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Rebuilding Lebanon by Amine Gemayel
U.N. Security Council Resolution 338 October 22, 1973 Rebuilding Lebanon by Amine Gemayel Preface The publication at this time of a work advocating the reform of Lebanon's political system and economy may seem paradoxical: Lebanon is still occupied by foreign troops and its sovereignty is in doubt. But such a work is urgently needed to turn the thought of the international community toward Lebanon's reconstruc‐ tion and to give clear direction to the hopes of its citizens, especially its youth. Soon after the inception of the Lebanese war in 1975, I began to think about plans for the reconstruction of my country: its identity, its institutions, and its economy. When the war was at its height in 1978, 1 created the House of the Future, a documentation and research center aimed at building a peaceful future based on dialogue. After being elected President of the Republic in 1982, I set to work to create a new country, mak‐ ing renewal and peace my top priorities. At my request the Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR), a governmental organism created in 1976, undertook research and then worked out plans to finance and set in motion the country's reconstruction. The Lebanese people were eager to participate in the re‐ form, and it received wide‐spread international support. I also undertook a series of initiatives in the politi‐ cal, diplomatic, and economic spheres, in order to guarantee Lebanon's influence in the region as well as revitalize its production and service activities. At the same lime I refused to give in to the regional powers that wanted to reduce Lebanon's sovereignty. -
Threshold for Regional Stabilitydownload
Lebanon: Threshold for Regional Stability Amine Gemayel President of the Republic of Lebanon, 1982-1988 Remarks Delivered at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Washington, D.C. 8 February 2007 1 Contents Introduction The Centrality of Lebanon Lebanon as a Threshold The Threshold Option and the Need for Internal Dialogue The Threshold Option and the Need for Regional Diplomacy Conclusion Introduction It is an honor to participate in this Director’s Forum at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. This Center is a great venue for respectful dialogue and reasoned debate and is recognized as such throughout the world. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the Wilson Center, which operates under the skillful direction of Lee Hamilton and Michael Van Dusen. As co-chairman of the Iraq Study Group, Mr. Hamilton again demonstrated why he enjoys a well-deserved reputation as one of America’s wisest statesmen. The Centrality of Lebanon Ladies and Gentlemen, the Middle East region is desperately in need of peace. Most obviously, the Middle East needs peace in Iraq and in Palestine. Additionally, intensifying sectarian tremors threaten to tear open fault lines throughout the Arab world. Given the realities of persistent and widespread conflict, what justifies calling Lebanon, as I do today, “The Threshold for Regional Stability?” The answer to this question begins with an understanding of how the Lebanese situation is central to the conditions in the Middle East and beyond. The centrality of Lebanon derives, I believe, from three key factors: cultural, economic, and strategic. First, taking the long view which history provides, Lebanon is intimately connected to, and a part of, both the Mediterranean cultural zone and the Middle Eastern cultural zone, and it also enjoys strong cultural links with Europe. -
País Região Cidade Nome De Hotel Morada Código Postal Algeria
País Região Cidade Nome de Hotel Morada Código Postal Algeria Adrar Timimoun Gourara Hotel Timimoun, Algeria Algeria Algiers Aïn Benian Hotel Hammamet Ain Benian RN Nº 11 Grand Rocher Cap Caxine , 16061, Aïn Benian, Algeria Algeria Algiers Aïn Benian Hôtel Hammamet Alger Route nationale n°11, Grand Rocher, Ain Benian 16061, Algeria 16061 Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Safir Alger 2 Rue Assellah Hocine, Alger Centre 16000 16000 Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Samir Hotel 74 Rue Didouche Mourad, Alger Ctre, Algeria Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Albert Premier 5 Pasteur Ave, Alger Centre 16000 16000 Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Hotel Suisse 06 rue Lieutenant Salah Boulhart, Rue Mohamed TOUILEB, Alger 16000, Algeria 16000 Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Hotel Aurassi Hotel El-Aurassi, 1 Ave du Docteur Frantz Fanon, Alger Centre, Algeria Algeria Algiers Alger Centre ABC Hotel 18, Rue Abdelkader Remini Ex Dujonchay, Alger Centre 16000, Algeria 16000 Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Space Telemly Hotel 01 Alger, Avenue YAHIA FERRADI, Alger Ctre, Algeria Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Hôtel ST 04, Rue MIKIDECHE MOULOUD ( Ex semar pierre ), 4, Alger Ctre 16000, Algeria 16000 Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Dar El Ikram 24 Rue Nezzar Kbaili Aissa, Alger Centre 16000, Algeria 16000 Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Hotel Oran Center 44 Rue Larbi Ben M'hidi, Alger Ctre, Algeria Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Es-Safir Hotel Rue Asselah Hocine, Alger Ctre, Algeria Algeria Algiers Alger Centre Dar El Ikram 22 Rue Hocine BELADJEL, Algiers, Algeria Algeria Algiers Alger Centre -
