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No. 181, November 11, 1977

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No. 181, November 11, 1977 WfJ/iIlE/iS ",IN(J(J,I/i, 25¢ No. 181 :-..==: )(,~:lJ 11 November 1977 ~-- - ~- -;' :;a. ~I"l,e~reAl. ' t~he·"arty,p. of I tile Russian Revolutioll • i 1 ,. f ~ • Sixtieth Anniversary of the ~ '!'--J t·1&~·- Bolshevik =' .~~~~I....... li.~'" E. ~ tt>c~~ t:~~~~ 1!!1.~ Oust tile Stalirlist Revolution ·~~.· ""I~,~. Bureaucracy! G ,j"§"!ill~'I\i.~.-'1... '-... October! the mood of the moment. The Russian against "Soviet social-imperialism"; program is as valid as it was 40 years The 1917 October Revolution was the ago. One ofits most powerfulpresenta­ question has been and remains the shaping event of our century. The centrists salute Lenin while ignoring his question of the revolution. The Russian life-long struggle for an international tions is the speech, reprinted below, by seizure of state power 60 years ago by James P. CannonJounder ofAmerican Bolsheviks on November 7, 1917, once the revolutionary Russian proletariat, proletarian vanguard as the roadto new and for all, took the question of the Octobers; and the now-reformist S WP Trotskyism, to the New York branch of led by its Bolshevik vanguard, was a the Socialist Workers Party on 15 workers' revolution out of the realm of monumental advance toward world sloughs offdefense of the USSR as an abstraction and gave it flesh and blood impediment to its social-democratic October 1939. Cannon's speech was socialism. Even today-decades after originally reprinted in the February reality. the usurpation ofpolitical power in the appetites. Only the international Spar­ It was said once of a book-I think it tacist tendency-the legitimate political 1940 New International; we are repu­ USSR by the Stalinist bureaucratic blishing it from his book, The Struggle was Whitman's "Leaves of Grass"­ caste whose counterrevolutionary be­ continuators of Lenin's Bolsheviks and "who touches this book, touches a of Trotsky's Fourth lnternational­ for a Proletarian Party, which originally trayals block the international exten­ appeared in 1943. man." In the same sense it can also be sion of the revolution and jeopardize stands solidly on the Trotskyist pro­ said, "Who touches the Russian ques­ this historic gain-all purported com­ gram of unconditional military defense tion, touches a revolution." Therefore, munists must seek to clothe themselves of the USSR against imperialism and by James F! Cannon be serious about it. Don't play with it. in the revolutionary mantle of October counterrevolution, combined with the The October revolution put socialism struggle for political revolution in the The Russian question is with us once 1917. again, as it has been at every critical on the order of the day throughout the Today the pro-Moscow Stalinists degenerated and deformed workers world. It revived and shaped and states to establish the proletarian turning point of the international labor commemorate the sixtieth anniversary movement since November 7,1917. And developed the revolutionary labor afthe Russian Revolution with nauseat­ democracy ofsoviet rule. movement of the world out of the Today. as Jimmy Carter beats the there is nothing strange in that. The ing appeals for "peaceful coexistence"; Russian question is no literary exercise drumsfor an anti-'Soviet mobilization in continued on page 2 Maoists wave red flags while demon­ to be taken up or cast aside according to strating for NATO as the bulwark the name of "human rights, " this We Are the Party of the Russian Revolution ... (continuedfrom page J) hloodv chaos of the war. The Russian revolution showed in practice. hy examp!o,::. how the workers' revolution is to he made. It revealed in life the role of the party. It showed in life what kind of a party the workers must have. By its victory. and its reorganization of the social system. the Russian revolution has proved for all time the superiority of nationaliled property and planned economy over capitalist private proper­ ty. and planless competition and an­ archy in production. A Sharp Dividing Line The question of the Russian revolution and the Soviet state which is its creation has drawn a sharp di\iding line through the lahor move­ ment of all countries for 22 years. The attitude taken toward the Soviet Union throughout all these years has heen the Lenin speaking In Red Square, 1919. decisin:: criterion separating the genuine revolutionary tendency from all shades Conclusions on the Russian question them, That is the only way to assure a cal analysis--a degenerated Workers' and degrees of waverers. backsliders lead directly to positions on such issues firm and consistent policy. State. The political conclusion­ and capitulators to the pressure of the as war and revolution. defense and To he sure. we do not decline unconditional defense against external hourgeois world-the Mensheviks. defeatism. Such issues. by their very cooperation with people who agree with attack ot: imperialists or internal at­ Social Democrats. Anarchists and nature. admit no unclarity. no compro­ our political conclusions from different tempts at capitalist