DOCSLIB.ORG

15316560091144142652.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
15316560091144142652.Pdf A Selection AMINE GEMAYEL of Speeches DÉMOCRATIE ET PLURALISME Sélection de discours DEMOCRACY AND PLURALISM A Collection of Speeches U Table des matières Table of Contents Préface: De nouveaux repères 7 Preface: New references pour le Printemps Arabe for the Arab Spring Antoine Messarra Antoine Messarra Donnez-nous la paix 13 Give us Peace et nous étonnerons le monde and we shall again astound the World Le processus de paix au Proche-Orient 21 The Middle East Peace Process Le rôle de l’Europe The Role of Europe L’avenir du Liban The Future of Lebanon Le Liban comme microcosme culturel: 27 Lebanon as a Cultural Microcosm: Les multiples images The Multiple Images de l’autre of the Other Intervention au Sénat français 41 Speech at the French Senate La nécessité d’un partenariat: 51 The Necessity for Partnership: Une ère nouvelle pour les États-Unis The United States and the et le Moyen-Orient Middle East in a New Era Le dialogue islamo-chrétien 69 Muslim-Christian Dialogue et la recherche d’une entente and the Search for Mutual mutuelle Understanding Notice biographique 87 Biography PRÉFACE De nouveaux repères pour le Printemps Arabe New references for the Arab Spring Antoine Messarra Le savoir humaniste plongé dans le réel, Humanistic knowledge immersed in the l’expérience, la clairvoyance, la sagesse, la libanité real, experience, foresight, wisdom, “libanism” par essence arabité et ouverture, l’esprit du pacte which is inherently linked to Arabism and national perturbé et toujours recommencé, la openness, the spirit of the National Pact blurred confiance dans le rôle et message du Liban, le and reestablished again and again, the courage, la vision… telles sont les leçons qui se confidence in Lebanon’s role and message, dégagent du recueil de Conférences au plus haut courage and vision… those are the lessons that niveau du Président Amine Gemayel. we can learn from the collection of conferences of President Amine Gemayel. Il y a une bouffée d’espoir, d’espérance, dans ces écrits, espoir dont nous avons aujourd’hui There is a breath of hope in these writings, fortement besoin. Y a-t-il cependant des motifs a hope of which we are in great need today. d’espérer? Oui, grâce à notre attachement However, do we still have reasons for hope? atavique à la liberté et notre résistance contre Yes, thanks to our atavistic attachment to toutes les oppressions. freedom and our resistance against all oppression. Se dégage aussi pour l’avenir le souci poignant du Président Gemayel pour nous faire retrouver la The poignant concern of President Gemayel boussole égarée, les normes, les valeurs, l’éthique that emerges for the future is for Lebanese to PREFACE 7 de la démocratie et du vivre ensemble, bien que regain the sense of balance, the norms, the les Libanais jouissent d’un long patrimoine de values, the ethics of democracy and the live pluralisme et d’unité. Les valeurs fondatrices de together, even though they have a long heritage l’identité libanaise ont été en effet longtemps of pluralism and unity. The founding values of laminées, noyées dans la polémique identitaire the Lebanese identity were indeed long eroded conflictuelle et stérile, la surenchère, l’imposture, and embedded in a conflicting and et quand ces moyens n’ont pas été opérants, par la unproductive identity controversy, série d’attentats terroristes. Les Libanais n’ont overstatement and deception; and when those pas pour autant “baissé les bras”. methods where not operative, they were replaced by a series of terrorist attacks. C’est dire qu’on ne joue pas impunément avec However, Lebanese didn’t “admit defeat”. le Liban. Il a peut-être fallu du temps pour le faire comprendre, à de petites puissances régionales et One does not mess with Lebanon, with aussi à de grandes puissances. impunity. It may have taken time to make this clear to small regional or great powers. Le Président Amine Gemayel, président d’une République soumise et rebelle, de 1982 à 1988, President Amine Gemayel, the president of “années de profonde agonie”, affirme au an obedient and rebellious Republic, from 1982 Château de Windsor à Londres, les 23-26/3/2004: to 1988, “years of profound agony”, asserts in “Les leçons de l’histoire et mon expérience Windsor Castle, London, on 23-26/3/2004, the d’ancien Chef de l’État dans le monde arabe following: “My personal experience as a former ont pesé lourdement sur mon esprit.” À l’ONU, Head of State in the Arab World weighed heavily le 18/10/1982, il souligne: “Je connais les on my mind.” In the United Nations, on the souffrances de la guerre.” Aussi demande-t-il “le 18/10/1982, he underlines: “I know the sufferings retrait immédiat et inconditionnel de toutes of war”. He also asks for “the immediate and les forces non libanaises du Liban”. unconditional withdrawal of all non-Lebanese forces from Lebanon”. U U C’est donc le Liban dans la géopolitique Consequently, it’s the role of Lebanon in the régionale qui pèse lourdement dans ces