Japan Association forforMiddle Middle East Studies

PAYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QUEEN OF (EL-AZHARI)

PAYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO

634-640 A.H./1236-1242 A.D.

Taef Kamal EL-AZHARI*

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* Assistant Professor, Faculty of Arts, University of Helwan

27 NII-Electronic Library Service JapanJapanAssociation Association for Middle East Studies

AJAMESMiddle No.15 2000

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28 NII-Electronic Library Service JapanJapanAssociation Association forforMiddle Middle East Studies

Il)AYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QU･EEN OF ALEPPO (EL--AZHARI)

Introduction

Most studies written on the history of the Ayyubids, focused on their rule in

Egypt, while Ayyubid Syria lacks such equivalent studies from scholars(i). It is true that the history of both countries interacted during $alalj al-Din I (d. 1193), the founder of the dynasty and to some years under his brother al-`Adil I (d. 1218).

During that time the Ayyubid kingdom remained intact.

After al-tAdil I death, the Ayyubid realm was divided following the Turkish-

Kurdish tradition of distributing the iqLa` among the sons of the dead . That

led to open hostilities between the Ayyubid amirs in Syria to control the principal

cities of Syria and al-Jazira. Also pelitical pacts were formed between many of them

against the Ayyubids of . The matter cleteriorated into bitter civil war follow-

ing the death of the Ayyubid Suitan al-Kami1 in 1238(2).

While Egypt remainded to be governed through central system under the

Ayyubids with one lord, Syria was governed through the city state system. In the second quarter of the thirteen century, many factors have contributed to the pulling of northern Syria out of the Egyptian orbit. The powerful neighbour the Saljuqs of

Rum, and the successive Khwarizmian invasions to the area. Also the internal feud

between the Ayyubids of southern Syria and Egypt, and their fights with the

Crusaders which occupied sustantial part of their attention, away frem northern ' ' Syria.

The study of Ayyubid Aleppo between 1236-1242 is a study of a rare case in the Islamic history as a whole, when an Ayyubid princess, rpayfa Khatttn became the de facto ruler of Aleppo public]y, and managed to keep the status quo until she died. There are two major contemporary historians of her age. Ibn al-`Adim (d. 660/1261)

and Ibn Wasl (d.697/1298). The first described in details her rule as he was her

trusted ambassador to other rulers in many occasions. That surely benefits the

research. Payfa KhatUn was treated by scholars merely as an incidental figure.

Although the role of the woman in political life was examined(3> one hardly

know the role of the Ayyubid one, which is the aim of this article.

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AJAMES No.15 2000

Who was rpayfa Khatan:

She was the daughter of al-`Adil I, the Ayyubid Sultan. She was born in Aleppo's

citadel in 581/1185, when her father was then, governing the city as an Iqta` from his

"guest" in Persian and brother $ala4 al-Din I(`). Her name rpayfa means . It was given to her according to Ibn al-fAdim who rnentioned, that al-`Adil was receiving a guest in the citadel, and when he was told about her birth. He decided

to name her rpayfa(5). The sources do not say much about her upbringing, but she was brought up in Egypt when her father was the Sultan there. Payfa was one of four daughters to

al-`Adil. Her elder sister Ghazia KhatUn was married in 582/1186 to her cousin

al-Zahir (d. 61311216), son of $alah al-Din, ruler of Aleppo. She died without giving birth to any sons. After she died, al-Zahir sent in 609/1212 to al-`AdilIasking to Baha' al-Din b, marry rpayfa(6). al-`Adil agreed, and the chief qadi of Aleppo, Shaddad was sent to to complete the ceremony. Her dowery was 50,OOO dinfir,

which was the average of that period(7). Her father sent her in the same year with

hundreds of servants in her company, and at her arrival in Aleppo, al-4hir decorated

the city and lavished on her many jewellery(8).

Dayfa's status in Aleppo before taking power:

Payfa gave birth in 610/1213 to her only son al-`Aziz b. al-Zahir, and three and have the half years later, her husband died(9). During that period, rpayfa did not chance to play any political role as it is clear from the Aleppan historian Ibn al-`Adin 'is and Ibn Wasl. That due to the domination of her husband who ruled . powerful

Aleppo for 30 years. When al-Zilhir had his final illness in Jumada II 613/Oct. 1216, one sees for the

the appe5rance of Dayfa in the arena. Al-4ahir had already appointed time - political his three years old son, al-`Aziz as successur in A]eppo, and appointed Atabek 1216 and Tughril as regent to him(iO>. On sunday 18 Jumada II 61315 October rpayfa Tughril gave strict order that no one should visit al-Zahir when he became gravely

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PAYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO (EL-AZHARI)

ill.They were the only persons to attend him. Two days later when al-Zah{r ' died on Tuesday, rpayfa and Tghril concealed the news from the rest of Aleppo including

the amirs in the citadel, until Wednesday(ii>.

Why were such firm and secretive measures from rpayfa? It is believed for two reasons. First that rpayfa feared any challenge to power from al-Zahir eldest son ' al-$alib, who was born to him in $afar 601/August 1204 from one of his concubine,

and al-Zahir made him the second in line to the thrown(i2). So II)ayfa wanted to avoid

any influence from al-$alilj who was in the citadel at that time, or any ambitious

amir who might support him, on the dying malth, or challenge his wil] immediately

after his death. So Dayfa managed to secure a smooth transfer of power to her son,

and to keep him there. Since her father was the supreme Ayyubid sul!an, there

would be no objection to his grandson to govern as Ibn al-Athir' had described it(i3).

The second reason, was to prevent an escalation of unrest in Aleppo by the

worried locals, which took place during the last week of al-Zahir rule, untill they

replaced the malik safely, in order to assure the public about law and order. The last

four days if al-Zahir's illness, Aleppo's markets ceased any commercial activity(i`).

After that, one did not see Payfa interfere in political life or influence her very

young child, probably as there was a very able Atabek who took charge of Aleppo

until 628/1231('5). One knows that she stayed during that period in Aleppo in the

citadel, which was the residence of the ruler. Occassiellally she used to march in

parade for social activity, as she was accompanied in 629/1232 by the wazir of

Aleppo and other leading figures (tt4ya-n) to Tall-al-Sultan, to the south of Aleppo to

greet her daughter-in-law Fatima KhatUn, daughter of al-Kamil (d.635/1238)(i6). Apart from that, the sources decline to mention any information about Payfa untill

the death of al-`Aziz on 14 Rabi` I 634/December 1236(i'),

Payfa in power

One month before dying, while suffering from pneumonia, al-`Azrz wanted to

install his seven years old son, al-Nasir II, whoes mother was a Turkish concubine

to al-`Aziz, as a successor(i8). By doing that, he was reversing the will of al-Z:ahir,

that the rule of Aleppo after al-`Aziz should go to his brother al-$alilj, and not his son

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AJAMESMiddle No.15 2000

as it was mentioned above. Al-`Aziz sent Ibn al-`Adim in an embassy to al-$alilj, now

`Ain lord of Tab, about two weeks before he died, asking him to swear alliegence to

him and his son al-Nasr as ruler of AleppoCi9). It is believed that Ibn al-`Adim was .

not successful in his mission.

`Ain While Ibn al-`Adim was still in Tab, al-`Aziz died. rpayfa enforced her son's will and installed her grandson al-Nasr II (d. 658/1260) as a new Malik. That took plhce with the support of four men in Aleppo. The two leading commanders of

`Izz `Umar al-`Azlz, amir Sharns al-DIn Lu'lu' and amir al-DIn b, Mujalli, Wazir

Jamal al-Din b. al-QifP, and Jamal al-Dawla Iqbal al-KhatUnr(20>. Together, they formed a governing council headed by Dayfa. The four men acted as chancellors.

They used to debate the affairs of Aleppo, then when they reached a decision on a

certain rnatter, they sent Iqbal al-Khatani to Payfa to seek her permission to carry

it out. As Ibn Wasil had described it, she had the final say on all state affairs, and -

" she put her signature ttZl lama" on all documents and correspondences(2i). As events

will show, she was not a rober stamp, but she had these rnen as advisers and deputies,

since men had more freedom of movements, but she was the mistress and in many

occasions she did not refer to them at all.

