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Aspects of State Formation in South India and Southeast Asia, 1500-1650

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Aspects of State Formation in South India and Southeast Asia, 1500-1650 Aspects of state formation in South India and Southeast Asia, 1500-1650 Sanjay Subrahmanyam Delhi School of Economics The paper is broadly divided into two sections. The first section critically surveys the historiography on the formation and transformation of states, drawing upon examples, from not only southern India, but from Indonesia as well as mainland Southeast Asia. The central purpose is to show parallel tendencies in the two historiographies, and to prepare the ground for a synthesis. We also note that, at least where the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are concerned, the two historiographies borrow from the same dictionary of ideas, without however referring to one another. The critique will focus in particular on the tendency to create a chronological sequence of state types by cobbling together borrowings from other contexts: the work of Europeanists in particular, and of Africanists to a more limited extent. Correspondingly, we note the failure to develop adequate Asianist models, or for that matter models that integrally discuss the evolution of state forms as opposed to mere cyclical fluctuations in them. The second section draws on documentary material, particularly from the archives of the Dutch and English East India Companies, to elucidate some elements of a model in the context of southern India, with a tentative conclusion on how well these fit the various Southeast Asian cases. I Southern India, here defined as a part of the Indian peninsula south of the Krishna-Tungabhadra, contained within it at least two types of states in the Acknowledgements: An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Third C.D.L.Y. Conference, Yogyakarta, held between 22 and 26 September 1986. Thanks are due to several friends and colleagues for important references and critical comments. In particular, I am grateful to Vincent Houben and Dhiravat Na Pombejra for references, and to C.A. Bayly and Sabyasachi Bhattacharya for helping to bring the problem in focus. The usual disclaimers naturally apply. Downloaded from ier.sagepub.com at UCLA on January 10, 2016 358 period under consideration. There were firstly the relatively large kingdoms, the Sultanate of Golconda, the Vijayanagar empire, and later kingdoms such as Udaiyar Mysore, and the Nayaka Kingdoms of Ikkeri, Senji, Tanjavur and Madurai. There were also the petty coastal kingdoms in the south-west comer of the region, often neglected from consideration in such works as the recent Cambridge Economic History of India, Volume 1. ~ For much of this period, the Malabar region of south western India (to which we have just referred) contained three or four principal states, namely Kolathunad, Kozhikode and Vemad, with the rulers of Cochin coming, to assume prominence in the course of the sixteenth century. We wiH begin though with a consideration of the literature on the larger sized states, which has been rather more prolific in recent times than that on Malabar. The classic portrayal ot these kingdoms, from the works of K.A.N. Sastri, N. Venkataramanayya or even W.H. Moreland does not substantially differ from the picture conventionally drawn of the Mughal Empire to the north.2 The focus is largely on organized and bureaucratic fiscal administration; the categories within the overall aegis of state comprise tributary chieftain, revenue assignee, directly taxed cultivator and inam holder, familiar to us as well from the Mughal literature. A picture is drawn of the ’Hindu’ south after the battle of Talikota (1565), which is remarkably similar to that of post-Aurangzeb Mughal India: anarchy, regional breakaway kingdoms, the foreign invader, and eventually European penetration and political control.3 Doubtless the ’dark hiatus’ between Pax Vijayanagarica and Pax Britannica endured longer than the eighteenth century anarchy so com- monly to be encountered in the literature where the north is concerned, but the elements were essentially the same. For northern India, we may note that despite the recent work of Gordon, Barnett and Bayly, this picture of the breakdown of order continues to hold sway, propped up by the Aligarh school.’4 In the case of southern India, however, the reconsideration of the period by the ’American’ school, amongst whom one may count Stein, Ludden, and 1 See Irfan Habib and Tapan Raychaudhuri eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India, Volume I (c. 1200-1750), Cambridge, 1981, especially Chapters II, IV, VII.3, VIII.2, X.3. 2 For example, K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, A History of South India from pre-historic times to the Fall of Vijayanagar, Madras, 1955; N. Venkataramanayya, Studies in the History of the Third Dynasty of Vijayanagar, Madras, 1935; W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, London, 1920. 