écrits. Le regional geopolitics that weighs heavily in his conflit israélo-arabe, objectivement mûr après writings. The Arab-Israeli conflict, objectively plus d’un demi-siècle, désespère les tentatives les mature after more than half a century, plus louables. De fait “nul n’est pressé”, “aucun discourages the most laudable attempts. ne traite vraiment du fond du contentieux”, Indeed, “no one is in a hurry”, “no one really avec “une très grande erreur stratégique, addresses the essence of the litigation”, in addition celle de croire qu’on peut réaliser la paix entre to “a great strategic mistake, to believe that we deux pays aux dépens des intérêts régionaux can achieve peace between two countries at the d’un pays tiers”. Dans ce contexte, le Liban, pays expense of a third country’s regional interests”. In “otage”, victime d’une “realpolitik cynique et this context, Lebanon, a country held “hostage”, déterminée”, dont la volonté est “confisquée”, a victim of a “cynical an pre-established 8 PRÉFACE “implacablement et hermétiquement realpolitik”, whose will is “not his own”, verrouillée”, est utilisé comme “monnaie “relentlessly and firmly locked”, is used as d’échange” dans une “poudrière entretenue “bargaining chips” in the middle of “a powder keg par Libanais interposés”. Pire encore, sous maintained by interposed Lebanese.” Worse, under prétexte d’aider, le Liban est asservi: “Mais est-ce the pretext of helping, Lebanon is enslaved: “Is aider que d’asservir? Est-ce guider que enslavement synonymous of help? Is degradation d’avilir? Ils ont assassiné ce beau rêve et ont synonymous of guidance? They assassinated the trouvé des fossoyeurs libanais pour faire beautiful dream and found Lebanese gravediggers disparaître le cadavre… Ils ont même rasé to remove the body… they have even wiped off l’histoire.” Et le Président Gemayel rapporte ces history.” President Amine Gemayel quotes Alia propos de Alia Solh au Sénat français: “Pour la Solh’s words in the French senate: “For freedom liberté de parole, j’ai mérité un prix en France, of speech, I received a prize in France; in my chez moi aujourd’hui, j’aurai reçu une balle homeland today, I would have received a bullet in dans le dos.” the back”. U U Quelles sont donc les valeurs à restaurer de What are then the values to restore in our notre libanité profonde? Le président Gemayel, true “libanism”? President Amine Gemayel, a témoin et acteur au plus haut niveau et en witness and a pivotal figure for three l’espace de trois générations toutes porteuses d’un generations, all carrying a heritage in favor of patrimoine cumulé en faveur de l’indépendance et the independence and the sovereignty of de la souveraineté du Liban, clame l’engagement Lebanon, claims his engagement to battle “until au combat “jusqu’au bout”, pour que “revivent the end” for the “revival of liberty and peace”, two la liberté et la paix”, deux piliers de l’identité pillars of the national identity; in addition to nationale, de la libanité arabe et profonde, the Arabic and authentic “libanism” which has agressée, bafouée, banalisée, avec un discours been assaulted, violated, and trivialized with a menaçant, putschiste, populiste qui, le plus threatening, putschist and populist speech, souvent, exploite des instincts grégaires et refoulés. operating on easily and repressed instincts. “Le Liban, dit-il, est une démocratie basée He declares that “Lebanon is a democracy sur une Constitution laïque et sur le based on a secular constitution and cultural pluralisme culturel. Ces deux piliers: pluralism. Democracy and pluralism were the two démocratie et pluralisme ont forgé l’identité pillars that forged the Lebanese national identity nationale libanaise et ont constitué l’essence and determined the raison d’être of the country”. de sa raison d’être.” When we recall that fourteen documents of Quand on se rappelle que quatorze documents national understanding were elaborated on d’entente nationale ont été élaborés à des niveaux official levels before the Taef agreement, we officiels avant l’Accord d’entente nationale de understand that multinational wars in Lebanon Taëf, on comprend alors que les guerres multi- aren’t entirely civil. He adds, “Some try to convey PREFACE 9 nationales au Liban ne sont qu’en partie civiles. the image of a divided country. This image is false. “On cherche, dit-il, à donner l’impression d’un In fact, this division is forced.” The proof? pays divisé. Cela est faux. Cette division est en Repression, show trials, infiltration at the fait forcée.” La preuve? La répression, les highest levels, terrorist attacks… in order to simulacres de procès, l’infiltration de hautes break the will of unity, liberty and survival.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Rebuilding Lebanon by Amine Gemayel