This was the second precedent in Islamic history until that year, when a woman become the Queen openly. The first was Queen Arwa, the Sulayhid of 492- 53211099-1138(22>. In other cases, influential women put forward a leading male

figures to govern in their best interest and their child ruler, like in Fatimid Egypt,

when Sitt al-Mulk the aunt of the 16-year-old Caliph al-Zahir (d. 427/1036), or Rasd

the mother of the 7-year-o]d Caliph al-Mustansir (d.48711e94)<23). The Fatimid

women did not afiix their signature on documents or hold a royal title, rpayfa Khatttn

as it will be discussed shortly, commis$ioned armies, designated military objects, sent

embassies, formed alliances and struck treaties.

VLihy Dayfa did not interfere in the rule when her son was three years old and did so in the case of her grandson? ene presumes that Payfa was inexperienced

woman in state affairs at the age of thirty-two. She has been in Aleppo for less than

four years, so she did not have the chance to form a network which she could count on for her rule. Also she found that Atabek Tughril was capable of carrying out that job, especialJy that he governed to the best interests of al-`Azlz(2`). At the age of 52, from her rpayfa was much better experienced after learning the art of governance

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rpAYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO (EIiAZHARI)

residence inAleppo'scitadel, the residence of the ruler. One can add that rpayfa did not feel that Aleppo was under threat while her father was the Sultan, or when her

son took charge, but after al-`Azlz had clied, al-Kamil of Egypt represented a threat

to Aleppo,

Her titles and declaration of the Khutba .

rpayfa did held several titles. The first was Khatu-n, which was Turkish-Persian

"Landlady"(25>. for She had that title since her birth as an Ayyubid princess. After

commg to power, she assumed the title al-1lfaldea, Arabic-Persian for queen which is

rnentioned by her contemporary historians(26>. She was described also by Ibn Wasil .

"Possessor as al- Fle1ptba. Arabic-Persian for of"(2') which asserted the previous title.

In foreign correspondence, one finds that Ayyubid princes like al-Muzaffar of . Hamah, and al-5alib Ayyab of Egypt (d. 647/1249) used to call her al-Satr al-`Alf{28) Arabic for eminence-highness, These titles clearly reflects the status of Payfa in Aleppo.

Although rpayfa was the Queen of Aleppo, while her seven years old grandson held the title of malth as well, one believe that she did not struck her name on the

Aleppan dinar, nor declared her name in the Khutba, as there is no concrete evidence

to support that. However she was happy to use her grandson's name instead. '

On the other hand was the one te decide to whom the Khutba should be rpayfa . given (a symbolic act of homage) which refiected her upper hand over Aleppo. The

Ayyubids of Aleppo, used to deciare the Khutba before the name of their malik to

`Abbasid the supreme Ayyubid Sultan, and the ca]iph as leader of the Sunni faith.

One sees that Dayfa agreed to give the Khutba to her brother al-Kamil, the Ayyubid

Sultan of Egypt and put his name on the currency for one year until end of 634/May

1237, but turned down the request of his weak successor al-`Adil II to declare the Khutba and mint the dinar in his name(29). Instead rpayfa after consulting the governing council, had agreed to the request of her powerfull ally, the Saljuqid Sultan Kaykhusraw II (d. 644/1246) of Anatolia to give the Khutba to him and put his

name on theAleppan currency in 635/1238. For that occasion, a Saljuqid ambassador

arrived in Aleppo, and climbed the pulpit in the presence of Iqbal al-Khatani, He

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AJAMES No.15 2000

threw clinars carrying his lord's name on the Aleppans at the mosque(30}. The sources

do not mention the month, but it is probably late 635/early 1238. Payfa kept the

Khutba in Aleppo to the Saljuqs, and only after her death, one finds her grandson

al-Nasir II was able to give the Khutba to the Ayyubid Sultan al-$alib Ayyab. (d.

647f1249) of Egypt in 641/1243`3i).

One can assert the view, that by refusing the KhuLba to an Ayyubid Sultan, and

declaring it to the Saljuqid one, she shifted the alliance of Aleppo. Giving the Khutba

to the first was merely ceremonial and will not influence Aleppo, but with the second,

"vassalage" Aleppo had intered into what Cahen described as relations{32) where both

sides will aid each other militarily.

rpayfa and her relation with al-Kamil of Egypt

After Payfa had installed al-Nasir as malik in Aleppo, she sent in 634/1236 qaqi

Zain al-Din b. al-Ustadh, and Badr al-Dm in an embassy to al-Kamil in Cairo, in order

to get the formal recognition from him to the new rule 6f Aleppo. Al-Kamil had

`Ain other opinion, that was to install al-$Alib lord of Tab, son of late al-Zahir as

malik in AIeppo and regent for al-Nasir II. This was the only way al-Kamil was

going to recognise the rule in Aleppo. In addition, al-Kamil did not show the usual

respect and hospitality deserved for such embassy, Without a robe of honour for

al-Nasir II, the two massengers returned to Aleppo and informed rpayfa of what took place. After consulting the governing council, rpayfa refused aT-Kamil's demand(33>. Weeks later, al-Kamil wanted to increase the pressure on Dayfa, he sent a robe of

"as honour to al-Nasir without Boots mark of derision". He also sent robes of .

honour to the leading amirs in Aleppo. With a separate eovoy, he sent to al-Salilj b,

`Ain al-lahir in Tab his own robes. As soon as rpayfa knew that, she ordered that

only al-Nasir who should wear the robes, and sent a force to intercept the envoy to

`Ain Tab and managed to turn him back to Egypt. Payfa decided to boycut al- Kamil(3`). Payfa's act could be interpreted as counter defensive against al-Kamil's behaviour who was challenging her authority, and conspiring by promoting his own candidate. rpayfa also had forbidden her amirs from wearing the Egyptian robes,

fearing that they might turn against her.

34 NII-Electronic Library Service JapanJapanAssociation Association forforMiddle Middle East Studies

Il}AYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO (EL-AZHARI)

As a result, rpayfa formed a pact with her brother al-Ashraf, lord of

and al-Jazira. Al-Ashraf arrived in Aleppo in Rama4an 634/May 1137, and dechded

to form a Syrian alliance against al-Kamil. They managed to have on their side

Shirkah lord of Hims, al-Muiaffar of \amah. Only al-Nasir Dawad of al-Karak was the one to ally hirnself with al-Kamil(35). rpayfa and al-Ashraf had sent an embassy to the Saljuqid Sultan Kay Qabad asking him to join them. Ibn al-`Adim was Aleppo's

envoy in that mission. On his arrival, he found that the Sultan had died in Shawwal

634/May 1237, but he met his successor Kaykhusraw II (d. 644/1246) the following

month and managed to gain his support for the Syrian alliance{36).

This pact sent an envoy to al-Kamil in Egypt, a representative from Aleppo was

"PVke included. Their massage was. all and ciemand not to leave agvaed .fivnt you

`EMy EgyPt and enter Syria again'1 Al-Kamil replied to the envoy: blessing you have

(agreea do ",ou want nay oath.P, yobl too should swear to me that you will never attack

mp count7y or a7ay of mp dOminions then I will meet your request"(37}.

One believes that, it was self interest which had united rpayfa, al-Ashraf, and Kaykhusraw against al-Kamil. rpayfa feared to loose the rule to al-$Alib, so invited her Saljuqid neighbour for help. Kaykhusraw welcomed that invitation to put an end

to al-Kamil's ambitions in Syria and al-Jazira, especially that al-Kamil in 1233 tried

to seize Akhlat from the Saljuqs, aided by an Aleppan force. On his side al-Ashraf

was not happy with al-Kamil who did not provide military assistance to al-Ashraf

against Jalal al-Din the Khwarizmian, Stripping al-Ashraf of many cities in al-

Jazira, al-Kamil granted in return him Damascus in 627/1230. Also al-Kamil used to

stay over in Damascus with his army for long periods, which represented a burden

on al-Ashraf's treasury(3S).

