14, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32464 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress France: Factors Shaping Foreign Policy, and Issues in U.S.-French Relations Summary The factors that shape French foreign policy have changed since the end of the Cold War. The perspectives of France and the United States have diverged in some cases. More core interests remain similar. Both countries’ governments have embraced the opportunity to build stability in Europe through an expanded European Union (EU) and NATO. Each has recognized that terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are the most important threats to their security today. Several factors shape French foreign policy. France has a self-identity that calls for efforts to spread French values and views, many rooted in democracy and human rights. France prefers to engage international issues in a multilateral framework, above all through the European Union. European efforts to form an EU security policy potentially independent of NATO emerged in this context. However, more recently, policymakers in France, Europe and the United States have come to view a stronger European defense arm as a complement to rather than a substitute for NATO. From the September 11, 2001, attacks on the United States through the Iraq war of 2003 until today, France has pressed the United States to confront emerging crises within a multilateral framework. France normally wishes to “legitimize” actions ranging from economic sanctions to military action in the United Nations.