DOCSLIB.ORG

Estonia Political Briefing: the 2019 Riigikogu Elections: Done, but Not Dusted E-MAP Foundation MTÜ

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Estonia Political Briefing: the 2019 Riigikogu Elections: Done, but Not Dusted E-MAP Foundation MTÜ ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 16, No. 1 (EE) March 2019 Estonia political briefing: The 2019 Riigikogu elections: done, but not dusted E-MAP Foundation MTÜ 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 The 2019 Riigikogu elections: done, but not dusted The long-awaited 2019 parliamentary elections in Estonia are history. However, this undisputed fact represents only the ultimate finale of a single process. The elections were held to form the country’s next Government, and from now, it is a ‘whole-new kettle of fish’. The old promises and predictions are becoming blurry, being ruthlessly moderated by each and every party’s desire to be an integral part of the governmental coalition, for as long as it could be possible during the upcoming 4-year term. In a number of our previous briefings on Estonian politics, some arithmetic was done in regards of possible configurations, which the prospective cabinet could have. It was clearly underscored that absolutely all of those options could be considered relevant if no Estonian political party would be inclining to enter a serious discussion with the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia (Eesti Konservatiivne Rahvaerakond or EKRE). In the pre-elections period, the latter political establishment, while exposing a noticeably xenophobic political rhetoric, had been growing from strength to strength in all polls. Has the situation changed after 3 March? Have those politicians, who were publically denouncing a possibility to communicate with EKRE on a perspective to form a coalition with them, changed their mind since then? The e-vote as a good indicator of the winner Since Estonia is a global champion in the sphere of e-governance, there is no big surprise that a significant number of Estonian citizens prefer casting their votes electronically, using their e-signature. In principle, the Internet-based voting (I-voting) was possible to be done around the clock, from the 10th until the 4th day before the elections day1. In 2015, the Estonian I-voters’ share among participating voters represented 30.5%2, an astonishing result that looked like a political ‘science fiction’ for other countries. In 2019, the voters’ turnout was high enough to be positively acknowledged (565,045 out of 887,420 or 63.7%), but the number of people who voted electronically broke all possible records – 247,232 citizens did cast their votes online, and it made the I-voters’ segment among participating voters being 43.75%3. Most probably, the next Riigikogu elections in 2023 will see the majority of the country’s voters to 1 ‘Internet voting in Estonia’ in Valimised. Available from [https://www.valimised.ee/en/internet-voting/internet- voting-estonia]. 2 ‘Statistics about Internet Voting in Estonia’ in Valimised. Available from [https://www.valimised.ee/en/archive/statistics-about-internet-voting-estonia]. 3 ‘Total of Estonia’ in Valimised. Available from [https://rk2019.valimised.ee/en/voting-result/voting-result- main.html]. 1 be ‘casting’ their ‘ballots’ electronically – it is going be a revolutionary change in democratic practices. However, until that occurs, the outcome of the 2019 elections was no less revolutionary – by the end of business in the country-wide polling stations, the State Electoral Committee immediately confirmed that the I-voting was won by the opposition – the Estonian Reform Party collected 40% of the total votes in the segment, followed by the EKRE that managed to receive 13.5%4. With necessity and keeping in mind the already known total number of the Estonian citizens who had voted, it became possible to argue (even before the rest of the votes would be counted) that the Estonian Reform Party was to win the elections with a significant margin. The political party, which was the leading force in five consecutive Estonian Governments from April 2005 until November 2016, was getting ready to come out from the oppositional shadow to champion the formation of the country’s new cabinet. An early moment to celebrate it was. The aggregated polling data vs. the voting results In order to follow and, with a certain luck, understand the outcome of the 2019 Riigikogu elections, it would be logical to compare the actual results with the aggregated polling data recorded for the two month that were preceeding the elections. Even having had a hurried look at the numbers presented by PollofPolls.eu5 (aggregation trend line Kalman Smooth), it is possible to argue that the official record on the final digits6 is, in fact, not too far away from the aggregated polling data for January and February (see Table 1 for more details). 