Stream Politics in the Transfer of Power from Demak to Pajang

Home , Demak Sultanate, Mataram Sultanate, Pamalayu, Raden Patah, Sunan Bonang, Sunan Giri

REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHICAL EDUCATION

ISSN: 2146-0353 ● © RIGEO ● 11(2), SPRING, 2021 www.rigeo.org Research Article

Imam Sukardi1 Anang Harris Himawan2 Faculty of Ushuluddin, Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Department of History Education, Faculty of Surakarta, Indonesia. Education and Teacher Training, Sebelas Maret

[email protected] University. [email protected]

Abstract The current historical theme concerning the transfer of power from Demak to Pajang was chosen because it has remained a discourse among scholars, particularly of history, to this day. Historians have opposing views regarding the background of the establishment of the Sultanate of Pajang. First, the founding of Pajang in the 16th century was, consequently, due to the Sultanate of Demak’s inability to prevent the fall of Melaka and Maluku, serving as wealth “repository” areas for Java (Demak), into the hands of the Portuguese, which resulted in a political and economic crisis in Demak, thus forcing the coastal political power house to relocate further inland to Pajang. Second, the founding of Pajang was the result of an internal political conflict within the Demak Sultanate reaching its peak, and it had transpired since the death of the First Sultan of Demak, Raden Patah. Third, the founding of Pajang signified the return of Majapahit Empire’s “throne” to its rightful heir, namely the descendants of Andayaningrat, Brawijaya’s son-in-law from the empress Dyah Annarawati. Fourth, the founding of Pajang was the culmination of a political struggle between two major religious streams championed by their respective Wali (saint of Islam in the archipelago), wherein the Walis of the coast, who adhered to genuine Islamic teachings (conservative, puritan, muti’ah) and represented by Sunan Kudus, faced the Walis of the inland (moderate, aba’ah) who were represented by Sunan Kalijaga.

Keywords Stream politics, transfer of power, Demak, Pajang, Indonesia

To cite this article: Sukardi I, and Himawan A, H. (2021). Stream Politics in the Transfer of Power from Demak to Pajang. Review of International Geographical Education (RIGEO), 11(2), 764-777. Doi: 10.33403/rigeo. 800472

Submitted: 20-01-2021 ● Revised: 15-02-2021 ● Accepted: 25-03-2021

From Mahapralaya Majapahit to Demak

Pajang was not a region that had just become known at the end of the 16th century. The region had already been widely recognized since the time of Majapahit Empire’s glory, particularly during the reign of Hayam Wuruk. Pajang was included as Majapahit’s “crown land” during the era of Hayam Wuruk. At the time, Bhre Pajang or Rajasaduhiteswari Dyah Nartaja, who was none other than Hayam Wuruk’s younger sibling, ruled over Pajang. As written in Negarakertagama, “Rin saka ksati Suryya san prabhu mahas ri pajan inirin in sanagara.”1 This indicates that Hayam Wuruk had conducted a state visit to Pajang in Aksatisuryya saka year 1275 saka or 1354 CE. Was Pajang a truly significant place for Majapahit, so much so that even Hayam Wuruk himself made a special visit there? According to De Graaf and Peageaut, Pajang was not of much importance, despite its status as Majapahit’s “crown land” in the 14th century.2 Pajang’s presence was considered of significance when placed in the context of Majapahit rule and associated with the figure of Jaka Sengara or Andayaningrat, who married Dyah Ratna Pembayun, the daughter of Brawijaya V, and was promoted as the Duke (Adipati) of Pengging. In the historical chronicles of Java, it is told that Andayaningrat died in the hands of Sunan Ngudung during Demak’s invasion of Majapahit which was centered in Daha in 1517. Thereafter, Andayaningrat had been replaced by his son Ki Ageng Pengging. Then, during the period of Sultan Trenggono, Ki Ageng Pengging was killed in the hands of Sunan Kudus when Demak invaded Pengging. Pajang was not established unexpectedly. The establishment of Pajang correlated with a series of political events that transpired in Java, particularly the political turbulence following the death of Trenggono in Pasuruan when he set out on an expedition to conquer the eastern part of Java in 1527 CE. Although, historically speaking, it started from the political upheaval in Demak, the occurrence was inseparable from the existing political rivalry among the descendants of Brawijaya V, who were born from his three wives, namely Dyah Annarawati or Dewi Dwarawati as the empress, along with Wandansari and Siu Ban Chi who were both concubine to the Majapahit king. As commonly known, these three women gave birth to a generation of heirs to the throne of Majapahit Empire following its downfall and the death of Brawijaya in Daha’s invasion of Trowulan by Dyah Ranawijaya in 1478 CE. Brawijaya V and Wandansari the concubine conceived a son named Bondan Kejawen, who then had Getas Pendowo, who bore Ki Ageng Selo, who had Ki Ageng Henis, who bore Ki Ageng Pemanahan who was the forefather of the early generation of Mataram Sultanate (Mataram-Islam). Meanwhile from the other concubine, namely Siu Ban Chi from China, they conceived Jin Bun or Raden Bagus Kasan or Hasan or better known as Raden Patah, who was the founder of Demak Sultanate with the title of Sultan Syah Alam Akbar al-Fatah. Whereas from the Empress, Dyah Annarawati or Dewi Dwarawati from Champa, they conceived Dyah Retno Pembayun who was then married to Andayaningrat, the Adipati of Pengging and one of Majapahit’s warlords. The marriage between Brawijaya V and a Chinese princess was an inseparable part of the bilateral relations between Java and China, which had been closely fostered since the time of Wikramawardhana or Hyang Wisesa or the 4th Emperor of Majapahit. It is known that Wikramawardhana also had a wife of Chinese descent who gave birth to Arya Damar, who was then inaugurated as Adipati of Kukang (present day Palembang). Marital relations among kingdoms and empires throughout history were a common phenomenon and considered a part of fostering international alliances. Such marital affairs had been customary even before the founding of Majapahit.3 Although there has not been any definite source found

1Damaika, Mpu Prapanca: Kakawin Negarakertagama, pupuh 17, (Jogjakarta, Narasi 2008), pp. 68-69. See also: I Ketut Riana, Kakawin Desa Warnnana Utawi Nagara Krtagama, (Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka utama, 2009), p. 65. 2HJ. de Graaf dan Pegeaud, Kerajaan Islam Pertama di Jawa, (Jakarta: Pustaka Grafiti Press, 2001), p. 232. 3 Bilateral relations among monarchies through marriages had been practiced at time of Singasari when establishing diplomatic relations with other monarchs throughout the archipelago and foreign monarchs. Some examples are the diplomatic relation established via marital bond between Singasari and Melayu, wherein two princesses of Melayu, Dara Petak and Dara Jingga, 765

© RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(2), SPRING, 2021 stating that Demak’s upheaval was associated with the struggle for influence or power among the descendants of Majapahit, the supposition indicating such possibility remains. In the historical narrative, Demak was a maritime-based political power in Jawa, bearing in mind that it was located near the northern coast of Java. Although Demak, at the time, was also known as a rice- producing agricultural area of considerable prominence in trade, that was merely considered a means for trading commodity, rice was not regarded as a major commodity with the power of supporting the kingdom’s economy. Situated at the mouth of Muria Strait, Demak had for the most part relied on the proceeds obtained from trade levies, keeping in mind that it is strategically positioned as a two-way transit area from both the east and west of Java. Demak’s focus on maritime economic activities to support the sultanate’s economy was key in reinforcing Demak as one of the highly considerable economic power houses of coastal Java, not only regionally but internationally. Nearly all economic activities and regulations were centered on the coasts. Meanwhile, the inlands were merely considered supporting areas for the sultanate. Demak’s policy had an impact on other activities, namely the sultanate’s expansion politics and socio- religious activities of which one of them included the spread of Islam following the waning of Hinduism-Buddhism influences after the fall of Majapahit. It seems that Demak had followed the political style of the preceding reign, namely Majapahit. Although Majapahit was situated in a distant inland area, its success in dominating the waters of Java had led to the coastal areas serving as a key source of foreign exchange for the empire. As a consequence, the inland areas were very difficult to conquer during Majapahit’s glorious reign, with the exception of Daha as it was situated along the bank of Brantas river, which emptied its waters into the estuary in the northern coast of Java. It is, thus, unsurprising that throughout its reign, ripples of opposition against Majapahit’s policies originated from inland areas that still had some remaining loyal retainers of Singasari that were both politically and economically neglected, such as Tumapel. The death of Arya Suganda, the sibling of Arya Teja, is an irrefutable historical evidence, indicating the political consequence of prioritizing coastal areas over inland areas. It can almost be asserted that the empire’s economic policies were more centered on and advantageous to coastal areas, whereas the inlands were given less opportunities to contribute in the empire’s economic regulation in the area. Demak also went through a similar experience as its predecessor did. Due to the implementation of an inequitable policy between the coastal and inland areas, the inlands were utilized by opposition groups instead, particularly remnants of Majapahit forces that were supported by the influence of other Brawijaya descendants. There are two aspects that are highlighted in the historical narrative of Majapahit’s transition to Demak, namely rivalry among Brawijaya descendants and the advent of a third party that was considered a new revitalizing energy for the old power that had dwindled as a result of political conspiracy. First, political contestation and rivalry among Brawijaya descendants refer to those who were born from Wandansari or Annarawati, namely Ki Ageng Selo, Ki Ageng Henis, and Ki Ageng Pemanahan. Their influence was not to be taken lightly, even up to the period of the establishment of Mataram- Islam. Particularly Ki Ageng Pengging, a descendant of a lineage “considered to be legitimate” from the empress, whose political activities were deemed quite a danger to the position of Raden Patah, the first king of Demak, who was the son of Brawijaya conceived from his Chinese concubine. He was a product of an oligarchic political marriage that had created pandemonium throughout Majapahit Empire. Second, the rivalry between the two political powers was intensified by the advent of a Wali considered a populist who preferred to remain outside Demak’s political circle. He is Syekh Siti Jenar,4 an ulema educated in Iraq who had brought back a new stream in

were brought back to Java during the Pamalayu expedition and were subsequently wedded to high-ranking officials of the kingdom. See: Slamet Mulyana, Runtuhnya Kerajaan Hindu-Jawa dan Timbulnya Negara-negara Islam di Nusantara, (Yogyakarta: LKIS, 2012), pp. 4-6; Paul Michel Munoz, Kerajaan-kerajaan Awal Kepulauan Indonesia dan Semenanjung Malaysia, (Yogyakarta: Mitra Abadi, 2009), p. 372; Sri Wintala Achmad, Sejarah Kejayaan Singhasari, (Yogyakarta: Araska Publishing, 2019), p. 168; or the bond of marriage between Singasari and Gelanggelang. See: Sri Wintala Achmad, ibid., p. 168; or the marriage between Kertanegara’s younger sibling, Princess Tapasi with the King of Champa, Jaya Singhawarman III. See: Slamet Mulyana, Menuju Puncak Kemegahan, (Jogjakarta: LKIS, 2012), p. 158; Sanusi Pane, op.cit., p. 80; Compare with: Bernard H.M. Vlekke, Bernard H.M. Vlekke, Nusantara Sejarah Indonesia, (Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, 2008), p.71; Sri Wintala Achmad, op.cit., p. 168. 4Syekh Siti Jenar (meaning: red soil) who was originally named Raden Abdul Jalil (some refer to him as Hasan Ali) and was also known as Sunan Jepara, Sitibrit, Syekh Jabaranta, Syekh 766 Sukardi I, and Himawan A, H. (2021). Stream Politics in the Transfer of Power from Demak to Pajang … the preaching of theological schools of thoughts in Java, namely the teaching of Syiah Akmaliyah Muntazhar. In relation to Syiah’s political rationale, a teaching known as the mustadh’afin liberation movement was promoted, which is a movement identifying the self as a defender of the oppressed, to liberate oneself from the hegemony of power, both social and political. The liberation theology movement he offered seems to have revitalized the resistance of the inland natives who had been neglected throughout the reign of Raden Patah. Accordingly, in historical narratives, it is common knowledge that the Walis’ socio-religious struggles were more focused on the coastal areas of Java, keeping in mind that these particular areas were more politically and economically favorable. Needless to say, it was reasonable, then, for the inland areas to serve as a pivotal center of power and new energy for the dissemination of the theological ideology introduced by Syekh Siti Jenar, particularly to regions secluded from the influence of Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah’s theological school of thought, which had initially been more concentrated in the coastal areas. To control the rising inland forces, Demak had, consequently, executed a