That pact did heid for few months, then cracks started to appear in it. Al-Ashraf

`Imad died in 4 Ruljarram 635128 Aqgust 1237, and was succeeded by his brother

`Imad al-Din Ismasil in Darnascus. al-Din sent to rpayfa requesting to continue the

alliance with her as she did with al-Ashraf, and she agreed{39). With al-Ashraf's

departure, rpayfa had lost a capable ally who might have deterred al-Kamil, by

holding the alliance intact, but his successor had to assert h{s authority over Syria

and al-Jazira while confronting al-Kamil in the serne time,

As a result of al-Ashraf's death, al-Mu4affar lord of Harnah went into territory dispute with Hims, and did not agree to continue in the alliance until his demands

35 NII-Electronic Library Service JapanJapanAssociation Association for Middle East Studies

AJAMESMiddleNo.ls 2oeo

were met. He wanted to have a town of Salamiyya and Shamaymesh castle from Hims(4e). --

rpayfa was fighting to hold the coalition together, and sent Ibn al-`Adim as an envoy from he to the Ayyubid lord of Hims Shirkah, and of Hamah al-Mu4affar in

order to reach a reconciliation. But in vain was her dipiomatic efforts which lasted

for three month. Shirkah refused to hand any of his dominions, and al-Mu4affar said

to Ibn al-`Adim:

`tb" al-Mkelik al-Ktzmil is going to atlack 17ims, I will join him, bul for AlopPo I sacrijice iay soul and zvealth to avoid ha7'm dbne to one of its villages. I will not go

back on nay oath which l gave to al-Sbutr al- [ttlli mpaJ/Lxit) and al-Malth al-A]l7sirZ Ibn

al-CAdim replied:

`Xdy, lord know the agreement betzveen ors and the lord of 111mE, .if some one

atlacks 177m", eve had to come to his rescue. W]zat mp lord is going to db ij an AlopPan army am'ved to aid ffmE? After hesitation al-Mugdi?ir mpqied: I will jZgrht them, VVII2oever .1ights me, I will .tight him back."

Ibn al-`Adim sent the result of his negotiation to Aleppo, and he was ordered by rpayfa to return at the end of Rabi`II 635/mid December 1237(`i). Payfa's interference

in I.Iims-I.Iamah's dispute was aimed for saving the alliance from collapsing,･ espe-

`Imad cially that she knew how al-Din was not militarily capable to defend the

Syrian territories from al-Kamil as he had just received Sanjar, Nasibin, al-Khabar

on the Euphrates and the eastern provences from al-Ashraf's deputies(`2}. As a result

he would need more time to organise his own amirs there.

While Ibn al-[Adim was at his final days at Hamah, al-Kamil arrived in an Egyptian army and besieged Damascus in Jumada I 6351December l237, taking

opportunity of the disorder in Syria, especially that al-Mu4affar was corresponding

secretly with him, informing him of the military capability of Damuscus and express-

ing his support to him[43).

`Imad rpayfa had sent a contingent to Damascus to aid al-Din, together with a large force from Hims. Aleppo was fighting for its independence, because al-Kamil

whi]e besieging Damascus, had ordered his son al-$alib AyyUb to invade and capture

`Imad the dominions of al-Din Ismasil in al-Jazira, thus closing in on Aleppo from the

south and the East(").

`Imad On 19 Jumada I 635/7 January 1238 al-Kamil captured Damascus, after

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DAYFA KHATUN, AYYVBID OF ALEPPO - QUEEN (EL-AZHARI)

al-Din realized his weakness ancl agreed to surrender the city, In return for governing

Ba`albak, al-Kamil had treated the Aleppan force which was taken captive kindly

and allowed them to return to their city. Unlike the treatment of the Hime force, of

which he ordered to hang fifty of their soldiers(`S), One believes that al-Kamil's good

gesture was to keep his relatiun with I?ayfa from deteriorating any further.

As soon as the Aleppan conting. ent arrived back from Damascus, Payfa started

her military preparations against al-Kamil, believing that he was going to invade her

kingdom. First she had to secure the loyalty of the Ayyubid amirs to her and

al-NAsir II, So she called Tfiran Shah b. $alah al-Din who wa's the leading Ayyubid amir in Aleppo (in addition to his brethers and relatives(`6). Also she called all

ranked amirs of the army and made them give the oath to her aS KhEtan al-Malika,

and to al-Nasir. rpayfa then summoned to the citadel the nobles of the city together

with the ra'rs, and made them swear alliegence to her. Then she made the soldiers

and the locals do the samething(`7). That was one of the rare cases when an Ayyubid

woman take the oath to herself not only from the amirs of the army and the

qristocracy of the kingdorn, but from the other member of the royal house who did

not object to her rule.

Queen rpayfa had sent pleading messages to Kaykhusraw II, urging him to send

military help, and he responded by dispatching a force of his finest troops to Aleppo.

Kaykhusraw then sent to Payfa offering to sent more reinforcement, but she was

content with what he had offered earlier. One has to mention thatthe previous year,

rpayfa had sent secretly Qadi Awbad al-Drn al-Duwainl in an ambassy to the Saljuqid sultan Qaykabad (d. 634/1237) with precious gifts, seeking his future protection for

Aleppo, after Aleppo had failed to deter a venturing Turkmen leader called Qanghar

who attacked and looted rnany Aleppan villages. The Saljuqid Sultan agreed, and

received from Aleppo a valuable giving(`8>.

Kaykhusiraw had sent an envoy to al-Kamil in Damascus warning him not to

attack Aleppo(`9). We can say that Kaykhusraw II continued the policy of his father, 'of also the Saljuqid Sultan did not want the Sultan Egypt to interfere in Northern

Syria which he had considered strategic hemisphere, especially that al-Kamil's son

was capturing Darpascus dominions in Mesopotarnia as it was mentioned above.

That certainly represented a threat to the Saljuqs at their doorstep.

rpayfa did take ether measures against al-Kamil on the military side. She

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ordered more food supplies and arrns to be stored in the city anticipating long siege.

She ordered stones needed for the mangonels to be carried to the city's Dayfa gates. '

had recuited many Khwarizmian mercenaries who were woudering in Eastern

Anatolia and al-Jazira. She welcomed some defecting soldiers who escaped from

al-Kamil in Damascus. rpayfa proofed pragmatic when she recruited Qanghar the

Turkmen amir who plundered her dominions last year, and made him commander to

all the Turkmen in the Kingdom(50), to use his followers against al-Kamil her brother

in order to survive.

The medieval sources did not mention or indicate wether rpayfa had continued

to declare the khuLba in Aleppo for a]-Kamil during this crisis, Yet one can assume

that she had cancelled it in order to unite the locals and the troeps behind her and

al-Nasir, . rpayfa was the only Ayyubid left in Syria to resist al-Kamil's suzerainity, since the lord of Hims had sent his son al-Mansar to Damascus, to negotiate with al-Kamil,

offering to pay him annually the sum of two million dirham in return for his

forgiveness and keeping away from Hims. Al-Kamil agreed.

While preparing for the final stage to march to invade Aleppo, al-Kamil died on

11 Rajab 635/March 1238(5i). It is clear from what was mentioned above, the

capability of Dayfa as Queen of Aleppo to contact and mobilize foreign powers, to .

controle her amirs domestically, and to supervise the military efforts.

A civil was triggered as a result of al-Kamil's death between his son al-`Adil II

in Cairo, and his other son al-$alib Ayyab in Sanjar in Mesopotamia to controle the

Ayyubid kingdom. In addition there were other Ayyubid amirs fighting to controle

other cities like Isma`il b. al-`Adil I and his nephew Jawad Yanus over Damascus.

Since our aim is not to examine the Ayyubid civil war which was studied

extensively by Humphreys'and Takriti, but to examine Dayfa's career, one will deal

with this civil war where Aleppo was affected.

In addition to the civil war, Dayfa had to deal with other regional powers like

the Ayyubids of Hamah, the Crusaders, the Saljuqs of Anatolia and the Khwariz- . mlans.

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DAYFA KHATON, AYYUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO (EL-AZHARI) .

The Relation between Dayfa and the Successors of al-KEmil .

al-`Adill II

AI-`Adil II succeeded his father al-Kamil as the sultan of Egypt, but he did not have his ability to govern. He had sent in late 6351mid. 1238 a messenger to Payfa

asking her to give the khutba to him and to put his name on the Aleppan currency, as she used to do with his father. rpayfa turned down that request(52). In the sarne time rpayfa turned down request for military pact against al-`Adil II. Al-Jawad YUnus b. Mawditd b, al-`Adil I who was in al-Kamil's company in Damascus, had

collfiscated all al-Kamil's treasure after his death. He declared his loyalty to al-`Adil

II, but secretly had sent an envoy in 63611ate 1238 to rpayfa asking her support

against al-`Adil II. rpayfa refused(5S). Also when al-5alib Ayyab had captured Damascus in JumadA II 636/Feb. 1239

al-Jawad Yanus, he han sent to I?ayfa asking her military support to capture Egypt

`7 from al-`Adil II. She declined and replied: do not inteijirre beteveen you and yozar

brothex Both of you are mp brother's sons"(5`). Why did rpayfa not meet al-[Adil's

demand or interfere against him?