restoration. Syndicalists. Centrists. Stalinists. mise. because it is a matter of taking premises. For example. the Bolsheviks The main source of division in our sides' One must be on one side or were not deterred by the fact that the left Defensism and Defeatism own ranks for the past ten years. since another in war and revolution. S. R.s were inconsistent. As Trotsky the Fourth Internationalist tendency remarked in this connection. "Ifwe wait Defensism and defeatism are two took organized form on the internation­ The Importance of Theory till everything is right in everybody's principled. that is, irreconcilable posi­ al field. has been the Russian question, head there will never be any successful tions. They are not determined by Our tendency. being a genuine. that is. Hut if the lines are drawn only when revolutions in this world" (or words to arbitrary choice but by class interests. orthodox. Marxist tendency from A to political conclusions diverge. that does that effect). Just the same. for our part :\! 0 party in the world ever succeeded Z. has always proceeded on the Russian not at all signify that we are indifferent we want everything right in our own in harboring these two antipathetic question from theoretical premises to to theoretical premises. He is a very heads. We have no reason whatever to tendencies for any great length of time. political conclusions for action. Of poor Marxist better say. no Marxist at slur over theoretical formulas. which are The contradiction is too great. Division course. it is only when political conclu­ all who takes a careless or tolerant expressed in "terminology." As Trotsky all over the world ultimately took place ~if\I'''" 'In' dr'lu:n Ollt t() the end that attitude toward theoretical premises. savs. in theoretical matters "we must along this line. Defensists at home were u f 1.ILII\..\..~ \ Jr lJl\:. 1,U~~laJl YUC~l1UIl I ne plllllle,1I conclUSIOns or Marxists ke'ep our house clean." defeatists on Russia. Defensists on reach an unbearable acuteness and proceed from theoretical analyses and Our position on the Russian question Russia were defeatists at home. permit no amhiguity or compromise. arc constantly checked and regulated by is programmatic. In brief: The theoreti- The degeneration of the Soviet state under Stalin has been analyzed at every step by the Bolshevik-Lenininsts and only by them. A precise attitude has been taken at every stage. The guiding The "Russian Question" re­ lines of the revolutionary Marxist mains an acid test for Leninists. approach to the question have been: The context for the speech of See the reality and see it whole at James P. Cannon, left, was set every stage: never surrender any posi­ by the imminent World War II. tion before it is lost: the worst of all In particular, following the capitulators is the one who capitulates September 1939 Hitler-Stalin before the decisive battle. pact, a sanctimonious social­ The International Left Opposition chauvinist clamor arose for a which originated in 1923 as an opposi­ hol~ war by the imperialist tion in the Russian party (the original "democracies" against Stalin­ nucleus of the Fourth International) has ism. This pressure found a always taken a precisc attitude on the response eyen within the ranks Russian question. In the first stages of the degeneration of which the Stalinist of the American Trotskyists, as bureaucracv was the banner bearer the petty-bourgeois elements cast opposition considered it possible to around for a new "theorv" of rectify matters by methods of reform the l'SSR's class nature to'justi­ through the change of regime in the fy abandoning the Trotskyist Communist Party of the Soviet Union, program. Later. \\ hen it became clearer that the The ferment over the "Rus­ Communist Part\ of Lenin had been sian Question" was to lead to a Irremediabl\ destro\ed. and after it deep split in the party. The bel'ame manikst that the reactionan forces around Max Shachtman bureaucrac\ could be rernO\cd only by indignantly denied that their ci\ il war. the I'ourth International. abandonment of Soviet de­ standing as bdore on its analySIS of the fensism signaled their decisive SO\iet l nion as a \Iorkers' state. carne break from Bolshevism. but out lor a political rl'\o!ution. Trotsky and Cannon under­ \11 thl' time throughout this cntire stood that the Shachtmanites pl'Jlod of 16 \l'ars the HolshC\ ik­ were heading toward capitula­ I l'lllni,t> ha\ e \t(luth maintained. in tion to their "own" bourgeoisie. thl' Llee III ,i!I,LinJer and persecution. The Shachtmanites were mas­ that thn \\erl' the firrne\t de!cnders oj ters of obfuscating left thl' \\ (Hker<stdte and that in the hour oj ddnger thl'l \Iould bl' in the front rank> rhetoric-eYen indulging in rea­ (l! its ,kknsl' \\c al\la\\ said the sonable cricitisms of the SWP monll'nt (11 danger \1 Iii find till' h,urth from time to time-but their I!llc'r11dt ()IU]lst> ,1\ thl'iT [wsts deknd­ break from defensism found its 1l!~ thL' l'()nqUi.>,t, 4,.)1 thl' grClit I"l'\ nlul1lH1 culmination in reconciliation \1, ~t bOUl (l'd"ln~ Inr a rnOIllCTlt our \\ith imperialist American social st'uggk dl!d:llSt till' Su,inlst bUTl'alll'ra­ democran.
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