H. Res. 1088 in the House of Representatives, U
H. Res. 1088 In the House of Representatives, U. S., December 8, 2006. Whereas on November 21, 2006, Pierre Gemayel, a Member of the March 14 parliamentary coalition, was assas- sinated in New Jdeide´, north of Beirut, Lebanon; Whereas a series of targeted attacks and killings of public leaders working to promote democracy and autonomy in Lebanon has placed a heavy toll on Lebanon’s intellectual and democratic freedoms; Whereas the prosecution by the proposed International Inde- pendent Investigation Commission of persons accused in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri could deter future assassinations; Whereas Pierre Gemayel was born on September 24, 1972, into a prominent Lebanese family; Whereas Pierre Gemayel was first elected to the Lebanese Parliament in 2000; Whereas Pierre Gemayel was named Minister of Industry in the Lebanese Government in 2005; Whereas Amine Gemayel, the father of Pierre Gemayel and former President of Lebanon, has urged the Phalange party supporters and all Lebanese citizens to promote co- operation and solidarity and hamper attempts to instigate civil strife; 2 Whereas, on November 21, 2006, following Pierre Gemayel’s assassination, President George W. Bush stated that ‘‘the United States remains fully committed to sup- porting Lebanon’s independence and democracy in the face of attempts by Syria, Iran, and their allies within Lebanon to foment instability and violence’’; Whereas supporting the development of democratic institu- tions in Lebanon is critical to promoting the interests of the -
Lebanon's Catalyst for Renewal
LEBANON’S CATALYST FOR RENEWAL BILAL Y. SAAB FEBRUARY 2021 Photo above: Lebanese President, Michel Aoun (C) meets Former Prime Minister of Lebanon, Saad Hariri (R), and Speaker of the Parliament Nabih Berri (L) in Beirut, Lebanon on October 22, 2020. Photo by Lebanese Presidency/Handout/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images. The Arab uprisings of the past decade have produced some of the most glorious and memorable phrases. From al-shaab yurid isqat al-nizam (“the people want to topple the regime”) and irhal! (“leave!”) to thawra! (“revolution!”) and Killon yaani killon silmiya, silmiya (“peaceful, peaceful”), Arabs from various parts (“all of them means of the region and all walks of life have joined together in chant expressing their desire for justice, dignity, and opportunity. all of them”) is an incredibly heavy Though revolutionary slogans by definition are imbued with lift. Probably an idealism, one seemed to stand out from the rest for its boldness impossible one too. and rejection of compromise. Killon yaani killon (“all of them means all of them”)1 was heard across Lebanon in 2019 when thousands of Lebanese took to the streets demanding the removal of not just a political leader or a government but the entire political class for its systematic corruption and direct role in leading the country to financial ruin and humanitarian catastrophe. 2 “What might serve as a catalyst for change is civil society and reform- oriented political parties coming together to form a larger political force that can … gradually alter the political rules of the game.” Though this wasn’t the first time the Lebanese fought for their rights change in the country because on its own, it’s unlikely it will be — they did it in spectacular fashion on March 14, 2005 when they able to drastically reform what is a deeply entrenched sectarian and called for the ousting of Syrian troops from the country and again feudal system. -
Lebanon's Political Dynamics
Lebanon’s political dynamics: population, religion and the region Salma Mahmood * As the Lebanese political crisis deepens, it becomes imperative to examine its roots and find out if there is a pattern to the present predicament, in examination of the past. Upon tracing the historical background, it becomes evident that the Lebanese socio-political system has been influenced by three major factors: the population demographic, regional atmosphere and sub-national identity politics. Though not an anomaly, Lebanon is one of the few remaining consociational democracies1 in the world. However, with the current political deadlock in the country, it is questionable how long this system will sustain. This article will take a thematic approach and begin with the historical precedent in each context linking it to the current situation for a better comprehension of the multifaceted nuclei shaping the country‟s turbulent course. Population Demographics Majority of the causal explanations cited to comprehend the contemporary religio-political problems confronting the Middle East have their roots in the imperialist games. Hence, it is in the post First World War French mandate that we find the foundations of the Lebanese paradigm. In 1919, the French decision was taken to concede the Maronite demands and grant the state of a Greater Lebanon. Previously, under the Ottoman rule, there existed an autonomous district of Lebanon consisting solely of Mount Lebanon and a 1914 population of about 400,000; four-fifth Christian and one-fifth Muslim. Amongst -