Lemahbang, Ki Syekh Sunyata Jatimurti, Ki Syekh Jatimulya, was a figure who was considered a sufi and one of the missionaries of Islam in Java, particularly in present day Jepara Regency. Some state that his initial missionary endeavor began in Cirebon. In Babad Jaka Tingkir, he was mentioned as an expert in tapa brata (meditation), expert in laku (spiritual exercise), and expert in rasa (the senses) so he could not be easily fooled when having to differentiate the sweetness of sugar and non sugar. See: Moelyono Sastronaryatmo, Babad Jaka Tingkir (Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan kebudayaan, 1981), p. 73; Agus Wahyudi, Silsilah dan Ajaran Makrifat Jawa, (Jogjakarta: Diva Press, 2012), p. 85. Syekh Siti Jenar’s origin and cause of his demise are not known for certain due to various versions told about him and his final moments in life. According to Wangsakertan Scripture entitled Negara Kretabhumi Sargha III incantation 76, a figure also by the name of Syekh Lemah Abang was born in Malacca under the name Abdul Jalil. There are also numerous versions concerning the location of his final burial ground. KH. Muhammad Sholikhin stated that Syekh Siti Jenar lived from 1426 until 1517 CE. He was a philosophical mystical figure. He had many aliases: San Ali (a nickname given by his parents), Syekh Abdul Jalil (a name obtained in Malacca), Syekh Jabaranta (a name known throughout Palembang, Sumatera, and Malacca continental), Prabu Satmata, Syekh Lemah Abang, Syekh Siti Brit, Syekh Siti Bang, or Syekh Siti Luhung (a title given by his students, particularly the people of Central Java), Syekh Nurjati or Prince Panjunan or Sunan Sasmita (in Cirebon historical chronicle), Syekh Kajenar (in the Surakarta version of Java-Islam literature), Syekh Wali Lanang Sejati, Syekh Jati Mula, and Syekh Jatimurti Susuhunan ing Lemah Abang. See: KH. Muhammad Sholikhin, Sufisme Syekh Siti Jenar, (Jogjakarta: Narasi, 2011), pp. 30-31. Also see: Agus Sunyoto, Atlas Walisongo, op.cit., pp. 305-309. According to Rachimsyah, Syekh siti Jenar was the son of Syekh Datuk Shaleh. His ancestor was Syekh Abdul Malik who married with a child of the local ruler (Persia), then given the name Asamat Khan. He had children of which among them was Abdullah Khanuddin or Maulana Abdullah. Subsequently, Maulana Abdullah had several children, two of them were Ahmadsyah Jalaluddin or Jaenal Abidin Al-Kabir and Syekh Kader Kaelani. Ahmadsyah eventually resided in Camboja, while Kader Kaelani had a son named Datuk Isa and became a missionary of Islam in the Malacca region. See: Rachimsyah, Biografi dan Legenda Walisanga, (Surabaya: Penerbit Indah, tt), p. 212. This argument is in line with the scripture of Wangsakertan Cirebon entitled Negara Kertabhumi, Sargha III incitation 76. See: Agus Sunyoto, Atlas Walisongo, (Depok: Pustama IIMAN dan LESBUMI NU, 2016), p. 305. Munir Mulkhan mentions that Syekh Siti Jenar was originally from Cirebon, his father was Resi Bungsu, a priest. His real name was Ali Hasan or Syekh Abdul Jalil. His father was upset and his child was cursed into a worm which was then cast into the river. Munir Mulkhan’s statement seems to follow the story in Babad. See: Hasanu Simon, op.cit., p. 365. Contrastingly, D.A. Rinkes in The Nine Saints of Java, he cited the handwritten script of Raden Ngabehi Soeradipoera and stated that essentially, Syekh Siti Jenar was named Abdul Jalil the son of Sunan Gunung Jati. According to Serat Walisana written by Sunan Giri II, Syekh lemah Abang was essentially a mage named San Ali Anshar, who was not accepted to become a disciple of Sunan Giri. Meanwhile, according to an oral narrative believed to be true by the followers of Tarekat Akmaliyah, the figure known as Syekh Lemah Abang or Syekh Siti Jenar was the son of the Queen of Cirebon who was tasked to spread the religion of Islam in hamlets known as Lemah Abang, which were scattered throughout the region of Banten in the west to Banyuwangi in the east. Agus Sunyoto, ibid., p. 304. 767 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(2), SPRING, 2021 counterintelligence political maneuver under the supervision of Adipati Wanasalam.5 The counterintelligence movement involved creating and developing religious issues, namely by claiming Syekh Siti Jenar’s teaching a heresy and considering it a form of “blasphemy” (against Islam). The counterintelligence operation was aimed at establishing Ki Ageng Pengging and Syekh Siti Jenar, his teacher, as suspects and including them in the “List of Wanted Persons” by reason of refusing to submit (sebo) to the kingdom. In a “Silent Operation” led by the warlord of Demak Sultanate, Adipati Kudus, also commonly known as Sunan Kudus, succeeded in killing Ki Ageng Pengging and capturing then executing Syekh Siti Jenar,6 although the death of Java’s Sufi master and his guru still leaves a lot of obscurities among historians. Subsequently, the regime of Raden Patah had become even stronger following the demise of these two figures who had considerable influence on the inland areas. Nonetheless, the cleansing of elements considered to be “latent dangers of Majapahit” continued. By reason of “purifying the teachings of Islam”, the followers of Syekh Siti Jenar were apprehended and executed one by one. The inland political power had gradually found its way when Sunan Kalijaga was able to secure sympathy from the second King of Demak, Sultan Trenggono. The relationship became stronger when the third King of Demak became related with Sunan Kalijaga through marriage, his influence had gained more significance in dominating Demak politics. This was obvious in Sunan Kalijaga’s success in lobbying Giri Kedaton who had considerable influence in controlling coastal rulers. The weight of his influence was clearly indicated by his ability in shifting the support of Jaka Tingkir’s constituents and making them subsequently join Prawoto’s supporters. The coalition of voters from Jaka Tingkir and Prawoto had resulted in the Arya Penangsang’s defeat in the election of the new Demak sultan. Following his defeat, Adipati Jipang rebelled against Demak and it ultimately ended in a revolt instigated by this son of Raden Kikin. To control the situation and restore security, Jaka Tingkir, as Trenggono’s son-in-law, was given the mandate to serve as a commander for restoring security and taking temporary control of the government. Or, according to Hasanu Simon, he was promoted to become Pejabat Sultan (Sultan Official).7 Actually, following Trenggono and Prawoto, Demak still had a crown prince who also had the right to sit on the throne as Sultan, he was Pangeran Timur. He was Trenggono’s youngest child out of ten siblings. Yet, somehow, the person inaugurated as Sultan Official was Hadiwijaya instead, meanwhile, Pangeran Timur was given a mandate as Adipati Madiun with the title of Ki Ageng Panembahan Ronggo Djoemena. Pangeran Timur was also known as Panembahan Purbaya. He was the very first Regent of Madiun. Following Hadiwijaya’s inauguration as Sultan official, the husband of Ratu Mas Ayu Cempaka