4 ‘Reform Party overwhelmingly wins the e-vote’ in ERR. 3 March 2019. Available from [https://news.err.ee/916336/reform-party-overwhelmingly-wins-e-vote]. 5 ‘All polls for Estonia’ in Pollof•Polls.eu. Available from [https://pollofpolls.eu/EE]. 6 ‘Voting and election result’ in Valimised. Available from [https://rk2019.valimised.ee/en/election- result/election-result.html]. 2 Table 1: Aggregated polling data (January-February 2019) and the elections results (March 2019), Estonia7 Date of recording/aggregated % vs. the actual result Political party 3 January 2019 3 February 2019 3 March 2019 The Estonian Centre Party 26% 27% 23.1% The Estonian Reform Party 24% 26% 28.9% The Conservative People’s Party 19% 17% 17.8% of Estonia The Social Democratic Party 11% 10% 9.8% Pro Patria 8% 8% 11.4% Estonia 200 6% 5% 4.4% The Estonian Free Party 1% 1% 1.2% The Estonian Greens 2% 3% 1.8% Source: Pollof•Polls.eu and Valimised.ee The above shown figures confirmed the fact that only the following political parties are on their way to be entering the next Riigikogu: the already mentioned Estonian Reform Party and EKRE will be having a company of the Estonian Centre Party, the Social Democratic Party, and Pro Patria. The other political establishments, including the Estonian Free Party that scored big time in 2015, did not manage to pass a nationwide threshold of 5% and, therefore, will be outside of the Estonian Parliament for the next four years at least. The Estonia 200, a prospective newcomer to the Riigikogu, dramatically failed to deliver in the final stage of the campaign, losing a good half of what the polling data had been predicting for them at the beginning. The factor that the Estonia 200 dropped out from the list of prospective coalitional partners for either the Estonian Reform Party or the Estonian Centre Party (or for both of them) represents one of the main explanations of what happened next. 7 ‘All polls for Estonia’. 3 On 3 March, closer to midnight, the Republic of Estonia learned the main set of digits, which were brought by the elections – out of the total 101, how many seats each party will be possessing in the next Riigikogu (see Table 2) Table 2: Number of seats per party based on the 2019 Riigikogu elections results Political party Number of seats The Estonian Reform Party 34 The Estonian Centre Party 26 EKRE 19 Pro Patria 12 The Social Democratic Party 10 Source: Valimised.ee It became painfully obvious for the ruling coalition of the Estonian Centre Party, the Social Democratic Party and Pro Patria that, together, they will not be scoring the number of seats required for enjoying the parliamentary majority. With an immediate effect, this kind of revelation made the whole process to be featured by a very high degree of uncertainty – this is when a situational political ‘friend’ can easily become a situational political ‘enemy’. On such an occasion, the contrary can effectively work in exactly the same fashion. EKRE that collected 99,671 votes was to increase the party’s presence at the Riigikogu by 271%, adding 12 more seats to their parliamentary faction. Nobody was going to be a ‘friend’ of ERKE before? What a banality! These sentiments remained in the almost forgotten past, and, without engaging any algebra, the explicit list of probable configurations of the prospective Estonian Government appeared before the electorate in a trivial way (see Table 3 for details). 4 Table 3: Probable configurations of the prospective Estonian Government Configurations Combined number of seats at the Riigikogu 1. The Estonian Reform Party, The Social Democratic Party, 56 Pro Patria 2. The Estonian Reform Party, 60 The Estonian Centre Party 3. The Estonian Reform Party, The Estonian Centre Party, 70 The Social Democratic Party 4. The Estonian Reform Party, The Estonian Centre Party, 82 The Social Democratic Party, Pro Patria 5. The Estonian Reform Party, EKRE, 65 Pro Patria 6. The Estonian Centre Party, The Social Democratic Party, 67 EKRE, Pro Patria 7. The Estonian Centre Party, EKRE, 57 Pro Patria Source: Constructed by E-MAP Foundation MTÜ and based on Valimised.ee Having lost one