Revisiting the Path of Lebanon Over the Past 100 Years
REVISITING THE PATH OF LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS Analysis of Different Constitutional Aspects of the State REVISITING THE PATH OF LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS This book is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution - Non Commercia - Share Alike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0). Please be notified that the book has been released under a Creative Commons license to allow optimal accessibility while preserving attribution to the contributors and the editor’s work, as long as it is not used for commercial purposes. We would like to provide equal opportunities for anyone who wants to disseminate, write and search on the topic. You can share and adapt the content by remixing, transforming, building and redistributing the material in any medium or format as long as you attribute it and properly credit the authors under the same license as the original. For more information, a copy of this license is available at URL: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by- nc-sa/4.0/ REVISITING THE PATH OF For more information, a copy of this license is available at URL: https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS Analysis of Different Constitutional Aspects of the State REVISITING THE PATH OF LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS Notre Dame University-Louaize NDU Press© First published: 2020, Lebanon ISBN 978-614-475-009-4 Zouk, Kesrwan, P.O.Box 72 Cover design: Department of Creative Design www.ndu.edu.lb | [email protected] P.O. Box: 72, Zouk, Keserwan Phone: +961 9 208 994/6 REVISITING THE PATH OF LEBANON OVER THE PAST 100 YEARS – ANALYSIS OF DIFFERENT CONSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS OF THE STATE ©2020Notre Dame University - Louaize (NDU) and Rule of Law Programme Middle East and North Africa, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. -
NYU/CIC Draft Report
Pathways to Change Baseline Study to Identify Theories of Change on Political Settlements and Confidence Building By Molly Elgin-Cossart, Bruce Jones, and Jane Esberg July 31, 2012 This is one part of a two-part preliminary study. It is designed to excavate, through interviews with development field staff, perspectives and story lines on how international actors (especially development actors) can influence the degree of inclusiveness of political settlements. This is an interim step to a longer-term, more comprehensive study to assess the causal relationship between donor programming and political settlements. The purpose of this initial study is to narrow the field of inquiry by providing ‘theories of change’ that can then be tested. A cognate study, more conceptually oriented, focuses on political settlements (defined below) that follow violence or episodes or imminent threatened violence, to provide an exegesis of the argument that ‘inclusive enough’ settlements matter to stability and thus development in fragile states. That study is designed to help establish a research agenda that could test and refine that proposition. Prepared with support from the UK Department for International Development, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Carnegie Corporation. 1 Preface ........................................................................................................................... 3 Background: Why an emphasis on inclusive political settlements? ........................... 4 Research approach ....................................................................................................... -
How Lebanese Elites Coopt Protest Discourse: a Social Media Analysis
How Lebanese Elites Coopt Protest Discourse: A Social Media Analysis ."3 Report Policy Alexandra Siegel Founded in 1989, the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies is a Beirut-based independent, non-partisan think tank whose mission is to produce and advocate policies that improve good governance in fields such as oil and gas, economic development, public finance, and decentralization. This report is published in partnership with HIVOS through the Women Empowered for Leadership (WE4L) programme, funded by the Netherlands Foreign Ministry FLOW fund. Copyright© 2021 The Lebanese Center for Policy Studies Designed by Polypod Executed by Dolly Harouny Sadat Tower, Tenth Floor P.O.B 55-215, Leon Street, Ras Beirut, Lebanon T: + 961 1 79 93 01 F: + 961 1 79 93 02 [email protected] www.lcps-lebanon.org How Lebanese Elites Coopt Protest Discourse: A Social Media Analysis Alexandra Siegel Alexandra Siegel is an Assistant Professor at the University of Colorado Boulder, a faculty affiliate of NYU’s Center for Social Media and Politics and Stanford's Immigration Policy Lab, and a nonresident fellow at the Brookings Institution. She received her PhD in Political Science from NYU in 2018. Her research uses social media data, network analysis, and experiments—in addition to more traditional data sources—to study mass and elite political behavior in the Arab World and other comparative contexts. She is a former Junior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and a former CASA Fellow at the American University in Cairo. She holds a Bachelors in International Relations and Arabic from Tufts University. -