3 See Sastri, History, pp. 296-305; also the classic account of Colin Mackenzie, ’View of the Principal Events that Occurred in the Carnatic, from the Dissolution of the Ancient Hindoo Government in 1564 ...,’ Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Volume XIII, Part I, January-June 1844, pp. 421-63. 4 Cf. Stewart Gordon, ’The Slow Conquest: The Administrative Integration of Malwa into the Maratha Empire, 1720-1760,’ Modern Asian Studies, Volume XI, No. 1, 1977, pp. 1-40; Richard B. Barnett, North India Between Empires: Awadh, the Mughals and the British, 1720-1801, Berkeley, 1980; C.A. Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, 1770-1870, Cambridge, 1983. Downloaded from ier.sagepub.com at UCLA on January 10, 2016 359 others,’ has tended to stand the classic picture on its head. The central work, that of Stein, has concentrated on an earlier period than Vijayanagar, that is particularly on the phase AD 1000-1200, but nonetheless has brought into currency the idea that bureaucratic fiscal administration and penetrative centralised states were all but non-existent in southern India, the states instead having a ’segmentary’ character, with a tiny core area actually centrally administered, the rest owing no more than ritual allegiance to central authority. Stein’s work concentrates largely on the Cola period (c. 850 to 1200), but he goes on to affirm that the Vijayanagar empire was in essence a continuation of the earlier segmentary state, with the core area shifted from the Kaveri basin to the Krishna-Tungabhadra duab. We thus have the somewhat piquant situation in the Cambridge Economic History I, where north India (we are told) has all the characteristics of a glittering patrimonial-bureaucratic empire, while once south of the Godavari, state forms become segmentary, diffuse and decentralised. Caught in the wedge between these two are states like Bijapur and Golconda, physically and historically resembling the ’Hindu’ south, but historiographically identified with Mughal India. Thus the recent authoritative works on Golconda, those of Sherwani and Richards, (the latter actually identifying himself as an adherent to the ’ &dquo;Aligarh&dquo; interpretation of institutions’)6 talk of an agrarian system of Golconda in terms reminiscent of the Habib-Siddiqi conception: revenue assignments, layers of bureaucracy, the orderly conception of administration centering around the jam’i-kamil, even raising the familiar bogey of the revenue-farmer as representative of anarchic tendencies in the system. Indeed the incongruity of these two strands, that of the bureaucratic vision of state and that of segmentary diffusion, has been noted by Richards in a review of Stein. We may note the attempt at reconciliation in the following terms: If we look for a system knit together by local vitality and energy and by shared cultural values, expressed in the wide dissemination of the sacred qualities of the monarch-we will find it. If we look for a growing concentration of state power, noticeable and growing intrusion in the countryside with or without a ’bureaucracy’-we can possibly find that also.I 5 Besides Stein’s chapters in the Cambridge Economic History, I, see his Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India, Delhi, 1980. For a slightly divergent view, see David Ludden, Peasant History in South India, Princeton, 1985. Finally, for a recent critique of Stein’s model as applied to the Chola period, see E. James Heitzman, Gifts of Power: Temples, Politics and Economy in Medieval South India, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1985. 6 See H:K. Sherwani, History of the Qutb Shahi Dynasty, New Delhi, 1974; John F. Richards, Mughal Administration in Golconda, Oxford, 1975, Chs. 1 and 2. 7 J.F. Richards, Review of Stein, ’Peasant State and Society,’ Journal of Asian Studies, Volume XLII, No. 4, 1980, p. 1008. The unsatisfactory nature of the two extreme models described above is also noted in Frank Perlin, ’State Formation Reconsidered,’ Modern Asian Studies, Volume XIX, (3), 1985, pp. 415-80, especially p. 421. Downloaded from ier.sagepub.com at UCLA on January 10, 2016 360, But this statement sidesteps the issue, given the extreme nature of the contentions of the two schools, the one arguing that the state had enormous coercive powers (we would recall the Aligarh school contention that upto 50 per cent of gross agrarian product was claimed from the cultivator), the other denying the existence of fiscal linkages between large parts of the empire and its core. Ironically enough, however, recent writings find Stein, too, attempting to bridge the yawning gap in the two conceptions. In his case, the problem arises from the perspective of chronological sequencing. Bearing in mind the segmentary
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