parliamentary seat as compared to the 2015 results, the Estonian Centre Party found themselves in a position with a super-limited ability to perform effective manoeuvring. The exact coalition they were leading from November 2016 is not going to be ‘repeated’, and it pushed the party’s leader and the current Prime Minister Jüri Ratas to make some important statements on the elections night. As reported, when he was asked on whether or not the Estonian Centre Party would be ready enter a governmental coalition as a junior partner, Jüri Ratas immediately gave his “Of course”, while adding that “I will work to see the Centre Party in the best possible positions in the next coalition”8.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
    Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • State of Populism in Europe
    2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European
    [Show full text]
  • Parties, Voters, and Activists: Building Ideological
    PARTIES, VOTERS, AND ACTIVISTS: BUILDING IDEOLOGICAL LINKAGE IN DEVELOPING DEMOCRACIES A Dissertation by SE JIN KOO Submitted to the Office of Graduate and Professional Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Chair of Committee, Robert Harmel Committee Members, Dan Wood Marisa Kellam Hoi-Eun Kim Head of Department, William Clark December 2014 Major Subject: Political Science Copyright 2014 Se Jin Koo ABSTRACT This study addresses the question of why ideological parties and party systems emerge in some democracies but not in others, with a special focus on developing democracies. In delving into this question, I highlight the functions of ideology as a multilevel phenomenon, and examined the party-voter linkage mechanism based on policy programs at various angles. I assume that a party has strong ideological linkage (a) when those in the electorate who support the party feel a close ideological affinity for the party, (b) when the party has a clearly defined and ideologically distinct program, and (c) when party activists are ideologically motivated and coherent within the party. Focusing on each dimension, each empirical chapter evaluates the effects of institutions, socio-economic conditions, and democratic conditions. The methodology used for this multilevel approach is ‘tripartite,’ combining statistical analysis (large-N cross-national comparison), content analysis (case study) and traditional surveys (inter- and intra- country comparisons). First, by examining ideological affinity between parties and voters in 46 democracies, I find that the extent of perceived ideological affinity is determined by the age, size, and ideological position of a party and that institutional and economic factors are more important than democratic conditions for the development of ideological congruence of a party system.
    [Show full text]
  • Factsheet: the Estonian Riigikogu
    Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Estonian Riigikogu Toompea Castle in Tallinn, the seat of the Riigikogu 1. At a glance The Riigikogu is a unicameral Parliament of 101 Members and is elected for a four-year term. All important state-related questions pass through the Riigikogu. In addition to approving legislation, the Riigikogu appoints the Prime Minister and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and elects (either alone or, together with representatives of local government within a broader electoral college) the President. The Riigikogu also ratifies international treaties, approves the budget presented by the government as law, and monitors the executive power. The parliamentary elections of 3 March 2019 marked the victory of the Reform party (Renew), followed by the Estonian Centre party (Renew). The Centre party, however, turned down an offer by the winning Reform party to form a joint coalition, forming instead a coalition between the Centre Party, EKRE, and Pro Patria (in office since 29 April 2019). 2. Composition Results of the parliamentary elections of 3 March 2019 Party EP affiliation % Seats Eesti Reformierakond (REF) 28,9 34 Estonian Reform Party Eesti Keskerakond (KESK) 23,1 26 Estonian Centre Party Eesti Konservatiivne Rahvaerakond (EKRE) Estonian Conservative People's Party 17,8 19 Not affiliated Isamaa Erakond 11,4 12 Pro Patria Sotsiaaldemokraatlik Erakond (SDE) Social Democratic Party 9,8 10 101 Turnout: 63.7% The next elections must take place in 2023 at the latest. Last updated on 18/07/2019. Photo credits: Estonian Riigikogu. http://www.ep.europa.eu/relnatparl [email protected] 3.