    U.N. Security Council Resolution 338 October 22, 1973 Rebuilding Lebanon by Amine Gemayel Preface The publication at this time of a work advocating the reform of Lebanon's political system and economy may seem paradoxical: Lebanon is still occupied by foreign troops and its sovereignty is in doubt. But such a work is urgently needed to turn the thought of the international community toward Lebanon's reconstruc‐ tion and to give clear direction to the hopes of its citizens, especially its youth. Soon after the inception of the Lebanese war in 1975, I began to think about plans for the reconstruction of my country: its identity, its institutions, and its economy. When the war was at its height in 1978, 1 created the House of the Future, a documentation and research center aimed at building a peaceful future based on dialogue. After being elected President of the Republic in 1982, I set to work to create a new country, mak‐ ing renewal and peace my top priorities. At my request the Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR), a governmental organism created in 1976, undertook research and then worked out plans to finance and set in motion the country's reconstruction. The Lebanese people were eager to participate in the re‐ form, and it received wide‐spread international support. I also undertook a series of initiatives in the politi‐ cal, diplomatic, and economic spheres, in order to guarantee Lebanon's influence in the region as well as revitalize its production and service activities. At the same lime I refused to give in to the regional powers that wanted to reduce Lebanon's sovereignty.
    [Show full text]
  • Threshold for Regional Stabilitydownload
    Lebanon: Threshold for Regional Stability Amine Gemayel President of the Republic of Lebanon, 1982-1988 Remarks Delivered at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Washington, D.C. 8 February 2007 1 Contents Introduction The Centrality of Lebanon Lebanon as a Threshold The Threshold Option and the Need for Internal Dialogue The Threshold Option and the Need for Regional Diplomacy Conclusion Introduction It is an honor to participate in this Director’s Forum at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. This Center is a great venue for respectful dialogue and reasoned debate and is recognized as such throughout the world. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the Wilson Center, which operates under the skillful direction of Lee Hamilton and Michael Van Dusen. As co-chairman of the Iraq Study Group, Mr. Hamilton again demonstrated why he enjoys a well-deserved reputation as one of America’s wisest statesmen. The Centrality of Lebanon Ladies and Gentlemen, the Middle East region is desperately in need of peace. Most obviously, the Middle East needs peace in Iraq and in Palestine. Additionally, intensifying sectarian tremors threaten to tear open fault lines throughout the Arab world. Given the realities of persistent and widespread conflict, what justifies calling Lebanon, as I do today, “The Threshold for Regional Stability?” The answer to this question begins with an understanding of how the Lebanese situation is central to the conditions in the Middle East and beyond. The centrality of Lebanon derives, I believe, from three key factors: cultural, economic, and strategic. First, taking the long view which history provides, Lebanon is intimately connected to, and a part of, both the Mediterranean cultural zone and the Middle Eastern cultural zone, and it also enjoys strong cultural links with Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • H. Res. 1088 in the House of Representatives, U
    H. Res. 1088 In the House of Representatives, U. S., December 8, 2006. Whereas on November 21, 2006, Pierre Gemayel, a Member of the March 14 parliamentary coalition, was assas- sinated in New Jdeide´, north of Beirut, Lebanon; Whereas a series of targeted attacks and killings of public leaders working to promote democracy and autonomy in Lebanon has placed a heavy toll on Lebanon’s intellectual and democratic freedoms; Whereas the prosecution by the proposed International Inde- pendent Investigation Commission of persons accused in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri could deter future assassinations; Whereas Pierre Gemayel was born on September 24, 1972, into a prominent Lebanese family; Whereas Pierre Gemayel was first elected to the Lebanese Parliament in 2000; Whereas Pierre Gemayel was named Minister of Industry in the Lebanese Government in 2005; Whereas Amine Gemayel, the father of Pierre Gemayel and former President of Lebanon, has urged the Phalange party supporters and all Lebanese citizens to promote co- operation and solidarity and hamper attempts to instigate civil strife; 2 Whereas, on November 21, 2006, following Pierre Gemayel’s assassination, President George W. Bush stated that ‘‘the United States remains fully committed to sup- porting Lebanon’s independence and democracy in the face of attempts by Syria, Iran, and their allies within Lebanon to foment instability and violence’’; Whereas supporting the development of democratic institu- tions in Lebanon is critical to promoting the interests of the
    [Show full text]
  • Lebanon's Catalyst for Renewal