5H.J. De Graaf dan TH. Pigeaud, Kerajaan-Kerajaan Islam di Jawa, (Jakarta: Grafitipress, 1986), p. 262; Dr. Hasanu Simon, Miisteri Syekh Siti Jenar, (Jogjakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2004), p. 418. 6Syekh Siti Jenar is renowned for his teaching of Manunggaling Kawula Gusti (which is a localized Javanese version of wahdatul wujud). The essence of the teaching is elaborated by KH. Muhammad Sholihin in Manungggaling Kawula-Gusti, (Jogjakarta: Narasi, 2008), p. 129; M Hariwijaya, Islam Kejawen, (Jogjakarta: Gelombang Pasang, 2006), p. 293; Also see: Agus Sunyoto, Atlas Walisongo, op. cit., p. 308. His teaching had led to his being considered a heretic by some members of the Muslim community, while others consider him an intellectual who had succeeded in understanding the essence of Islam. His teachings are contained in a literary work that he wrote himself titled Pupuh, which discusses about budi pekerti (human character). See: Agus Wahyudi, op. cit., p. 29. Syekh Siti Jenar developed a sufi way of life or tasawwuf, which was considered in opposition with the teachings of Walisongo. The dispute between Syekh Siti Jenar’s sufi practices and the teachings of Walisongo was focused on the emphasis made by Walisongo on the formal sharia specification aspect. As written by Agus Sunyoto, tasawwuf teachings or school of thought developed by Siti Jenar was the Syathariyyah and Akmaliyyah Tariqa schools. See: Agus Sunyoto, Atlas Walisongo, op.cit., p. 401. According to Agus Wahyudi, Syekh Siti Jenar’s thoughts were largely influenced by Syiah teachings he acquired during his travels to Persia (Iraq and Iran). See: Agus Wahyudi, Silsilah dan Makrifat Jawa, (Jogjakara: Diva Press, 2012), p. 81. A similar argument is presented by Agus Sunyoto in Atlas Wali Songo, wherein Syekh Siti Jenar had been in Persia for 17 years under the tutelage of Syekh Abdul Malik Al-Baghdadi, an adherent of Syiah Muntadhar (Syiah Imamiyah sect), who would then become Syekh Siti Jenar or Syekh Lemah Abang’s father- in-law, op. cit., p. 306. In addition, Siti Jenar learned the teachings of Sathariyah Tariqa from his cousin who was also his spiritual guru, Syekh Datuk Kafi. Hasanu Simon, op. cit. Compare with the explanation given by Nengah bawa Atmadja in Geneologi Keruntuhan Majapahit, (jogjakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2010), pp. 332-333. 7Hasanu Simon, Misteri Syekh Siti Jenar, (Jogjakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2008), p. 149. 768 Sukardi I, and Himawan A, H. (2021). Stream Politics in the Transfer of Power from Demak to Pajang … had transferred power and all government affairs of Demak to Pajang. The transfer of this center of power was fully supported by the inland Walis, Sunan Kalijaga had similarly withdrew his power from the coast to the inland. Ultimately, the move to Pajang and the promotion of Hadiwijaya’s status from Adipati to Sultan official became a new polemic among Demak’s royal family members and the Walis. In relation to this, Sunan Kalijaga agreed that the center of power be transferred to Pajang on account of the following reasons: First, Demak was no longer viable as a center of power as it had been devastated by Jipang’s attack.8 Second, the fall of Malacca and Moluccas to the west (Portuguese) had destabilized Demak’s political economic position, both in the western and eastern parts of Java island, bearing in mind that both were regions that earned considerable foreign exchange for Demak, in particular, and Java, in general. Third, withdrawing all economic power in the downstream areas to the upstream areas and reinforcing the economic stance of the upstream areas or inland areas contributed in maintaining the role of regulations in the field of economy. Fourth, Demak had developed into an international city (emporium), and –if power transfer had not been done– people were concerned that that it would have a negative impact on Javanese culture since indigenous traditions of Javanese society had began to wane at the time. Fifth, in order to accelerate the spread of Islam into inland areas, which remained dominated by Hinduism-Buddhism-Animism traditions. In contrast, Sunan Kudus as a Wali of the Coast who had provided countless moral support to Penangsang, did not agree to the decision at all. Sunan Kudus had given the following reasons, first, transferring the center of power would have a substantial effect on the authority and power of the sultanate in the northern coast of Java, namely losing control of the northern coast as a trading area; second, the fading of Islamic values that had been established in coastal areas, which would, subsequently, result in a mixture with values of older beliefs. Nevertheless, since it had been a unanimous decision, Demak’s center of government was still transferred to Pajang. This implied that all administrative affairs relating to the government was, thus, centered in Pajang, up to the inauguration of Hadiwijaya from the status of a Sultan official to that of a definitive Sultan of Pajang in 1568 CE.9 Hadiwijaya’s inauguration as the plenipotentiary ruler of Pajang was not carried out in Pajang, but in Giri Kedaton instead. As stated by Thomas Stamford Raffles in the History of Java: “In the year 1490 (Saka year, or 1568 CE–author), the chief of Pajang, from religious motives, paid a visit to Sunan Giri, accompanied by Kiai Gede Matarem, and a numerous retinue of chiefs and priests. He was mounted on an elephant, and assumed all the pomp which had been customary with the sultans of Bintara. On this occasion he was formally installed as sultan, in the presence of the chiefs of the eastern provinces. The Sunan Giri, at the same time, noticing Kiai Gede Matarem, and being informed of his descent, declared that his family would one day rule all of Java, and urged the Sultan of Pajang to protect and befriend him.”10

8See: Daryanto, Panembahan Senopati, (Surakarta: Metamind, 2011), p. 39. There are those who argue that the transfer of power from Demak with its maritime character to Pajang in the inland with its agricultural character was –politically– meant to stay well away from the possibility of a dispute with the descendants of Sekar Sedo Lepen following the death of Aryo Penangsang. Martin Moentadhim S.M, Pajang: Pergolakan Spiritual, Politik, dan Budaya, (Jakarta: published through collaboration between Genta Pustaka and Yayasan Kertagama, 2010), p. 46. However, this theory does not hold water, keeping in mind that Aryo Penangsang had no heir. 9In regards to the year of Jaka Tingkir’s inauguration as sultan, all historians agree that it was in 1568 CE. Whereas his inauguration as Adipati Pajang, no one is able to provide a clear time period. However, it is assumed to be around the year 1528. For further explanation, see: Hasanu Simon, Misteri Syekh Siti Jenar, 151. 10Thomas Stamford Raffles, The History of Java, translated by Eko Prasetyoningrum et al., (Jogjakarta: Narasi, cet. 3, 2014), p. 495.

According to the author, the decision to have the Jaka Tingkir inaugurated in Giri Kedaton instead of Keraton Pajang, as well as his coronation as Sultan of Pajang, was a strategy to conquer the rulers of the coast of Java and their communities who were dissatisfied with the transfer of Demak as a center of government and coastal poer to the inland based on the initiative made by Sunan Kalijaga. By holding the event in Giri Kedaton, it was hoped that the Pajang Sultanate along with Jaka Tingkir as the Sultan of Pajang could be acknowledged by the rulers and communities of Java’s eastern and northern coastal areas, although the sultanate would eventually encounter 769 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(2), SPRING, 2021 The transfer of political power from the coast to the inland had, thus, ended Demak’s supremacy, which had lasted for some 90 years, since its establishment in 1479. Following the transfer of power to the inland, the power of Java had practically become more centered in the inland areas, namely Pajang up to the founding of Mataram. As for the coastal areas, since the event of Mahapralaya Demak, they had been handed down to the hands of western colonial forces, namely the Portuguese, which was succeeded by the VOC that established its office in Jepara in the 17th century.