    [Show full text]
  • A Governance Agreement Between the Estonian Reform Party and the Estonian Centre Party and a Cooperation Agreement of the Government Coalition for 2021–2023
    A governance agreement between the Estonian Reform Party and the Estonian Centre Party and a cooperation agreement of the government coalition for 2021–2023 The Estonian Reform Party and the Estonian Centre Party form a government that will continue to efficiently solve the COVID-19 crisis, maintain the progressive nature of Estonia, and develop the state in all fields and regions. Both parties understand that the current political and societal atmosphere in Estonia is tense and will do everything in their power to create a wider political trust and a desire for cooperation among all Estonian citizens to further progress the state. The coronavirus pandemic requires continuous decisive action in the immediate future to prevent the disease from spreading, vaccinate Estonian people, strengthen the healthcare system, manage the educational sphere, guarantee the income of all citizens, and support entrepreneurship. The coalition partners will follow the following principles in the government coalition. • We will stand for a progressive political culture that treats all societal groups as equally respectable, and for an honourable governance, drawing from the spirit of our constitution. • Estonia is a great small nation that supports all people, their will for self-fulfilment and their wish to contribute to the development of Estonia. • We will follow the best common interests of the Estonian nation and citizens, and the principles of justice and truth. Estonia is a country that follows the rule of law and all our societal decision-making processes are as transparent as possible. • We prioritise decreasing social, economic, and regional inequality, and developing the health and well-being of each citizen.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
    Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal.
    [Show full text]
  • European Parliament Elections: a Final Look at the National Campaigns
    European Parliament elections: a final look at the national campaigns blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/05/22/european-parliament-elections-a-final-look-at-the-national-campaigns/ 22/05/2014 European Parliament elections are being held on 22-25 May, with voting already under way in some countries across Europe. To mark the start of the election, Stuart Brown takes a look at the national campaigns, national polling, and the key domestic issues which are at stake in each of the 28 EU states. While several predictions have been made as to the eventual composition of the European Parliament, the individual votes which will take place in each EU states between now and Sunday will also have an important impact at the level of domestic politics. This article provides a final overview of each of the 28 national campaigns, including polling on the likely results and some of the key issues at stake in each state. To structure the article, states have been loosely grouped on the basis of their size and location into six different sections, with tables provided showing the latest vote share and seat predictions from PollWatch2014 for each group in turn. An outline of each of the political groups within the European Parliament is available here. Table 1: Predicted vote share and seats in the 2014 European Parliament elections in the five largest states: France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the UK France Germany Italy Spain UK Latest update: average of EP polls from 14 – 16 May; Ifop, OpinionWay, TNS, CSA and Ipsos. For more information on the parties see: Union for a Popular Movement (UMP); Front National (FN); Socialist Party (PS); Front de Gauche; Union of Democrats and Independents (UDI); Europe Ecology – The Greens (EELV); New Anticapitalist Party (NPA); Arise the Republic (DLR).
    [Show full text]
  • Download [Pdf]
    European Research Centre for Anti-Corruption and State-Building Working Paper No. 32 The Long Transition to Good s Governance: the Case of Estonia Looking at the changes in the governance regime and anti- corruption policy Aare Kasemets (Paper presented at the XXII World Congress of International Political Science Association, Madrid, July 8-12 2012) ERCAS WorkingPaper July 2012 www.againstcorruption.eu Abstract: This paper deals with the post-communist positive outlier Estonia, which made according to international comparisons perhaps the most spectacular progress in the world, from a totalitarian regime to a quality democracy in less than twenty years. The country has seen improvement in all four dimensions of control of corruption described in the equilibrium model of Alina Mungiu-Pippidi (2011) since the restoration of its independence in 1991. The changes in the different dimensions happened almost simultaneously. During the first government of Mart Laar (1992-1995), policies that reduced material resources and strengthened legal constraints were implemented. Estonia pioneered important liberal reforms, for instance the adoption of a flat tax which then became very trendy in Eastern Europe and a very advanced e-government inspired from the neighbouring Finland. It also had the most radical policy towards Soviet time judiciary, replacing most of it and restarting practically all over with new magistrates. Normative constraints are also high, with a public opinion intolerant of particularism, an active civil society and a free press. The paper tries to explain why Estonian elites succeeded in promoting good governance and anti-corruption measures more than most other Central and Eastern European countries.