    LEBANON’S CATALYST FOR RENEWAL BILAL Y. SAAB FEBRUARY 2021 Photo above: Lebanese President, Michel Aoun (C) meets Former Prime Minister of Lebanon, Saad Hariri (R), and Speaker of the Parliament Nabih Berri (L) in Beirut, Lebanon on October 22, 2020. Photo by Lebanese Presidency/Handout/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images. The Arab uprisings of the past decade have produced some of the most glorious and memorable phrases. From al-shaab yurid isqat al-nizam (“the people want to topple the regime”) and irhal! (“leave!”) to thawra! (“revolution!”) and Killon yaani killon silmiya, silmiya (“peaceful, peaceful”), Arabs from various parts (“all of them means of the region and all walks of life have joined together in chant expressing their desire for justice, dignity, and opportunity. all of them”) is an incredibly heavy Though revolutionary slogans by definition are imbued with lift. Probably an idealism, one seemed to stand out from the rest for its boldness impossible one too. and rejection of compromise. Killon yaani killon (“all of them means all of them”)1 was heard across Lebanon in 2019 when thousands of Lebanese took to the streets demanding the removal of not just a political leader or a government but the entire political class for its systematic corruption and direct role in leading the country to financial ruin and humanitarian catastrophe. 2 “What might serve as a catalyst for change is civil society and reform- oriented political parties coming together to form a larger political force that can … gradually alter the political rules of the game.” Though this wasn’t the first time the Lebanese fought for their rights change in the country because on its own, it’s unlikely it will be — they did it in spectacular fashion on March 14, 2005 when they able to drastically reform what is a deeply entrenched sectarian and called for the ousting of Syrian troops from the country and again feudal system.
    [Show full text]
  • Lebanon's Political Dynamics
    Lebanon’s political dynamics: population, religion and the region Salma Mahmood * As the Lebanese political crisis deepens, it becomes imperative to examine its roots and find out if there is a pattern to the present predicament, in examination of the past. Upon tracing the historical background, it becomes evident that the Lebanese socio-political system has been influenced by three major factors: the population demographic, regional atmosphere and sub-national identity politics. Though not an anomaly, Lebanon is one of the few remaining consociational democracies1 in the world. However, with the current political deadlock in the country, it is questionable how long this system will sustain. This article will take a thematic approach and begin with the historical precedent in each context linking it to the current situation for a better comprehension of the multifaceted nuclei shaping the country‟s turbulent course. Population Demographics Majority of the causal explanations cited to comprehend the contemporary religio-political problems confronting the Middle East have their roots in the imperialist games. Hence, it is in the post First World War French mandate that we find the foundations of the Lebanese paradigm. In 1919, the French decision was taken to concede the Maronite demands and grant the state of a Greater Lebanon. Previously, under the Ottoman rule, there existed an autonomous district of Lebanon consisting solely of Mount Lebanon and a 1914 population of about 400,000; four-fifth Christian and one-fifth Muslim. Amongst
    [Show full text]
  • Approving a President: Hezbollah and the Lebanese Political System
    Approving a President: Hezbollah and the Lebanese Political System Maddie Jurden Research Assistant, ICT Summer 2015 This article examines the current presidential deadlock in Lebanon, and the important role Hezbollah has played. The ties between Syria, Iran, and Hezbollah influence the outcome of the election and have the potential of deep repercussions for stability in Lebanon and the region as a whole. In light of the growing instability attributed to the Syrian civil war, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, and the deterioration of political stability, it is vital that the Lebanese deadlock situation be rectified as soon as possible. This article outlines the possible economic, political and security effects of the ongoing presidential deadlock, and analyzes Hezbollah’s role. * The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT). 2 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 4 BRIEF HISTORY OF LEBANON..................................................................... 5 Current Governmental Power Distribution ..................................................... 9 BRIEF HISTORY OF HEZBOLLAH ................................................................ 9 Lebanon's Historical ties to Syria and Iran .................................................... 12 Modern Day Hezbollah ................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections
    Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections Foreword This study on the political party mapping in Lebanon ahead of the 2018 elections includes a survey of most Lebanese political parties; especially those that currently have or previously had parliamentary or government representation, with the exception of Lebanese Communist Party, Islamic Unification Movement, Union of Working People’s Forces, since they either have candidates for elections or had previously had candidates for elections before the final list was out from the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities. The first part includes a systematic presentation of 27 political parties, organizations or movements, showing their official name, logo, establishment, leader, leading committee, regional and local alliances and relations, their stance on the electoral law and their most prominent candidates for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The second part provides the distribution of partisan and political powers over the 15 electoral districts set in the law governing the elections of May 6, 2018. It also offers basic information related to each district: the number of voters, the expected participation rate, the electoral quotient, the candidate’s ceiling on election expenditure, in addition to an analytical overview of the 2005 and 2009 elections, their results and alliances. The distribution of parties for 2018 is based on the research team’s analysis and estimates from different sources. 2 Table of Contents Page Introduction .......................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Near & Middle Eastern Civilizations
    UNDERGRADUATE JOURNAL OF Near & Middle Eastern Civilizations ISSUE XI UNDERGRADUATE JOURNAL OF Near & Middle Eastern Civilizations ISSUE XI Staff & Credits EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Ofelia Tychon EDITORS Farida Abdelmeguied Charlie Gordon Salwa Iqbal Ritika Lal Christopher Legerme Mohamed Serageldin Catharine Solomon ILLUSTRATOR Meagan Jahrles LAYOUT Catharine Solomon THANK YOU Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations Students’ Union Arts & Sciences Students’ Union 2 Table of Contents 5 Letter from Editor-in-Chief 6 A Study of the Royal Ontario Museum’s Shabti of Senkamanisken Evelyn Hayes 14 Sounds Like Multiculturalism: “Paramount”, Home, and Consuming Diversity Ahmed Hegazy 20 Can the Lebanese Phalange Be Considered a Fascist Movement? A Critical Examination Using Stanley G. Payne’s Typology of Fascism Callum Hutchinson 38 Coptic vs. Christian: A Question of Cultural Identity in the Medieval Cemeteries of Lower Nubia Jason Silvestri 50 Cultural Consciousness and the Evolution of Islamism in the Iranian Revolution of 1979 Nazanin Zarepour 3 4 Letter from Editor-in-Chief Dear Reader, I am honoured to present to you the eleventh edition of the Undergraduate Journal of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations. This year marks the Journal’s 15 year anniversary. The Journal is proud to continue to provide a platform to showcase the intellectual depth of the undergraduate students of the Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations. Spanning three millennia, this edition’s articles embody the diversity of the Department’s ancient, medieval and modern streams. They were written by your fellow University of Toronto undergraduate students, and I hope their work inspires your continued interest in the field. I would like to especially thank the Journal’s talented team, without whom this edition would not have been possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Horizons 2016
    ٢٠١٦ THE SYKES PICOT AGREEMENT Tô٦W’C G¢٢٠١ É°TQ Al Zabadani, al Fou’aa and π`q«ª÷G ÚeGC 1916-2016 اتفاقيـة HÉæ÷G Kefraya Agreement: Changes of« ّ ÉfóY Amr EL AZM the Ethnic Aspect in the Middle East¿ سايكس بيكو »Lƒ∏eódG ¿ƒ°ù«e øjõdG Léa BAROUDI Lebanon, the Refugees and the OÉ¡L ARR James B Displaced: Economic, Social and ó«©°ùdG CARRION… ١٩١٦ ـ ٢٠١٦ »MƒL óFGQ Doris Security Challenges. The Need for ≠FÉ°üdG DAGHER OÉjR Carole a Comprehensive National Strategy اتفاق الزبداني، الفوعا وكفريا: تغييرات í∏°üdG øªMôdG óÑY Burhanettin DURAN في الوجه اﻹثني للشرق اﻻوسط •Éq«N ôeÉY,ô°q û©ŸG ¿Ghôe Amine GEMAYEL Tribute to Raymond Jebara Fady GEMAYEL لبنان والﻼجئون والنازحون: التح ّديات ⁄É°S ∫ƒH ,ìÉHQ Ωôµe,ÖjO ¬«LhQ The Gifted Artist of Satire óª°üdG óÑY ójƒ°S Mireille GIRARD اﻻقتصادّيـة واﻻجتماعيّـة واﻷمنيّـة q ¿É°ùZ , Oƒªfi EYDEMANN The US Presidential Election: Y ìqÉàØdG óÑY Steven H≥»≥« حفل تكريم ريمون جبارة Òæe , π«Ñf HITTI Implications for the Middle East ¿ƒY hôªY Nassif eÉ°S , π«Ñf Nancy Nabil KANBAR Transparency and Accountability« اﻻنتخابات الرئاسيّـة اﻷميركيّـة التداعيات ÊÉqÑb ódÉN Joseph MAILA على الشرق اﻻوسط á檫æe AL RAHIM External Actors in Syria ø°ùM Rend الشفافيـة والمساءلة ô°UÉf Peter RIMMELE Assessing the Influence and Interests ّ AÉæg of Russia, Iran and Hezbollah É¡Ñf »eÉ°S Dorothée SHMIDT¿ الﻼعبون الخارجيّـون في سوريا Andrew TABLER Preventing Youth Radicalization وقاية الشباب من التطرف Miriam YOUNES ّ Yuri ZININ The Sykes-Picot Agreement مئة عام على اتفاقيـة سايكس بيكو :a Century Later ّ A New Order for the Middle East MAISON DU