Lebanon) As a Microcosm of the Crisis of Sunnism in the Levant
DRAFT – PLEASE DO NOT CITE WITHOUT PERMISSION, DO NOT RE-DISTRIBUTE Tine Gade, SciencesPo Paris Tripoli (Lebanon) as a microcosm of the crisis of Sunnism in the Levant Paper presented at the annual meeting of the British Middle East Studies Society (BRISMES), London School of Economy (LSE), 26-28 March 2012. This paper analyses the crisis of Sunni leadership in Tripoli (Lebanon) and argues that it reflects a more global crisis of political and religious Sunnism in the entire Levant. Indeed, the city lies at the crossroads of two structural crises currently faced by various regions in the Middle East are: The first one is the weakening and fragmentation of political leadership in the Levant since the 1970s, the second is the problem of authority in Sunni Islam, aggravated by the communications revolution since the 1990s and 2000s.1 Internet made it easier for local religious leaders to circumvent the official, statist religious institutions and network directly with the transnational Umma. In addition, all the components of the social, cultural and urban crisis identified by different Arab Human Development Reports are also present in Tripoli.2 Tripoli is a profoundly unequal and segregated city, where the cases of extreme poverty are widespread.3 The access of the young urban poor to the ‘knowledge society’ is very limited, and school dropout rates and illiteracy rates remain very high, and concentrated in certain areas. The city is unique because, at least since June 2005, local actors have been receiving funding from the most diverse variety of national, regional and transnational donors. North Lebanon, the poorest and least educated region in entire Lebanon, therefore became a place where actors from the regional, transnational, national, and local political scenes crossed each other, 1 In 1970, Hafiz al-Assad took over power in Syria. -
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections Foreword This study on the political party mapping in Lebanon ahead of the 2018 elections includes a survey of most Lebanese political parties; especially those that currently have or previously had parliamentary or government representation, with the exception of Lebanese Communist Party, Islamic Unification Movement, Union of Working People’s Forces, since they either have candidates for elections or had previously had candidates for elections before the final list was out from the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities. The first part includes a systematic presentation of 27 political parties, organizations or movements, showing their official name, logo, establishment, leader, leading committee, regional and local alliances and relations, their stance on the electoral law and their most prominent candidates for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The second part provides the distribution of partisan and political powers over the 15 electoral districts set in the law governing the elections of May 6, 2018. It also offers basic information related to each district: the number of voters, the expected participation rate, the electoral quotient, the candidate’s ceiling on election expenditure, in addition to an analytical overview of the 2005 and 2009 elections, their results and alliances. The distribution of parties for 2018 is based on the research team’s analysis and estimates from different sources. 2 Table of Contents Page Introduction ....................................................................................................... -
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Lebanon 2008 - 2009 The National Human Development Report toward a citizen’s state Lebanon National Human Development Report toward a citizen's state report summary ACKNOWLEDGMENTS AND STUDY TEAMS This project is the result of a collaborative effort between the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR) which composed the steering committee for the report and supported the NHDR project team that directed the project. In addition, an advisory board that brought together public intellectuals, policy makers and academics from the public and private sector was established to guide this very complex process. We extend our deepest gratitude to them all for their cooperation, input and effort during this process. Toward a Citizen's State is the outcome of three years of an elaborate participatory process that included multiple roundtables, focus groups, and brainstorming sessions with over 150 academics, experts and policy makers in different fields as well as a wide range of citizens. To all those who participated in these discussions, debates and especially focus groups we would like to extend our sincerest thanks and appreciation for their contributions toward making this project a success. We hope that our collective effort will indeed bear fruit. The final version of this report is the intellectual product of four core authors who utilized the project outline, the work of participating authors that included background papers commissioned for this report, discussions from focus group meetings, the written inputs of discussants, the debates that took place during the workshops and roundtables and their own knowledge. They were assisted in this process by the NHDR team.