One believe there were several reasons: First I?ayfa wanted to keep herself out

of the civil war as long as her kingdom was not threatened. She did not find any

benefit for declaring the fehutba for al-`Adil, financially or militarily. In addition, she

had already agreed month earlier to give the khutba to the Saljuqid sultan upon his

requestC55). Queen Payfa can not afford to turn down the demand of her powerfull neighbour for the remote young Ayyubid sultan in Egypt who was engaged in a civil war to keep his sultanate. Again rpayfa proofed to be a real politician, he Second, rpayfa was fully a wear of al-5alih Ayyab's strength, especially that recruited in his service 12000 Khwarizmian soldiers in al-Jazira since 63411236, and

they remained under his command till that year, so if she took al-`Adil's side, she will

be exposing her kingdom to huge military threat. She did not have the power to

confront such Iarge power, as the Aleppan army inservice was not more than two

thousand soldiers{56). Also the fact that al-`Adil II was busy in preparing to confront

the Crusaders, as the peace treaty between his father and Fredrick concluded in Feb.

1229 for ten years and five month was about to end(57). 1"hat made him preoccupied

with more urgent matters closer to home, rather than to assert his authority as far

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as northern Syria. One could say, the fact that al-ealilj, al-Jawad, and al-`Adil II all

were seeking rpayfa's support reflects the authority and legitimacy she had enjoyed

as queen of Aleppo.

Dayfa kept amicable relation with al-`Adil II, as she had sent her trusted

ambassador Ibn al-`Adim to Cairo in Shawwal 637/May 1240 to congratulate him for

his victory over the Crusaders at Ascalon in November 1239. Also she asked him to

permit his aunts, the daughters of al-`Adil I to travel to Aleppo with Ibn al-`Adil. The

Aleppan envoy, did not have the chance to meet al-`Adil II, as he was arrested and

diposed by his brother al-$alilj Ayyab the following month<58).

Dayfa's relation with al-Salib Ayytib:

In 635/1238 al-5alilj Ayyab sent a messenger to rpayfa in Aleppo, in order to ask her to intervene between him and the Saljuqid sultan, hoping to use rpayfa's good relation with the Saljuqs to improve his relation with them. rpayfa agreed to werk

for a reconciliation, but no concrete steps were taken(5").

On believe that al-$alib wanted to avoid the Saljuqs while fighting al-`Adil II, In

the same year, al-$alib had left his son al-Mughith as his deputy in H. arran. He was

attacked by a group of Khwarizmian mercenaries and to JaCbar, where they had fol]owed and looted him. He fled westward to Aleppo's dominions, and sent to Payfa

urging her to give refuge to him in her kingdom. She refused to permit him to stay

in her territories, and rent a messenger to him saying:

"VVlei fear that Kdykhztsmw will ask zcs to hand you out to him while you stw in

our dominions. VVla wozald not turn dbwn his request ij' that haQpened"{60>. One could say that Payfa wanted to leave herself remote frorn any relation with al-$alilj which might upset the Saljuqs, believing she was not completely loyal to

them, Also rpayfa wanted to avoid the threat of the Khwarizmians who were always

plundering in the vicinity, so she could not take the risk of upsetting them,

rpayfa did not want to upset al-$alih Ayyttb or take advantage of him while he

was busy with al-`Adil II. In late 635/mid. 1238 the sultan Kaykhusraw had taken the

city of Edessa and Sarraj in Eastern Anatolia peacefully from al-$alilj Ayyab and

sent to Aleppo a messenger carrying the sultan's diploma to allocate these cities to

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Ii}AYFA KHATUN, AY'YUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO (EL-AZHARI)

Aleppo as an iqta`. rpayfa had met the messenger Qamar al-DIn al-Khadim, and

accepted the Saljuqid investiture, but did not put it into practice. When al-$alilj knew, he had sent to his aunt Queen rpayfa saying. All the cities are subject to your ntla, ij you wish to send a dopuby to inke over these tzvo cities and more, Please do. I will execute what ever ombr you give'1 Payfa sent to him expressing her gratitute, reassuring him that she will be carry out the

Saljuqid diploma(6i).

As a result to that, al-$alilj did not interfere in Aleppo's affairs when he became

the sultan of Egypt. He had met in DhU al-\ijja 637/August, 1240 with Ibn al-`Adlm

in Cairo, he was sent originally to meet al-[Adil II as it was mentionecl above.

AI-Salilj met Payfa's demands by allowing her sisters to travel to Aleppo, and gave

a message to Ibn al-`Adlm to bring to Payfa saying:

"Ybu kiss the ground at the feet of al-Sketr al- tt'-lli [her higzhness] and tell her

that I'm her mamlule. T;l2at she slands in Pltiee of al-M}21ik al-Kamil. I ofar m),se4f

at he service and will car7:}, out amp of her orders'1

Ibn al-`Adim was asked to report the same message to al-Nasr{62). Why did al-Salib behave in such way? One could say that al-$alib wanted to assure rpayfa that he would not interfere in Aleppo's policy. Because while held captive in

Damascus in 637/1239 by al-Nasr Dawad lord of Karak, al-$alilj agreed under threat

to invade Aleppo and hand it to al-Nasr, in return for his freedom(S3). Also al-$alilj

wanted to secure rpayfa's neutrality in the AYyubid civil war, which wiil benefit him

by not adding new fronts before him. Fronts like the pact of al-$alib Isma[il of

Damascus and al-Nasr Dawttd of Karak which was formed in 1240 with the Cru- .

saders in Acre to fight al-$alib in Egypt(6`).

Gibb had stated that al-$alib was fully occupied with his domestic affairs in

Egypt, reorganizing his army after the Kurdish troops proved disloyal to him, In

addition, he was facing the Crusaders led by Richard of Cornwall who was occupying

Ascalon and did not go into negotiation with him till December 1240(65).

AI-$alib was successful in his policy with rpayfa, as she was very pleased with

al-$aHfp's message to her, respecting her independence and recognizing her as suze-

rain. So one finds her refusing an alliance with the Ayyubid lord of Damascus, On

4 Muljarram 638/26 July 1240 Ibn al-`Adlm had met al-$alih Isma`il, lord of Darnas-

cus and Nasr's brother, while returning from his embassy in Cairo. Lord of Damas-

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AJAMESMiddleNo.15 2000

cus sent a message to Payfa askin her to join in an alliance against Egypt, but she

refusedC66). From what was mentioned above, one can net agree with Cahen's

"a statement that coalition of all the princes of and Syria was

formed against al-$alilj Ayyab"{6') as Dayfa could not be included in that coalition.

rpayfa's relation with al-Mu4affar of Hamah:

It was mentioned, how rpayfa tried through diplomacy to keep her nephew, al-Mu4affar lord of \amah in the Syrian alliance against al-Kamil. But he took

al-Kamil's side, and threatened to fight against Aleppo if they support his rival

Shirkah lord of Hims.-- As soon as Dayfa knew of al-Kamil's death in Rajab 635/March 1238, she appointed amir Titran Shan b. $alilj al-Din I as commander of the Aleppan army. Then she gave orders to that army to march immediatly in the same month and

invade the dominions of al-Mu4affar. Starting with the town of Ma`arrat al-Nu`man

and it's citadel, then after they accomplished that mission, they march southward to

besiege the city of Hamah itself(6S). The Aleppan army besieged Ma`arrat al-Nu`mfin and erected mangonels at its citadel. Al-Mugaffar had sent a messenger to Dayfa asking for her forgiveness. rpayfa refused to meet him, and he was completely

ignored. After short resistance, the,town and the citadel were captured.

The Aleppan army resumed the march to the south, and besieged the city of

Hamah with al-Muzaffar inside(69>. - -

Taran Shah with the AIeppan army started to plunder the countryside, in an economic was against Hamah. The siege of Hamah lasted nearly six months, to the end of 635/Autumn 1238, during which time al-Salitp Ayyab had sent to rpayfa a

messenger to mediate for al-Mu4affar, but without success('O).