    [Show full text]
  • Lebanon's Legacy of Political Violence
    LEBANON Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence A Mapping of Serious Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lebanon, 1975–2008 September 2013 International Center Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence for Transitional Justice Acknowledgments The Lebanon Mapping Team comprised Lynn Maalouf, senior researcher at the Memory Interdisciplinary Research Unit of the Center for the Study of the Modern Arab World (CEMAM); Luc Coté, expert on mapping projects and fact-finding commissions; Théo Boudruche, international human rights and humanitarian law consultant; and researchers Wajih Abi Azar, Hassan Abbas, Samar Abou Zeid, Nassib Khoury, Romy Nasr, and Tarek Zeineddine. The team would like to thank the committee members who reviewed the report on behalf of the university: Christophe Varin, CEMAM director, who led the process of setting up and coordinating the committee’s work; Annie Tabet, professor of sociology; Carla Eddé, head of the history and international relations department; Liliane Kfoury, head of UIR; and Marie-Claude Najm, professor of law and political science. The team extends its special thanks to Dima de Clerck, who generously shared the results of her fieldwork from her PhD thesis, “Mémoires en conflit dans le Liban d’après-guerre: le cas des druzes et des chrétiens du Sud du Mont-Liban.” The team further owes its warm gratitude to the ICTJ Beirut office team, particularly Carmen Abou Hassoun Jaoudé, Head of the Lebanon Program. ICTJ thanks the European Union for their support which made this project possible. International Center for Transitional Justice The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) works to redress and prevent the most severe violations of human rights by confronting legacies of mass abuse.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties, Memory and Learning About the Past in Lebanon April 2016
    THE POWER OF REMEMBRANCE: Political Parties, Memory and Learning about the Past in Lebanon April 2016 MARA ALBRECHT BASSEL AKAR Department of History, Center for Applied Research in Education, University of Erfurt, Germany Notre Dame University - Louaize, Lebanon v TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................... vii Foreword ............................................................................................................................. viii About the Authors ................................................................................................................ ix Acronyms ............................................................................................................................... x Executive Summary .............................................................................................................. xi 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Purpose of the study .............................................................................................. 3 1.2 Methodology .......................................................................................................... 3 2 Theoretical framework .................................................................................................. 5 2.1 Collective, cultural and political memory ...............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Vision of the Association) in Lebanon 2010
    Appendix The Political Vision of the A L- JAMA’A AL- ISLAMIYAH (Islamic Association) in Lebanon 2010 In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful Thanks to almighty God, and prayer and peace be upon all God’s prophets, upon the seal of prophets, our master Muhammad, and upon all his com- panions. Thereafter: al- Jama’a al- Islamiyah in Lebanon is a reformist, ideo- logical, and Islamic movement whose objective is satisfying almighty God and accomplishing the total meaning of worship in the life of the individual and society. Al- Jama’a al- Islamiyah upholds national co- existence with non- Muslims within Islamic law safeguards, and cooperates with all citizens in order to achieve social justice and to protect human rights and his/her free- doms. Al- Jama’a operates in its Da’wa [call to Islam] within Lebanon’s reality and through legitimate means. It seeks to reform, among other things, the moral, economic, and political conditions so that they could become more harmonious with Islamic principles, which, we see, realize the interests of society. General Departing Points Political activism is an undivided part of the program of the Islamic Association. It is similar to all other areas of activisms, be they cultural, physical, societal, or propagational, which cover the life and needs of people in their religion and world. From this departing point, political activism is the ref lection of the think- ing and program of the Association, which works to achieve. Political activism is neither a sheer reaction nor an acquiescence to the political reality in which we live.
    [Show full text]