Discussion

Schools of Islamic Theology in 15th Century Javanese Political Development Framework: A Literary Review

It is a historical reality that not a lot of information regarding the correlation between the history of the development of Islamic theological schools and the history of Javanese politics is included in Sejarah Nasional Indonesia (Indonesian National History), which is a major reference book about Indonesian history written by Indonesian scholars for over 40 years since it was initially published in mid 1970s. Similarly, volume 3 of the aforementioned book, which discusses the period of growth and development of Islamic monarchies throughout Indonesia, does not touch upon the subject matter. A large part of the discussion on Islam in Java in the 16th century refers to the historical reality that transpired in Demak, yet no detailed accounts concerning Islamic theological schools and their influences in political history are found in the book. More limited information can also be observed in the latest textbook reference written by Indonesian scholars titled Indonesia Dalam Arus Sejarah (Indonesia in the Flux of History – IDAS), which was published in 2012. The book discusses the advent of Islamic civilization in volume 3 of its series. Nonetheless, the development of Islamic schools of theology is not mentioned, except for the role of Syekh Siti Jenar’s da’wah, which was only an insignificant elaboration of less than a page. As for the Pajang Sultanate, it is only discussed in one paragraph out of two paragraphs under the sub-title the Sultanate of Pajang.11 This is also the case with other literary sources such as Pengantar Sejarah Indonesia Baru: 1500-1900 Jilid 1 Dari Emporium Sampai Imperium (Introduction to Recent Indonesian History: 1500- 1900 Volume 1 From Emporium to Imperium), written by Sartono Kartodirdjo, which made no mention of any kind regarding Islamic theological schools in the political history of monarchies, and even Pajang is not referred as well. One of the indicators is that the words “Islamic schools” (madzhab) and “Pajang” are neither found in the index nor in any of the titles of sub-chapters discussing about the development of Islamic monarchies in the 16th century in this book, which was written by a key figure of Indonesian history in the 20th century. M.C. Ricklefs and his book, A History of Modern Indonesia Since c. 1200, is another example in which a work by a foreign author does not incorporate any element of Islamic theological schools in the development of politics in Javanese monarchies. Meanwhile, in Ricklefs’ discussion in the chapter titled The Rise of New States, c. 1500-1650, he mentions the role of Islam in the development of Javanese politics, yet makes no mention of the role that Islamic theological school had at the time. Including when he explains about the history of Giri Kedaton’s establishment and the role of Sunan Giri, or about the origin of the name Kudus (the region), which was taken from “Al Quds” Yerusalam as a noble aspiration that Sunan Kudus had for the region.12 H.M. Bernard Vlekke with his classical work Nusantara is another example of a literature written by a foreigner that does not discuss and include Islamic theological schools as part of the historical study of 15th and 16th century Javanese politics. Vlekke merely discussed Pajang at a glance, despite stating in the book that the Pajang Sultanate is a major political power which developed in Central Java between 1560 and 1590.13

complicated challenges in the future, particularly following the subjugation of Pajang Sultanate by Benowo from the hands of Arya Pangiri with the help of Panembahan Senopati Mataram. 11Abdullah & Lapian, Indonesia Dalam Arus Sejarah, Jilid 3 (PT. Ichtiar Baru van Hoeve & Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Republik Indonesia, Jakarta, 2012), p. 37 12M.C. Ricklefs, A History of Modern Indonesia Since c. 1200 which was translated into Indonesian by the Serambi team of translators and given the title judul sejarah Indonesia Modern 1200-2008, (Jakarta: Serambi Ilmu Pustaka, 2008), pp. 74-75. 13Bernard H.M. Vlekke, Nusantara, Sejarah Indonesia (Terj.), (Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, 2008), pp. 116-117. 770 Sukardi I, and Himawan A, H. (2021). Stream Politics in the Transfer of Power from Demak to Pajang … This is similarly observed in the History of Java written by Thomas Stamford raffles. Pajang’s existence in the discussion is essentially placed in the historical process that linked the transfer of power from Majapahit to Mataram Islam. Raffles only discussed this briefly in his book without specifying in detail. Contrastingly, Carool Kersten’s book titled Mengislamkan Indonesia, although it does not specifically talk about the history of Pajang as a “mouthpiece” for the coastal and inland forces, it does have a modest discussion about the reputation disputes fought between Sunan Kalijaga and Sunan Kudus along with Sunan Prawoto’s withdrawal from the religious influence of Sunan Kudus by switching mentor to Sunan Kalijaga. The reputation dispute concerning the Prawoto affair is considered one of the reasons for Sunan Kudus to “walk out” of Demak’s political circle. He asserted himself as a devout Muslim who upholds the sharia mandate (read: Islamic puritan) and challenged other ulemas or Walis considered as heretics, such as Syekh Siti Jenar or Syekh Lemah Abang and Syekh Molana of Krasak. The peak of this theological dispute was the death of Siti Jenar. Also the death of one of Syekh Jangkung’s pupils, whereas Syekh Jangkung himself averted the death penalty on account of Sunan Kalijaga’s intervention. He proved his assertiveness as a figure who strongly upheld Islamic creed by establishing the al Manar Mosque of Kudus in a region called Tajug. The mosque had another name, which is al Aqsha Mosque, referring to the Holy Mosque in Jerusalem, Palestine.14 In the same light as Kersten, H.J. de Graaf’s book on Islam in Java serves as a reference that provides the most information concerning the development of Islam in Java. His work, which was co-written along with Th. Pigeaud, is originally titled De eerste Moslimse vorstendommen op Java, studien over de staatkundige geschiedenis van de 15de en I6de eeuw and it wa subsequently translated into Indonesian under the title Kerajaan Islam Pertama di Jawa. Tinjauan Sejarah Politik Abad XV dan XVI (The First Islamic Kingdom in Java. A Review of 15th and 16th Century Political History), and it is a book that pays considerable attention to history about the spread of Islam and the formation of Islamic states following Majapahit’s downfall. However, Graaf does not discuss much about the Islamic theological schools that these historical figures had brought with them. He only slightly mentions about the stringent attitude that Sunan Kudus showed to Syekh Lemah Abang and his disciple, Adipati Pengging or Ki Ageng Pengging whom he considered “the heretics” until their death.15 Regarding the discussion on Pajang, from its establishment to its downfall then followed by the founding of the first Mataram, it was not only limited to accounts that specifically discussed Pajang, but it also refers to discussions concerning other monarchies such as Demak, Mataram, and various other minor kingdoms in Java.16 Dispute among Islamic theological schools and its influence on political decisions made by the monarchies in Java, particularly throughout the 15th and 16th centuries, has not been much written and discussed by neither Indonesian nor western historians. The main reason for this is the lack of authoritative and comprehensive reference on the history of Islamic theological schools within the history of Islam’s spread and development in Java. Undeniably, there are several historical literary sources pertaining to Islamic theological schools in the archipelago, particularly in Java, that were written by Indonesian and foreign historians alike. However, the existing accounts are classified by themes or cases in certain territories. None of the existing historical works about the history of Islamic theological schools in the 15th and 16th centuries are in the form of a single comprehensive book on the history of Islam’s development or the history of political Islam in Java, along with the dynamics of the theological schools’ developments that can truly serve as a key reference. Meanwhile, the only book that is titled the History of Java, which is widely known by the Indonesian public and written by Thomas Stamford Raffles, was initially published in English in 1817 and had just been translated into Indonesian in 2008, only discusses about the development of Javanese politics, particularly the transfer of power from Majapahit to Demak, Pajang to Mataram. In the 936 pages long Indonesian version of the book, there is not a single mention about dispute among Islamic theological schools during the transfer of power in Java. There are a number of reasons to explain the lack of information on the history of reputation disputes among Islamic schools of thought, particularly throughout the power transfer of Majapahit, Demak, and Pajang, especially written by Indonesian scholars. First, most of the existing sources were written in a thematic-chronological manner based