Strangely enough, the Aleppan army had strict orders from Payfa to besiege and

cut supplies off the city in order to cause hardship (di-q- to the city, but prohibited

them from invading and capturing Hamah According to Ibn al-`Adim and Ibn Wasil, for his rpayfa did not wish to uproot her nephew's rule, but wanted to punish him

stand with al-Kamil, and moreover to force him te renounce Ma`arrat al-Nu`man.

Early in 636/late 1238 Payfa had ordered her army to withdraw to Aleppo{'i).

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I)AYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO (EL-AZHARI)

It is believed that rpayfa took the opportunity after mobilizing such army to

confront al-Kamil, and wanted to use it for limited expansion in northern Syria to

punish al-Mu4affar, in the absence of a clear successor to al-Kamil, also to stand for

her ally, Shirktth of Hims and te put an end to al-Mu4affar's ambition to take Salamiyya from Uims. As a result of that long siege, rpayfa kept Ma`arrat al- Nu`mfin, and kept Salamiyya, while al-Mulaffar did not threat rpayfa's

lnterests agaln.

What is remarkable here, is Payfa's indisputable leadership. As she gave precise

targets for her army, and appointed its commander. She choosed the time of the

withdrawal. rpayfa received certain envoy and refused other. In acldition, one find

her, the following year 637/1239 allocating al-Mu4affar sQme villages arround Ma`arrat al-Nu`man after he had reconciled with rpayfa(72>.

Payfa and the Crusaders:

The relation between Queen rpayfa and the Crusaders especially in Antioch did

not witness serious hostility, and Aleppo under her rule, never initiated an attack on

a crusading city aiming to capture it.

The only occasion, was when the Templars at Baghras to the Northwest of

Aleppo. Took the opportunity of al-`Aziz's death in 634/1236 and raided the country-

side of AIeppo at a place named al-`Umq, seizing many livestock. Taran Shah

marched in an Aleppan force and besieged Baghras until it was about to surrender.

Bohemond V lord of Antioch (1233-1251) sent an envoy to Aleppo seeking a truce.

The governing council led by rpayfa agreed, and the Aleppan force left Baghras after

destroying its countryside{7").

The Templars did not keep to the truce and attacked the countryside of

Darabsak which belonged to Aleppo to the west. They were joined by a crusading

force from Jubail. Aleppo had sent an army Ied by Taran Shah which managed to

infiict heavy defeat on a Crusaders. As a result, a peace lasted between Aleppo and

the Templars for many years(7`).

It could be said-that rpayfa did not have the power nor the interest to open a western front with the Crusaders, while fighting to assert her position in Aleppo, and

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dealing with al-Kamil. Moreover, the fact that a peace treaty which was reached

during al-`Aziz era with Bohemond IV in 622/1225 which was never broken by his

succe$sor Bohemond V{'5), had contributed to a peaceful relation between rpayfa and Antioch.

Dayfa's relation with the Saljuqs and the Khwarizmians: .

As it was mentioned earlier, rpayfa started her career by forming a pact with the Saljuqid sultan Kaykhusraw II in Dhu al-Qa`da 6341June 1237 against her brother al-Kamil of Egypt. rpayfa consolidated her relation with Kaykhusraw II early in 635/ 1237 by welcoming his proposal to marry the daughter of al-Aziz, Ghazia Khatan.

Also al-Nasr II would marry the sister of the Saljuqid sultan('6). .

Ibn al-`Adim was the one to write the marriage contract in Aleppo citade] in

presence of the representative of Kaykhusraw II. Later in Shawwal 6351May 1238

he travelled to Qaisariyya in Anatolia to represent al-Nasr II in his marriage to the

Saljuqid princess, after he had met with the sultan(77).

One has to say that not all political marriages result in closer relation, but in this

case, it was successful. Later in the year Kaykhusraw sent in Jumada I 136/January 1238 a large force to aid rpayfa against al-Kamil who just captured Damascus('S). As a result, Payfa had accepted in the same year to give the khutba to the Saljuqid sultan in Aleppo. Since then, Aleppo under Dayfa became part of the Saljuqid sphere

of influence. She received iqta` from the sultan, like in late 635/mid. 1238 as it was

mentioned above. As a vassal, Payfa offered military help to the Sultan. Ibn Bibl had mentioned that in $afar 638/August 1240, the Mongols attacked Eastern Anatolia, so rpayfa had sent an Aieppan force to help the Saljuqs in their defence of their dominions('9). The years 638-640/1240-1241 were dominated by one chain of

events. The Khwarizmians attacked on Aleppo. The Khwarizmians swept to

al-Jazira and Eastern Anatolia in their southands after their leader Jalal al-Din was

defeated and killed at the hands of the Mongols in 628/1230 at Amid in northern

al-Jazira. Many thousands of them went into the service of Kayqabad the Saljuqid

(d. 634/1237). After he died, Kaykhusraw II imprisoned their leader Baraka Khan.

They escaped accross the Euphrates in more than 12,OOO knights and joined the

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DAYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO (EL-AZHARI) .

service of al-Salih Ayyab who thern several iqnt` and managed to free Baraka -+ gave .

Khan from captivity(80),

These Khwarizmian soldiers were highy undisciplined, followed different

leaders, and behaved as bandits. Ibn Wfisil had mentioned that in year 635/1238 they

were in controle of most of al-Jazira. Ibn Taghri Birdi (d. 1470) had mentioned that

in 638/1240, thousand of Khwarizmians under several leaders had crossed the

Euphrates and sacked and looted whatever they found on their way until they

reached Jerusalem(8i).

Aleppo did not escape this destructive waves. In Rabi` I 638fOctober 1240 12,OOe

Khawarizmians under the leadership of Baraka Khan crossed the Euphrates to

invade Aleppo. In their company, the Ayyubid amir al-$alib son of Shirktth, ]ate lord

of Hims, and the Ayyubid amir al-Jawwad, nephew of Dayfa. Many arab tribes `Ali joined them under the leadership of b. Haditha of Aleppo(S2).

After looting Manbaj and Buza`a, they marched to al-Bira. There, they were

engaged in battle with the Aleppan army, commanded by Taran Shah. The Aleppan

army contained only 1500 knights as many other forces was sent to help the Saljuqs

against the Mongols. The Aleppan army suffured humiliating defeat, and TarAn

Shah, his brother Nusrat al-Din and many amirs were taken captive. During this

`AII battle, the Arab leader attacked the rear of the Aleppan army and looted its

Camp(83).

Why had the Khwarizmians attacked Aleppo?

One believes there are several reasons. First, there was internal struggle between the Ayyubids of Ja`bar. In $afar 638/September 1240 al-Hafi4 the Ayynbid, rpayfa's brother Iord of Ja`bar and Balis feared that his son al-Jawwad would hand over the town to the Khwarizmians. So al-Iilafii wrote to Payfa offering to give her

his dominions in alJazira which he could not defend, in return for other dominions

`Azaz. of Aleppo. rpayfa agreed, and gave him She sent her deputies to take over Ja`bar in the same rnonth(8`). As a result al-Jawwad went to the Khwarizmians and

encouraged them to invade Aleppo.

`Ali Second, the Arab leader in Aleppo b. Itladitha was angered, when the

leadership in Aleppo marigenalized him, and favoured his rival, the tribe of al-Aljlaf

`Ali for the leadership of the Arab tribes in the kingdom. One believes that wanted

to avenge the loss of his status and joined the Khwarizrnians, encouraging them to

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take Aleppo. One could add that al-Nasr DawUd, the Ayyubid lord of al-Karak in

Transjordan, had contacted the Khwarizmiaps while holding al-$alib Ayyab captive

in his town in mid 637/summer 1240 asking them to launch an attack on Aleppo(S6),

which had attracted their attention and was invaded a it few month later.

Third, it is very probable that Baraka Khan knew from his Ayyubid and Arab

allies, that a substantial part of the Aleppan army was dispatched to the Saljuqs, so

he choosed to sieze the chance and attack. Takriti in his study had mentioned that

one medieval source Ibn al-Fuwati had wrote, that the reason for the attack went

back to a proposal made by the Khwarizmian leader Mubammad Turkan Khan to

engage rpayfa Khatan. As she turned down his request and humiliated his messenger, he gathered his forces to avenge his pride by attacking Aleppo(B7).