    [Show full text]
  • The Estonian Riigikogu
    Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Estonian Riigikogu Toompea Castle in Tallinn, the seat of the Riigikogu 1. At a glance The Riigikogu is a unicameral Parliament of 101 Members and is elected for a four-year term. All important state-related questions pass through the Riigikogu. In addition to approving legislation, the Riigikogu appoints the Prime Minister and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and elects (either alone or, if necessary, together with representatives of local government within a broader electoral college) the President. The Riigikogu also ratifies international treaties, approves the budget presented by the government as law and monitors the executive power. 2. Composition Results of the parliamentary elections on 1 March 2015 Party EP affiliation % Seats Eesti Reformierakond (REF) Estonian Reform Party 27,7% 30 Eesti Keskerakond (KESK) Estonian Centre Party 24,8% 27 Sotsiaaldemokraatlik Erakond (SDE) Social Democratic Party 15,2% 15 Isamaa ja Res Publica Liit (IRL) Pro Patria and Res Publica Union 13,7% 14 Eesti Vabaerakond (EVA) No affiliation 8,7% 8 The Free Party in the EP Eesti Konservatiivne Rahvaerakond (EKRE) No affiliation 8,1% 7 Conservative People's Party in the EP 101 Turnout: 64,2% The next elections must take place in 2019 at the latest. 3. Officeholders President of the Riigikogu Chairperson of the Committee on European Union Affairs Mr Eiki Nestor (SDE/S&D) Mr Toomas Vitsut (KESK/ALDE) Chancellor (Secretary General) of the Riigikogu: Mr Peep Jahilo 4. Relations with Members of the European Parliament Participation rights for Estonian MEPs in No plenary sittings Participation rights for Estonian MEPs in Only EU Affairs committee committee meetings Availability of videoconferencing system in Yes the Riigikogu 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix 1A: List of Government Parties September 12, 2016
    Updating the Party Government data set‡ Public Release Version 2.0 Appendix 1a: List of Government Parties September 12, 2016 Katsunori Seki§ Laron K. Williams¶ ‡If you use this data set, please cite: Seki, Katsunori and Laron K. Williams. 2014. “Updating the Party Government Data Set.” Electoral Studies. 34: 270–279. §Collaborative Research Center SFB 884, University of Mannheim; [email protected] ¶Department of Political Science, University of Missouri; [email protected] List of Government Parties Notes: This appendix presents the list of government parties that appear in “Data Set 1: Governments.” Since the purpose of this appendix is to list parties that were in government, no information is provided for parties that have never been in government in our sample (i.e, opposition parties). This is an updated and revised list of government parties and their ideological position that were first provided by WKB (2011). Therefore, countries that did not appear in WKB (2011) have no list of government parties in this update. Those countries include Bangladesh, Botswana, Czechoslovakia, Guyana, Jamaica, Namibia, Pakistan, South Africa, and Sri Lanka. For some countries in which new parties are frequently formed and/or political parties are frequently dissolved, we noted the year (and month) in which a political party was established. Note that this was done in order to facilitate our data collection, and therefore that information is not comprehensive. 2 Australia List of Governing Parties Australian Labor Party ALP Country Party
    [Show full text]
  • REPORT on the MARCH 5, 1995 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION in ESTONIA and the STATUS of NON-CITIZENS: Tallinn and Northeast Estonia
    105th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 1st Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe REPORT ON THE MARCH 5, 1995 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION IN ESTONIA AND THE STATUS OF NON-CITIZENS: Tallinn and Northeast Estonia MAY 1995 A Report Prepared by the Staff of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION (OSCE) The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the Helsinki process, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada. Since then, its membership has expanded to 55, reflecting the breakup of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. (The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro, has been suspended since 1992, leaving the number of countries fully participating at 54.) As of January 1, 1995, the formal name of the Helsinki process was changed to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE is engaged in standard setting in fields including military security, economic and envi- ronmental cooperation, and human rights and humanitarian concerns. In addition, it undertakes a variety of preventive diplomacy initiatives designed to prevent, manage and resolve conflict within and among the participating States. The OSCE has its main office in Vienna, Austria, where weekly meetings of permanent represen- tatives are held. In addition, specialized seminars and meetings are convened in various locations and periodic consultations among Senior Officials, Ministers and Heads of State or Government are held. ABOUT THE COMMISSION (CSCE) The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), also known as the Helsinki Commission, is a U.S.
    [Show full text]