14Carool Kersten, Mengislamkan Indonesia, Sejarah Peradaban Islam di Nusantara (Terj.), (Tangerang: Penerbit BACA, 2018), pp. 66-67. 15H.J. de Graaf, Theodoor Gautier Thomas Pigeaud, Kerajaan Islam Pertama di Jawa. Tinjauan Sejarah Politik Abad XV dan XVI, (Jakarta, Pustaka Utama Grafiti, 2001) hlm. 261-263. 16H.J. de Graaf, Theodoor Gautier Thomas Pigeaud, Ibid., hlm. 266-275. 771 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(2), SPRING, 2021 on an Indonesia-centered perspective within an integrated unity to accentuate Indonesia’s national identity. As a consequence, affording a greater portion of actual history at the local level is implausible, let alone about some reputation disputes among Islamic theological schools in the kingdom’s political arena throughout the 15th and 16th century, unless such historical accounts are framed within the integrated unit of national history. Second, in comparison to historical accounts on the kingdoms that reigned during those centuries, accounts regarding the role of Islamic theological schools are considered of less significance in both Javanese and Indonesian history. Third, there is lack of sufficient data for writing a history about the reputation disputes among theological schools and their influence on the development of politics in the kingdoms of Java. If there are any, the existing information is considered merely an insignificant part of the disputes among the Walis, namely between those who were within the circle of power and those who distanced themselves from power, otherwise known as the opposition Walis. Fourth, no foreign historian or scholar has ever written about this matter because it is not considered a key factor and it is thought to have no significant influence on political developments in Java at the time. An historical account written by Tome Pires (1512-1515), which is often referred to when discussing about Javanese history in the 16th century, nearly has no information regarding the political upheaval being correlated with the reputation disputes among theological schools.

Islamic Theological Schools vis-à-vis 15th and 16th Century Javanese Politics

Not a lot of historians have written about the role of Islamic theological schools in disputes and political transfer of power within Javanese monarchies during the 15th and 16th centuries. However, the fact that there are historical accounts regarding the reputation disputes among the Walis behind every political decision made is difficult to disprove. The role of the Hanafi theological school is mostly written by western writers, particularly De Graaf in his book Cina Muslim (Chinese Muslim) which has been translated into Indonesian, or the work written by Mangaraja Onggang Parlindungan titled Tuanku Rao, and both serve as reference material for Slamet Mulyana, a prominent Indonesian historian. This particular Islamic school is considered most crucial in disseminating Islam, especially in concert with the arrival of the diplomatic delegation from China, Admiral Cheng Ho. It is explained that this Islamic school was able to “conquer” other beliefs that developed in the society’s culture, including local beliefs and customs, making the spread of Islam at the time more easily acceptable without any conflict, particularly from the mid-period of Majapahit’s reign until its end. This was also the case leading into the early development of Demak’s reign, which is considered the successor to Majapahit’s throne. The reputation dispute and unrest among Islamic schools had only emerged when Demak began to enter its early development periods. As outlined in a historical narrative, at the time there was a figure named Ki Ageng Pengging, an Adipati (Duke) whose territory existed on the eastern slope of mount Merapi. He was the second son of the first Adipati of Pengging, i.e. Andayaningrat who was also the son-in-law of Brawijaya V through his marriage with a daughter he conceived with the empress Dyah Annarawati. This means that Ki Ageng Pengging was the rightful heir of royal blood to the throne of Majapahit. His refusal to submit and pay annual tax had raised the palace’s suspicion as these were considered acts of insubordination by an Adipati who was under Demak’s dominion at the time. The cold war between Pengging and Demak had progressively escalated with the advent of a Wali figure, an Islamic missionary who adhered to an Islamic theological school different from those followed by the other Walis. He was Syekh Siti Jenar. In Atlas Walisongo, Agus Sunyoto suggests that Siti Jenar was a follower of the Syathariyyah and Akmaliyyah schools of tariqa.17 According to Agus Wahyudi, Syekh Siti Jenar was perhaps heavily influenced by Shia teachings he acquired during his 17-year journey throughout Persia. During his time in Persia, Syekh Siti Jenar or Syekh Lemah Abang absorbed significant knowledge about Sufism, in which among his mentors was Syekh Abdul Malik Al-Baghdadi, a follower of Syiah Muntadhar (a sect of Syiah Imamiyah) who would then become his father-in-law.18 The political conflict, which turned into a theological bias, became even more apparent given that Sunan Kalijaga also absorbed knowledge under the tutelage of Syekh Siti Jenar, who would then become his father-in-law. We believe that the theological school that Sunan Kalijaga imparted as more agreeable, he tended to position the Islamic school of thought as an umbrella and pillar of old traditions. In the social sphere, the school of thought prioritized in “nurturing” traditions that had long been assimilated in

17Agus Sunyoto, Atlas Walisongo, (Depok: Pustama IIMAN dan LESBUMI NU, 2016), p. 401. 18Ibid., p. 306. 772 Sukardi I, and Himawan A, H. (2021). Stream Politics in the Transfer of Power from Demak to Pajang … the people’s life. Long-existing traditions were not left to drift away and the people were not led farther away from monotheism, although these traditions were considered by some to have gone beyond Islamic orthodoxy, or what is commonly known as bid’ah (heresy). However, in some of these prevailing traditions several teachings of Islamic orthodoxy had been incorporated, in which they were used as buffers to reinforce the creed of the ummah. In academia, the theological school promoted by Sunan Kalijaga was considered a synthesis that emerged from the dispute between the coastal theological school, which tended to be puritan (muti’ah), and the inland theological school, which was more syncretic (aba’ah). Political wise, the reputation dispute between the two Islamic schools was blatantly clear in the historical narrative of the transfer of political power from Demak to Pajang. It may even be the case that one of the reasons for Cirebon’s withdrawal from its alliance with Demak was due to the increasingly strong shift of Demak’s theological stance following Trenggono’s passing, which was initially more puritan and subsequently moving towards syncretism, keeping in mind that Sunan Kalijaga, who maintained a relationship with Trenggono due to their children being married to each other, also had solid influence; in addition, Cirebon was also quite reluctant in meddling with the political conflict unfolding in Demak Bintoro,19 even more so following the transfer of power to Pajang. To this day there remains an unanswered hypothesis: Which is a more salient reason for the dispute between Demak and Pengging, politics or theology? As explained in the above passages, Javanese politics following Majapahit’s downfall had left behind a “Great Challenge” in the succession of power, namely: who should be considered the most legitimate successor to wield power over Java amongst the three descendants of Kertabhumi a.k.a. Brawijaya V? Would it be descendants born out of the womb of Wandansari; Siu Ban Chi or Annarawati. The choice of mistress Jin Bun’s son and the founding of Demak to succeed the throne of Majapahit had brought about a historical reputation war between the North and the South or between the Coastal and Inland areas for centuries, even until the founding of Mataram. To date, there is not a single source of information that provides the reason for the Walis to appoint Jin Bun and Bintoro as the successor of Majapahit. Perhaps, Jin Bun’s appointment was part of the Walis’ strategy to maintain the coastal area’s hegemony over Java. Or, it might also be due to Jin Bun’s age, which was at the time considered more mature and prepared in terms of experience,20 bearing in mind that when Majapahit had fallen, the other descendants of Brawijaya were mere children then.21