This argument as it stands is unconvining, and probably of al-Fuwati's construc-

tion, As he had mistaken the leader of the Khwarizmian Baraka Khan which all the

sources unilateraly had mentioned, for some one never mentioned. Also it over

simplify the matter of invading Aleppo to just personal case. One believes that, the

Khwarizmians who were wandering about in the area, and possessed this formidable man power, wanted tb expand their territories using their forces. As a result came

to clash with th6ir neighbours in Aleppo

Payfa and her deeds to save her kingdom:

After defeat was inflicted on Aleppo, the Khwarizmians plundered and looted

`Azaz, the northern vicinity of Aleppo, like Jabal Sama`an and took thousands

captives. When this news had reached Aleppo, the people feared the fall of the city

to the Khwarizmians. Payfa gave orders the remaining commanders of the kingdom,

Lu`lu' and Ibn Mujalli to guard the city walls and towers, with the remaining force

of 200 knights(88).

rpayfa sent an envoy to her brother al-$alilj Isma`il of Damascus asking him to

swear alliegence to her and her grandson. Also urging him to dispatch military help

to Aleppo, she also sent to the lord of Uims al-Mansar asking for his support.

Al-Mansrtr arrived in Aleppo at the end of Rabi` II 638/November 1240 with one

thousand knights, some of them were from Damascus(89). rpayfa also had to ask the

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J?AYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO (EL AZHARI)

help of her ally, the Saljuqid sultan, who commissioned an army of 3000 knights to

march to defend Aleppo, under the military command of al-Mansar of Hims{90). On the domestic front, Payfa had released all the Templars who were held

captive in Aleppo in order to avoid their threat from the west while being occupied

by the danger from the East(9i). Further more, rpayfa resorted to political agreement

with the Arabs in the city to keep the balance of power in her favour. One finds her

summon to one of the Arab amirs, named Tahir b. Ghannam and gave him one of her maids to marry, which is consid6red that she appointed him a leader to all Arab

tribes in the kingdom, as replacement of the defecting one (`Ali b. Haditha). rpayfa also allocated Tahir a satisfactury iqta`{92) by doing that, she hoped that Tahir would

use his influence to keep the Arabs in Iine against the Khwarizmians.

The Khwarizmian threat remained around Aleppo for five month till Ramadan

638/April 1241. During which period they did not attack the city itself, but kept

sacking its eastern and southern dominions like al-Faya and Sarmin{93). Though

launching an economic was against Aleppo by destroying the agriculture in its

countyside, it is believed they did not attack the city itself for several reasons. The

Ayyubid reinforcement from \ims and Damascus which stayed in Aleppo, had

deterred the Khwarizmians from attacking the city. One could add that they di'd not

remain in such a Iarge number, but many of them returned to al-Jazlra. The sources,

especially Ibn al-`Adim who mentioned in great details their looting in the vicinity,

represented them as mercenaries who were not prepared for long war, but often

cross the Euphrates for short gains and back again("`).

On 21 Rama4an 638/14 May 1241, the forces which were gathered to defend

Aleppo, led by al-Mansar of Uims managed to defeat the Khwarizmian forces in a place between al-BIra and Uarran to the east of the Euphrates. AI-Manear followed

their retreating forces led by Baraka Khan ti]1 al-Khabar river, killing many of them.

The result of this battle was very significant to Aleppo as it dominated the

western half of al-Jazira. One see the Aleppan-Saljuqid forces under the leadership

of al-Mansar lay siege to Harran and capturing it from the Khwarizmians, and

handing it to Aleppo's authority(95).

Most of the following month Shawwal 638/May-June 1241, the Aleppan-Saljuqid

army launched a sweaping campaign to finish the Khwarizmian presence and their

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Ayyubid Allies. They managed to capture the city of Edessa, Sarraj and al-Raqqa

and handed them to Aleppo's deputies, In return, Aleppo paid the Saljuq all the

expenses of their campaign and gave them the town of al-Suwaicla' near Harran, in

addition to the city of Amid. Tfiran Shah the Aleppan military leader who was taken

captive, was set free(96}.

Due to this Aleppan-Saljuqid cooperation, one find in Safar 639/Sept, 1241 rpayfa turn down the request of her brother Ghazi lord of Mayyafarqin to join hirn in his fight against the Saljuqs. rpayfa did not just stood neutral, but when Ghazi with some

Khwarizmian forces attacked the Saljuqid city of Amid, she sent Taran Shah leading

an Aleppan army to join the Saljuqs on their attack on MayyafArqln. Due to the

heavy rain which affected the mobility of the Aleppan-Saljuqid forces, they could not

`Abbasid capture the city. They had to abandon their siege, especially after the

caliph had sent a message asking the lifting of the siegeC9').

`Abbasid One believe that the caliph did not enjoy any influence on the warring

sides. It is the first time one sees him interfering to the benefit of some one during

rpayfa's rule. It was the bad weather which forced the Aleppan to abandon their

compaign. Moreover the two warring parties had reached an agreement for a truce.

The Saljuqs will allow some Khwarizmians to settle at the remote eastern area of

Anatolia, and Queen rpayfa will choose a suitable Iqta` for her brotherC98}. This conditions were not carried out, but the Aleppo-Saljuqid relations prooved

very fruitful to both sides and managed to deter the enemies of that alliance, during

Dayfa's era,

Edueation and religious institutions under rpayfa:

After examining the political career of Queen rpayfa, one would like to appraise

some aspects of the social life during her rule.

Due to the cencentration of the sources on the political and military history, pne

found it very dithcult to know more about the social history of the period, especially

of such short rule. Having said that, one see rpayfa follow the Ayyubid tradition of

commissioning educational and religious institutions in Aleppo.

Dayfa dur{ng her rule had built a madrasa called al-Ferdaws in Aleppo for the

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I)AYFA KHATUN, AYYUBID QUEEN OF ALEPPO (EL-AZHARI)

Shafi`i school of law, and appointed some teachers for the education there(99). Also

"mystics" `rn she had built a khanqah in Aleppo for the sufi near Bab al-Arba the

City(loe).

The period of Payfa whitnessed an encouraging movement to build such institu-

tions, for the Sunni faith. So one sees four madrasas were bui]d during her time. One

of them by her close adviser Iqbal a]-Khatanl, and one by Ibn al-`Adim himself.

These two were dedicated for the Hanafi school of law(iei). .

A second khanqah was buirt during that period by one of her amirs, called Iqbal

al-lahiri in 640/1242{i02). Following that direction, the wazir al-QifP had built in

Aleppo Dar Hadith near rpayfa's madrasa for the studying of the tradition of the

ProphetCi03). AII these institutions helped to root the Sunni faith in Aleppo, whieh

until a century ago was a minority one compared to the dominant Shl`i faith and a

substantial Christian population(iO"), One has to mention that rpayfa was not fanatic for her school of law, as one saw her amirs had dedicated their institutions for

different school of law than hers. One also believes that the people who attended

these khanqahs were influenced by the monastic activities and did not have a role in

poiitical life.

CONCLUSION

Queen Dayfa died on Friday 11 JumadaI640/8 November 1242 at the age of 59,

after suffering from abdominal ulcer, and was burried in Aleppo's citadel(i05). During

her rule, she was very capable and dominant person, as Ibn Wasil had described her

`She rule, behaved lthe sulinns db" and mentioned that al-Nasr II became indepen-

dent at the age of thirteen, only after she died.

"She Ibn al-`Adin wrote: was resolute in her kingdom"('06). rpayfa was distin-

guished among other Ayyubid princesses of her period, like Rabi[a Khatan (d. 643/

`A'isha 1245), sister of $alib al-Din, who lived in Damascus, Khatan grand daughter of rpayfa and wife of al-Mansfir lord of Hamah since 64511247(i07) or Ghaziya Khatan rpayfa's sister. These women and others mentioned by al-Hanbali, hardly did

influence the political life as Payfa did. One sees rpayfa assumed the title Queen, not cerernonial, but in practice, without

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`Abbasid any recorded objection from the caliph al-Mustansir (d.64e/1242). In

addition, she put her signature on all the documents of the kingdom. Payfa was real

political and skilful in the art of survival. One saw she allied with the Saljuqs against

her brother al-Kamil, in other events against her nephew and other Ayyubid princes,

One sees the unusual step of Dayfa taking the oath of alliegence to herself frorn the amirs and the locals in Aleppo during her fight with al-Kamil in 1238. rpayfa was

pragmatic in using the Turkmen amir Qanghar on her side, after he had attacked her

kingdom and released all the Templars and captive in her kingdom in 1240, at the

time of need while fighting the Khwarizmians.

When she heared of a conspiracy against her in 634/1236 led by the ruler of

Shaizar Shihfib al-Din Yasuf and a prominent man in Aleppo Ibn al-`Ajami, she

arrested the two men, and confiscated the wealth of the first but did not touch the

property of the second as she feared the reaction of his large family and

supportersCiOS>. That reflects her firmness and wisdom.

She was very skillful in dealing with the surrounding powers around her. The

Khwarizmians, the hostile Ayyubids, the Saljuqs and the Crusaders, She made peace

with the Crusaders of Antioch and improved a great deal the Aleppan-Saljuqid

relation, which was not friendly before her until became the corner stone of her rule.

It is a very rare case in Islamic History to find a woman allocating an iqta` as rpayfa had allocated al-Mugaffar of Uamah some villages to the south of Aleppo, and gave

an iqta to her brother Ghazi in 1241. Another to the Arab leader in Aleppo.

On the military side, she had depended on her amirs, but she sometimes interfer-

ed in person, as she supervised the defences of Aleppo against al-Kamil in 1238. Also

in 1240 she organised Aleppo's fortifications after the Khwarizmian defeat to her

army. rpayfa was the one to appoint the commanders to the different campaigns, and set goals for the army, like, to besiege but not to capture, against Hamah. Payfa

dispatched rnilitary help to the Salju-qs against the Mongols. Things unprededented

for the age.

Although Taran Shah, her cousin, was the leader of the Ayyubid amirs in the

kingdom, and commanded most of the military campaigns, rpayfa managed to keep

him under controle. He had a free hand in Aleppo only after she died.

One berieVes, that she paved the way for a Shajar al-Durr to seize power in Egypt eight years later in 648/1250, but rpayfa was never forced to marry in order to

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stay in power. One notice that the formula for her administration was a successful

one through the governing council, which acted as advisory board more than a real

partner. It should be mentioned, that the role or the post of Atabek under her rule

dissapeared as the sources had not mentioned it for the tutelage of al-Nasr IICi09} or

at least became marginal in the political life although the Atabek played an impor-

tant role in the before her.

Notes:

( 1 ) There are two distinguished works on the Ayyubids of Syria. R. S. Humphreys, F)fom Siciladin to the Mbngols: 71-ze A)tyubids of Damasebls, 11os--1260, (Albany, 1977). M,Y. al-Takrlti, al-A)v}ztbly),u- fr shama"-l al-Sha-m wa al:1tzxi2zx, (Beirut, 1985). ( 2 ) P, M. Holt, 7]he Age of the Cmsacies, (London, 1986), p. 65; Humphreys, Ftzom Sbuladin, p. 239. (3) A. Raziq, La femme au temps cies manlufes en Egnte, Arabic tr. (Cairo, 1984). (4) A. al-Hanbali, Shij27' al-qultt-b fi nzana'qib bani AJryab, ed, M. al-Sharqawi, (Cairo, 1996), p, 283. He mentioned that she could have been born either in 581 or 582; Ibn Wasil, MtE12irrij al-leu7"llb, ed. H. M. Rabi` V, (Cairo, 1977), p. 312, (5) K Ibn al-`Adim, 2bebdot al-lllalab, ed. S, al-Dahhan, III (Damascus, 1954),p. 266, ( 6 ) G. Ibn al-`Amrd, Akhba-r al-A)lymblyyin, (Cairo, no date), p. 32; al-Maqrizi, al-Stzltlk, ed, M. Ziyada, Vol. I, second section, (Cfiro, 1957, secend edition), p. 311. The other two sisters were Malika, and the wife of Qai$r Shah b. Qilij Arslan of Rum, al-Hanball, p. 282, 283. '

( 7) Kaykhusraw II of Rum married an Ayyubid princess for p. same dowery in 635/1237, `'Saljuqid also al-Nasr II of AIeppo gave the same dowery in the same year to marry princess, Wasl, V, p. 184. (8) al-ljanbali, p.283. `Imad ( 9 ) al-Din Aba al-Fida', al-Mukhtasar, . III, (Cairo, no date), p, 171; Ibn al-`Amid, p. 32.(10) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmil, XII, (Beirut, 1982),p. 313, 314. (11) Wasil, III, p. 241. `Adim, (12) III, p. 155, p. I.69. (13) Athir, XII, p. 313. (14) Wasil, III, p, 240, 241. (15) Wasil, III, p: 240. (16) Wasl, V, p. 30, Al-`Aziz had married Fatima in 627!1229.

`Adim, (17) III, p, 221; al-Maqrizi, I, First section, p. 294.

(18) Wasil, V, p. 113, 116.

`Adim, (19) III, p. 221. (2e) Q, al-Yaninl, Dhayl miftntzt al-2amaTn, I, (Ha{dar abad, India, 1954), p.461; Baybars

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`Ata, al-Dawadar, Zitbciat al:fikra, ed. Zubaida (Cairo), p. 71. `Amld, (21) Wasil, V, p. 119; Baybars, p. 71; p. 21. (22) Aba al-Fida', II, p, 183. (23) Al-Maqrizi, Itti`az al-Uunafa', ed. M. Hilmi, II, (Cairo, 1971), p.126, 184, 191

Al-Maqrizl had mentioned that when Sitt al-Mulk went to ask Ibn Dawwas to take

"I'm charge of Egypt and the boy Caliph said: a woman, but I want the rule to that boy, and you are the leader. I will empower you with runing the state", (p. 126). (24) Maqrizi, Sulzafe, I, tAird section, p. 280, (25) S. Addishir, A Dictiona?v of Persian Loan-worcis in the Arabic La7rgar`rge, (Lebanon, 1980), p. 51.

`Adim, (26) III, p. 235, 247; WAsil, V, p. 268; Ibn a]-Bibi, T'a,ikh Stilojiqat al-Ru-m, tr, M.

`Izz Mansur, {Cairo, 1994), p. 150; al-Din Ibn Shaddad, al-EAlaq al-fehatt'va, ed. D. Sourdel, I, (Damascus, 1953), p, 95. (27) Wasil, V, p, 121,

`Adim, (28) III, p. 233, 234; Wasil, V, p. 253.

`Adim, (29) Maqrizi, Sulu-fe, I, second section, p, 272; III, p. 239. (30) Waeil, V, p.190, 191. Ibn Bibi the Saljuqid contemporary historian, rernarkably ignored this story, and the political marriage between Kaykhusraw and the daughter of

al-`Aziz of Aleppo, (31) Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-IVwfu-m, (Cairo, no date), p. 321, IIurnphreys, From , p. 272. (32) C. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Tbtrkey, tr. Jones-Williams, (London, i968), p. 134. Cahen had rnentioned that rpayfa was the mother of al-Nas.r II, but in fact she was his grandmother. `Adim, (33) Wasil, V, p. 120; III, p, 260; Humphreys, Fhrom Stzladin, p. 236.

`Adim, (34) Maqrizi, Suliik, I, third section, p,294; III, p.226; H. Gottschalk, al-Malth al-Ka-mil von l!IgJtPten, (Wiesbaden, 1958), p. 223.

`Adim, (35) Aba al-FidaL III, p, 158, 159; III, p. 227; Humphreys, Eroni Skeladin,p. 231; Sibt

b. al-Jawzi, Mir'a-t al-Zkema-n, VIII, second section, Hyderabad, 1952, p. 700.

"The (36) Wasil, V, p. 124; Maqrizi, Sulu-k, I, first section, p. 294; H. A, Gibb, Ayyubids", A History of the Crztsades, Vol. 2, (1962), p, 704.

`Adlm, (37) III, p, 228.