19The reluctance to continue the alliance that had been fostered with Demak had been indicated by Sultan Trenggono’s in-law, namely Fatahillah. He was unwilling to submit to the Pajang Sultanate. The reluctance is extremely complex, due to ideological differences in both religious school of thought and government. Additionally, he was also disappointed seeing the power struggle that transpired among the descendants of Jin Bun (Raden Patah) following the death of Sultan Trenggono in 1546 CE. For that particular reason he actually departed to Cirebon. He wanted to strengthen the port city of Cirebon, which he peacefully conquered from Pajajaran in 1526 CE. He did not want to see Hadiwijaya’s regime extending its power all the way to Cirebon, including the influence of his syncretic ideology that had been ruled as a heresy by the Demak Sultanate. See: Hariwijaya, Islam Kejawen, (Jogjakarta: Gelombang Pasang, 2006), p. 236. 20Since an early age Jin Bun had been living under the care of his step father, Arya Damar, in the vicinity of Kadipaten Kukang (Palembang) palace until he became an adult. He was even given a mandate to succeed his father’s throne as adipati (duke), which he refused and instead chose to flee from the palace with his step sibling, Raden Timbal or Raden Husen to Java. Another version states that Hasan and Husein’s departure for Java was based on Arya Damar’s instruction, which is to serve Majapahit by bringing along an entourage of 22 palace escort soldiers. Along their journey in Java, they stopped by Cirebon and requested blessings from Sunan Gunung Jati. Raden Hasan was subsequently asked by Sunan Gunungjati to become a pupil of Sunan Ampel in Ampeldento, while Raden Timbal was asked to head directly to Majapahit. See: Hasanu Simon, Misteri Syekh Siti Jenar, (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2008), p. 46. 21As mentioned in Babad Jaka Tingkir, Andayaningrat fell defending his country and was followed by Pembayun, his wife, while their children, Kebo Kanigoro and Kebo Kenongo, was under the care of their grandmother Dewi Anarawati in Ampeldento, at the residence of Raden Rahmat or Sunan Ampel. It was at Sunan Ampel’s abode that Dewi Anarawati had converted to Islam along with her two grandsons and studied religion under the guidance of Sunan Ampel. When Sunan Ampel died in 1465, Dewi Anarawati along with her two grandchildren were eventually taken by Sunan Bonang to reside in Bonang. Similar to their activities in Ampel, they were also given religious 773 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(2), SPRING, 2021 With the passage of time, Demak became engulfed in a political turmoil, namely the power struggle among the descendants of Jin Bun or Raden Patah. The “tragedy” of Javanese politics in the middle ages had resulted in the death of Raden Kikin (Prince Sekar Sedo Lepen), Sunan Prawoto, and Penangsang, as well as the devastation of Demak palace’s infrastructure. Such unstable political and economic conditions had forced the center of Javanese political power to be relocated from the coast to the inland. This still excludes the cold war that transpired between Demak and Pengging, which led to the execution of Syekh Lemah Abang22 and his pupil Ki Ageng Pengging, who currently still leaves behind a historical “obscurity”. Sources concerning the historical “obscurity” of the death of Java’s Sufi master remains shrouded in mystery. As of current, the general understanding that the Javanese people have about their death is that it was the result of a death sentence which was given on charges of “religious blasphemy”. Not many are aware that behind the murder of Siti Jenar and his beloved pupil there lies a political mystery that has yet to be revealed until today, whether their death was “purely” due to the charges of religious blasphemy, or was there a political reason for Demak to eliminate the more “legitimate” heir to Majapahit’s throne as specified in the “law on inheritance” of power? Following the the argument proposed by Soemarsaid Moertono,23 one of the key scholars in Indonesia who has had deep discussions about the concepts of Javanese power, he states that essentially the legitimacy of power in the Javanese tradition, particularly post Majapahit, was achieved by means of finding historical continuity with great powers of the past so that they too could be “enlightened by the aura of greatness” of divine prophecy or revelation. Based upon Moertono’s statement, the continuity of Majapahit’s “legitimate” heir to the throne would have been afforded to Ki Ageng Pengging as a descendant of the empress of Kertabhumi, i.e. Dyah Annarawati. If this were the underlying premise, then it can be assumed that the murder of Ki Ageng Pengging was an incident with highly political nuance. Meanwhile, the issue of religious blasphemy was a mere ploy to justify the measures Demak took. There is the possibility that if Ki Ageng Pengging had been removed by reason of political interest, it would have morally tainted Demak’s dignity and standing as a sultanate and the reputation of Raden Patah as a sultan, or it would also have had to repeat the history of Majapahit’s political conflict in Paregreg. A similar incident also occurred during the era of the Pajang Sultanate. The transfer of power from Demak to Pajang had also left several substantial “question marks” to this day. First, was the transfer of power from the coast (north) to the inland (south) of Java purely caused by Java’s economic urgency due to the arrival of the Europeans, particularly Portuguese, or was it done to keep the center of Javanese power away from the puritan oriented Islamic hegemony of the coastal area? Second, or can it be argued that, theologically speaking, the transfer of power is considered a victory for the aba’ah