CAdim, (38) Cahen, Ottoman, p. 132; III, p. 227. (39) Maqrizi, Sulwh, I, first section, p. 297. (40) Wasil, V, p. 148; Gottschalk, al-KLImil, p. 228-229,

`Adim, (41) III, p. 233-235; Wasil, V, p. 148,149. (42) Wasil, V, p.153. `Adim, (43) III, p. 235. (44) Wasil, V, p. 153. (45) Ibid, V, 151, 152; Humphreys, F,om Skeladin, p. 237; Gottschalk, abKllmil, p. 230, 231. (46) Ibn Taghri, Birdi, al-Manhal, ed, M, Amin, IV, (Cairo, 1986), p. 182; Baybars, p, 66;

Yanini, p. 429.

CAdim, (47) III, p, 235; Wasil, V, p. 186,

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`Adim, (48) III, p. 229, 230. (49) Wasil, V, p. 181. (50) Ibid, V, p. 180. Qanghar had taken the oppertunity of al-`Aziz's death in 634!1236 and sacked the country side of Aleppo. An Aleppan army was sent to fight against him, but was defeated. The governing council in Aleppo sent to the Saljuqid sultan enquiring if he was the one who commissioned Qanghar to attack Aleppo. He denied that, and sent to Qanghar ordering him to stop plundering and give back what he had Iooted. Waeil, V, CAdim, p, 130; III, p. 229.

`Adim, (51) Maqrizi, Sultth, I, first section, p.299; III, p, 236.

`Adim, (52) III, p, 239; Maqrizi, Sultlk, I, second section, p. 272.

`Adim, "Ayyubids", (53) III, p. 244; IIumphreys, Fbeom Sdladin, p. 245; Gibb, p. 705. `Adim, (54) III, p. 245, (55) Waeil, V, p. I90. (56) Ibid, V, p, 135, 136, 282.

`CAyyubids", (57) Gibb, p. 706; Takriti, p. 207. `Adim, (58) III, p. 247. The Crusaders were led by count Henry of Bar. (59) Waeil, V, p. 179. (60) Maqrizl, Sulide, I, second section, p. 271; Wasil, V, p. 187, 188.

rAdim, (61) Wasil, V, p. 185, 186; III, p. 241, 242, `Adim, (62) III, p. 247; Wasil, V, p. 268. (63) Sibt, VIII, second section, p, 728. (64) Takriti, p, 207, 208. "Ayyubids", (65) Gibb, p. 707, 708. `Adim, (66) III, p.248; Wasil, V, p.268, 269; IIumphreys, FVom Sbeladin, p.266. While having good relation with al-$alilj, Dayfa did not give the kleutba for him, and kept it to the Saljuqs. Only after she died, when al-Nasr II declared it in Aleppo for al-$alilj in 1243 as it "Tas mentioned above.

(67) Cahen, Ottoman, p. 134,

`Adim, (68) Wasil, V, p. 181; III, p. 237, 238,

`Adim, (69) Aba al-Fida', III, p. 163; III, p. 237, 238, (70) Wasil, V, p. 179, 182.

`Adim, (71) III, p. 244; "rasil, V, p. 182. (72) Wasil, V, p.257.

"The (73) Aba al-Fida', III, p. 159; M. Nickerson, , 1243-1291", A History of the Crnsaders, Vol. 2, (1962), p. 550; C, Cahen, La Syrie du nont (Paris, 1940), p, 650. `Adim, (74) III, p, 230, 231, Z32; S. Runciman, History of the Crztsades, III, (Cambrjdge, 1981), p. 208, (75) Athir, XII, p. 66. (76) Wa"il, V, p.182; Maqrizi, Sulu-k, I, second section,'p.272. It is bizarre that the

Saljuqid historian Ibn Bibi did not mention any thing about that story. `Adim, (77) III, p. 237, 239. It was mentioned that the dowery for each marriage was 50,

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OOO dinars, One believe that Khaykhusraw used political marriage to strenghthen his relation with his neighbours, as he got married to the Georgian princess Russudan in 1240, "Vassal who was to the Mongols. He was hoping to avoid their threat. Cahen, Otlaman,

p, 134.

(78) Wasil, V, p, 180. `Adim, (79) Blbi, p. 271-274; III, p. 249. "al-Khawarizmian", (80) Wasl, . IV, p.320, 321; V. p.135; S. Nasr, Egntian Mstorical Society, Vol, 30-31, 1983-1984, p. 71.

(81) Wasil, V, p. 187; Ibn Taghri Birdi, Ntij'u"m, VI, p. 323. (82) Sibt, VIII, second sector, p. 735; Abit al-Fida', III, p, 167; Cahen, La Elyrie, p. 648. `Adim, `Adim (83) Wasil, V, p.282, 283; III, p.25e, 251. Ibn had mentioned the date a month later, but it does not make sense. Takritr in his study had mentioned that Taran Shah was the lord of Aleppo, p. 224. He cites no evidence as rpayfa continued to rule for two more years as all the sources had reported.

`Adim, (84) Sibt, VIII, second section, p. 733; III, p, 248. (85) Wasil, V, p. 282. `Ata, (86) Hurnphreys, From Stiladin, p.262; Z. al-Sha7q al-lslaLmi wa al-Dawla al- ilyzanttyu,a Ztzma-n al-A)ryzZbtwtn, (Cairo, 1994, Second, ed.), p. 134. "Banu (87) Takriti, p. 223, 224; S, Nasr in her study Ayyab ma`a al-Khawarizmiyya wa al-Maghal wa al-Mamalik fi shamal al-Sham wa al-Jazira", Egmptian Historical Sociely,

fAdim Vol, 30-31 (1983-1984), p. 73 had mentioned the same story, citing and Ibn Aybak, 1ftzn2 al-Dztmr, VII. Both historians did not mention this story, and mentioned the name

of Baraka as the leader,

`Adim, (88) III, p. 286;. Wasil, V, p, 284, 285, (89) Sibt, VIII, second section, p. 735; Aba al-Fida', III, p, 168; Humphreys, F7om Slaladin, ± P. 269. lllemphmps had mentionea that al-Manfizz r u,as on his zoay to 1ight Richard of that AlopPo was much moMe impor- Cornwal4 but changed his Plan czs ipe n'alised saving innt.

`Ata, (90) Bibi, p. 261; Z. al-Sharq, p. 133. `Adim, (91) Aba al-Fida', III, p. 168; III, p, 253, 254.

`Adim, (92) Wasil, V, p. 288; III, p. 254. . (93)- Ibid, V, p. 289, 290.

`Adim, (94) III, p. 254-257; Wasil, V, p. 291. (95) al-IIIanbali, p.366; Sibt, p.734; Bibi, p,261, 262; Ibn Aybak al-Dawad2ri, Kkenz 'al-Durar, `Ashtir, ed, S. VII, (Cairo, 1972), p. 344.

`Adim, `Amid, (96) III, p, 255-258; Wasil, V, p. 294, 295; p. 32. Amid was taken from Ghiath al-Din son of al-$filib Ayyab. Yaninl and Baybars had reported that Taran Shah played the leading role in al-Naer II government in Aleppo after Dayfa, until the Mongel invasion, Ytinini, p. 429; Baybars, p. 66. (97) Bibi, p. 268, 269; Wasil, V, p. 305,

`Adim, (98) III, p. 260, 261.

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(99) Ibn Shaddad, I, p.108; Ibn al-Shiljna, at-Durr al-Muntakhab, (Beirut, 1909), p. 113;

"Adim, III, p. 263. (100) Shi4na, p. 108; Shaddad, I, p. 95, The Ayyubids were influenced by the Saljuqs who introduced the first madrasa in Aleppo in 5101Il16, and khanqah in 509/1115, T, el-Azhari, llhe Skeijzaqs of S,ha 1070-1154, (Berlin, 1997), p, 322-325. (101). Shaddad, I, p. 109, 120, 121, 122; Shiljna, p. 122. (le2) Ibid, I, p. 94.

(103) Shlljna, p. 124. -329. (1ca) El-Azhari, Zhe Saijuqs, p.322

'Adim, (le5) III, p. 266, Wasil, V, p. 312; Amid, p. 32; Aba al-FidA', III, p. 171. (106) Wasil, V, p. 313; Amid, p, 32. (I07) Sibt, p. 756; 4anbali, p. 375. `Adim, (108) III, p. 228, 229. (109) Amid, p. 21. Ibn al-Amid was the only one to use the term Atabek once, when he said

that rpayfa had appointed Lu'lu' al-Amini for al-Nagr II.

"This study was re4d at the international Medieval congress. July 1998. University

of Leeds, U. K."

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