teaching by Sunan Bonang and were provided the proper treatment that any royal family would. However, in less than a year of their stay in Bonang, Dewi Anarawati had died of old age. Both grandchildren had stayed in Bonang. Other Walis who often visited Bonang had treated them both kindly. Even Sunan Kudus at the time was of similar age to Kebo Kenongo. Although Andayaningrat, Kebo Kenongo and Kebo Kanigoro’s father, had died in the hands of Sunan Ngudung, the father of Sunan Kudus, there was no feeling of vengeance on their part at all. Even Sunan Ngudung had already died in the hands of Adipati Terung during the siege of Majapahit. Meanwhile, the descendant of Wandansari, Bondan Kejawen, had never lived within the palace. He had been with Buyut Masarah since little, and was under the care of Ki Ageng Tarub I (residing in present day Tarub, Purwodadi) from his adolescent period until adulthood. See: Moelyono Sastronaryatmo, Babad Jaka Tingkir, (Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1981), pp. 58-60; Agus Wahyudi, 5 Guru Agung Tanah Jawa, (Jogjakarta: Araska, 2018), pp. 16-19. 22However, the reason for Syekh Siti Jenar’s sentence, given by the Demak government based on charges of disseminating heretical teachings, is not considered a key issue by KH. Muhammad Sholihin. In fact, he asserts that the main reason is political, namely Siti Jenar gaining more popularity than the other Walis, and his familiarity with nobles of the former Majapahit empire, of which one of them was Ki Ageng Kebo Kenongo. See: KH. Muhammad Sholihin, ibid., p. 131. The account regarding the accusation of Syekh Siti Jenar’s heretical teachings up to the trial of Syekh Siti Jenar on charges of “religious blasphemy” can be found in Muoelyono Sastronaryatmo, Babad Jaka Tingkir.p.cit., pp. 80-85. 23Soemarsaid Moertono, Negara dan Usaha Bina-Negara di Jawa Masa Lampau. Studi Tentang Masa Mataram II Abad XVI Sampai XIX, (Jakarta: Yayasan Obor, 1985), p. 20; Soemarsaid Moertono, Negara dan Kekuasaan di Jawa Abad XVI-XIX, (Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, 2017), pp. 24-25. 774 Sukardi I, and Himawan A, H. (2021). Stream Politics in the Transfer of Power from Demak to Pajang … group over their rival, the muti’ah group in the coastal area? Third, the central role of Giri Kedaton and Sunan Giri Prapen in the transfer of power from Demak to Pajang, and the inauguration of Jaka Tingkir as the Sultan of Pajang. Fourth, was the transfer of power from the first Sultan of Pajang to his successor Arya Pangiri, the son of Prawoto or the grandson of Trenggono, a political consensus made by the north and the south (the coast and the inland), by setting aside a remaining heir of Demak’s throne, namely Pangeran Timur as the last crown prince? Fifth, or was the appointment of Arya Pangiri as the proxy sultan a theological consensus in which he “represented” the puritan group as an attempt to maintain Islam’s purity as a religion from syncretism with ancient beliefs, despite the fact that the appointment actually lacked political support from Senopati (Mataram, the aba’ah group) who was also a descendant of Brawijaya V from his mistress Dyah Wandansari.

Analysis The Transfer of Power from Demak to Pajang

There are a variety of versions available in relation to the history of Javanese power from the 15th century until today. The validity of every event that is considered a “fact” fully depends on how we understand the respective versions, which are assessed by verifying whether the acquired source(s) is reliable or otherwise. First, concerning the transfer of power from the coast to the inland. The fall of Malacca and Moluccas to western power (Portuguese), which served as Java’s source of economic power, might have been set by leaders of Demak and ulemas (walis) as a rationale for transferring Java’s political power away from the coastal areas. Another reason is that the coasts had developed into Java’s metropolitan area that was not only under the influence of regional political dominance, but international power as well. Furthermore, coastal government infrastructure had been devastated by war. Second, regional development and changes also had significant effects on the intensity of theological contestation, wherein the inlands were afforded special attention as it was considered a “forgotten” target of Islamic da’wah with more demanding challenges due to the prevalent influence of old traditions and culture. It was deemed that this issue could only be resolved by applying a da’wah strategy of compromise, which at the time was exclusively implemented by the syncretic theological school that had Sunan Kalijaga as its “Da’wah Commander”. Third, the power of Giri Kedaton and the influence of Sunan Giri Prapen also had a rather significant contribution. Their influence was strongly rooted among rulers and ulemas of the coastal regions. So much so that the Portuguese named Giri Kedaton as the “Vatican of Java” and Sunan Giri as the “Pope of Java”. The position that Sunan Giri and Giri Kedaton held at the time was Java’s symbol of “Theocracy”. It was a place where all religious and political decisions simultaneously had crucial roles in the power play process and the future development of theology in Java. The view that Giri Kedaton held a role as the “navel” of Java, might have been inspired by Al-Farabi’s (872-951 CE) power theory model. Al-Farabi was a Muslim philosopher born in Farab, Kazakhstan who was renowned as al Mu’allimus Tsani (the Second Guru) in the field of philosophy next to Plato. He was a perfectionist political thinker. He created a political theory by combining various political thoughts that he had learned from Greek philosophers such as Plato, Aristotle, and Plotinus. Al-Farabi’s political theory is laden with a theological nuance that is centered on the unity of true human purpose, i.e. happiness in the current world and the hereafter. This is apparent in his work As-siyaasah al Madaniyyah which explains, among others, about the theory of leadership. According to Al-Farabi,24 a great leader is one who is able to satisfy the various will and desires of the people, protect them from enemy threats, so that they do not lack property and wealth unless it is for fulfilling basic necessities. The true meaning of a great leader, according to Al-Farabi, is a great person capable of deciding and directing the actions of the people toward happiness. If a certain term has been agreed upon yet the leader is unable to fulfill it, then the leader is allowed to resign, be dismissed or killed. If this is ignored, then the city will be in a state of constant chaos and opposition against the leader. This is the conceptual role assumed by Giri Kedaton and Sunan Giri when responding to Java’s political condition post civil war, while also considering the various opinions given by ulemas regarding the measures that should be taken. This included deciding on the viability of continuing Demaks’s political authority, which had ultimately resulted in the decision of moving Java’s political centrum to the inland of Pajang, along with the inauguration of Jaka Tingkir as Sultan

24Imam Sukardi, Negara dan Kepemimpinan dalam Pemikiran al-Farabi in Jurnal Al-A’raf, Vol XIV, Number 2, July-November 2017, p. 303. 775 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(2), SPRING, 2021 Pajang at Giri Kedaton in 1568 CE. Fourth and fifth, these two aspects observe the political decision in the inauguration of Arya Pangiri and the downfall of his reign as the second Sultan of Pajang. The “Pro Demak” group would have considered Pangiri’s rule in Pajang as a political victory that reestablished the coast’s superiority over the inland; or the theological victory of muti’ah over the hegemony of aba’ah. Meanwhile, the deployment of individuals from coastal areas to hold official positions in Pajang was a part of their “securing” the Pangiri regime’s policies and continuity in Pajang. As for those who were “Pro Pajang”, the requisition of Pangiri’s Power by Benowo was deemed politically as “saving” Pajang’s (inland) asset of power from the hands of the coastal regime, and viewed theologically as “preserving” the syncretic beliefs and traditions (compromise of the moderate group).

Conclusion

The manner that we observe all the events that transpired from the late 15th century until the end of the 16th century still leaves behind a big question mark to this day. Even more so because that period of time is viewed by current history as an obscurity that has not been revealed. By examining the past events that occurred during the period of power transfer from Demak to Pajang, including the events that are considered to have a theological background, it can be understood that the transfers of power unfolding in Java in the last few decades, particularly during moments of democratic fiesta, were no more than mere historical recurrences. The “religious blasphemy” committed by Basuki Tjahaya Purnama alias Ahok, including the arrests of Puritan Islamic groups that the ruler consider radical, are nothing more than an inseparable part of existing political rivalry, in which theological issues are utilized as a justification in every rivalry taking place in the arena of power. Undoubtedly, “sensible” reason is necessary in understanding the narratives of past events without overlooking the chain of sources or narrators that should be derived from “sahih” (authentic) sources so that we are not easily trapped into some sort of “blind” partiality. Thus, the history that we perceive today can be recognized as events that, at the very least, are very close to the “actual” facts.

References

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